THE    LIFE  AND   WRITINGS 


OF 


JARED   SPARKS 


"  The  scholar's  true  life  is  in  his  works." 

"  It  has  ever  been  a  hobby  of  mine,  though  perhaps  it  is  a  truism,  not  a 
hobby,  that  the  true  life  of  a  man  is  in  his  letters.  .  .  .  Not  only  for  the 
interest  of  a  biographer,  but  for  the  arriving  at  the  inside  of  things,  the 
publication  of  letters  is  the  true  method.  Biographers  varnish,  they  assign 
motives,  they  conjecture  feelings,  .  .  .  but  contemporary  letters  are 
facts."  —  Cardinal  Newman. 

"By  their  fruits  ye  shall  know  them" 


JARED   SPARKS 

1831 

From  a  painting  by  Sully 


THE 

LIFE    AND   WRITINGS 

OF 

JARED  SPARKS 


COMPRISING  SELECTIONS  FROM  HIS  JOURNALS 
AND   CORRESPONDENCE 


BY 


HERBERT    B.   ADAMS 

PROFESSOR    IN    THE    JOHNS    HOPKINS    UNIVERSITY 


IN   TWO   VOLUMES 
VOL.  I 


BOSTON  AND   NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN   AND   COMPANY 

C&e  Ktoermire  Press,  Camfirtoffe 

1893 


Copyright,  1893, 
By  FLORENCE  S.  MOORE 

AND 

L.   S.  PICKERING. 
All  rights  reserved. 


•  •    * 


•     £••"••       • 

*  «•  ••••• 


• „ «• •    • 


The  Riverside  Press,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  U.  S.  A 
Printed  by  II.  0.  Houghton  &  Ctmpany. 


CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  I. 


Introduction 


PAGE 

xvii 


CHAPTER  I. 
Early  Life  of  Jared  Sparks  (1789-1809). 

Boyhood  at  Willington,  Connecticut 
New  England  Character 

Sparks'  Youth 

Influence  of  Franklin     .... 

Town  School  in  Tolland,  Connecticut 

Love  of  Astronomy        .... 

Reminiscences  of  Tolland 

Work  in  Arlington,  Vermont 

Virgil  with  the  Minister    .... 

Rev.  Abiel  Abbot 

Rev.  Hubbel  Loomis'  Reminiscences 
Willington  and  its  Pastor 


7 
S 
11 
13 
15 
16 
19 
22 


CHAPTER  II. 
Student  Life  at  Phillips  Exeter  Academy  (1809-1811). 

The  Founder  of  Phillips  Academy 26 

Dr.  Benjamin  Abbot 27 

Phillips  Exeter  Academy 28 

Sparks'  Commonplace  Books 29 

Contributions  to  Newspapers 31 

Course  of  Study  and  Private  Reading 32 

Student  Life  at  Exeter 36 

Correspondence  with  Davis  Hurd 36 

Unconscious  Autobiography 41 

Correspondence  with  Exeter  Friends  .         •       ...         .        .  42 


Vlll 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  III. 
Harvard  Student  at  Havre  de  Grace  (1811-1813). 


Admission  to  Harvard 

President  Kirkland 

Private  Reading 

The  Pennoyer  Scholarship     .... 

School-teaching 

Letter  from  Dr.  Abbot 

Tutor  at  Havre  de  Grace 

Interview  with  Quincy  and  Channing    . 

Interview  with  General  Clarke  and  Indian  Chiefs 

Private  Reading     .        .         .        .        . 

Destruction  of  Havre  de  Grace 

Letters  from  Charles  Folsom 

Letters  from  J.  G.  Palfrey         .... 


47 
48 
48 
49 
50 
51 
52 
56 
58 
59 
65 
68 
70 


CHAPTER  IV. 
Harvard   Student  in  Bolton  and  Lancaster  (1813-1816). 

74 

76 
80 
81 
83 
83 
85 
87 
89 
92 
93 


School-teaching  in  Bolton,  Massachusetts 
College  Studies  and  Private  Reading 
Commodore  Perry  at  Harvard 
Again  at  Bolton         .... 
Astronomy  at  Harvard 
Prize  Dissertation  on  Newton  . 
School-teaching  at  Lancaster 
Theological  Study  with  Dr.  Thayer  . 
C.  T.  Thayer  on  Sparks  at  Lancaster 
Caroline  Lee  Hentz  and  Jared  Sparks 
Sparks'  African  Fever  . 


CHAPTER  V. 

Harvard  Tutor,  Editor,  and  Unitarian  Preacher 
(1817-1818). 

Tutor  at  Harvard 96 

The  "  North  American  Review  " 98 

A  Harvard  Commencement 103 

Unitarian  Movement  at  Harvard 103 

Dr.  W.  E.  Channing 107 

Sparks  gives  up  the  "  North  American  "        .        .        .        .  108 


CONTENTS.  IX 

Unitarian  Preacher 109 

Boston  or  Baltimore Ill 

Teaching  or  Preaching .111 

CHAPTER   VI. 
Unitarian  Minister  in  Baltimore  (1819-1820). 

Origin  of  Unitarianism 113 

English  Unitarianism 116 

Priestley  and  Unitarianism  in  America 117 

Jonathan  Edwards .120 

Unitarianism  in  New  England        .         .         .         .         .         .  121 

Rev.  James  Freeman •        .122 

Belsham's  Memoirs 123 

Cujus  Regio,  ejus  Religio 125 

Dr.  Freeman  in  Baltimore 125 

Growth  of  a  New  Society 127 

Hinkley's  Call  to  Sparks        . 129 

Description  of  the  Church 130 

Original  Records •       .         .         .  131 

Sparks  in  New  York  and  Philadelphia 132 

Sparks  in  Baltimore 135 

Unanimous  Call 137 

The  Ordination .140 

Dr.  Channing's  Sermon 143 

Old  Faiths  in  New  Light 145 

Good  Preaching  in  Baltimore 147 

Unitarian  Propaganda 149 

Summer  Tour  to  the  Springs 150 

Rev.  Samuel  Gilman 154 

Southern  Tour 155 

Summary  of  Impressions         .         .         .         .         ••         .         .  161 

Africa  and  Ledyard 165 

Encouragement  in  Boston .  166 

CHAPTER   VII. 

Minister  and  Editor  in  Baltimore.  —  Chaplain  in 
Congress  (1820-1823). 

Controversy  with  Dr.  Wyatt      *. 169 

White  Sulphur  Springs 171 

Thomas  Jefferson 173 

Unitarian  Book  Society 175 


X  CONTENTS. 

Letter  from  Dr.  Charming I77 

No  Aid  from  New  England 178 

Letters  from  Edward  Everett    . 18° 

Success  of  the  "  Unitarian  Miscellany  "          .         .         ...  182 

Hard  Times  in  Baltimore 185 

Chaplain  of  Congress 187 

Washington  Society 19° 

Society  and  Savagery 191 

Official  Duties 193 

Unitarian  Society  in  Washington 194 

Mr.  Sparks  free  from  Provincialism 197 

Visit  to  New  England 199 

Return  to  Baltimore 201 

Essays  and  Tracts          .        .        . 204 

Sparks'  Theological  Library 206 

Resignation  of  Pastorate 208 

Western  Tour 210 

Sparks'  Successors  in  Baltimore 213 

Correspondence  with  Ramohun  Roy  *         .         •         •         .214 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Editor  of  the  "North  American  Review"  (1823- 

First  Magazines  in  Massachusetts  . 

The  Anthology  Club  .... 

The  Boston  Athenaeum 

"  North  American  Review,"  William  Tudor 

Jared  Sparks,  Mr.  Tudor's  Successor     . 

Edward  T.  Channing         .... 

Literary  Clubs  in  Boston 

Sparks  on  North  Carolina 

Educational  Policy  of  North  Carolina    . 

The  Mecklenburg  Declaration  . 

Sparks  on  Land  Grants  for  Schools 

African  Colonization  .... 

Jefferson  on  Colonization 


1830). 

219 
.     222 

224 
.     225 

229 
.     231 

234 
.     238 

*240 
.     241 

243 
.     246 

252 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Contributions  to  Economic  History  (1823-1830). 

Economic  History  of  the  South 

Internal  Improvement  and  Slavery 


259 
262 


CONTENTS.  XI 

Political  Economy 265 

Dr.  Thomas  Coqper 269 

Daniel  Webster .        .        .270 

Alexander  H.  Everett 272 

Indian  Policy     .         . 274 

Lewis  Cass 274 

Henry  Schoolcraft 279 

Relations  with  the  South 282 

The  "North  American"  in  Europe 284 

Alexander  H.  Everett 285 

Washington  Irving .287 

CHAPTER  X. 

Contributions  to  South  American  and  Mexican  History 

(1823-1830). 

Original  Sources  of  South  American  History          .         .         .  292 

Sparks  to  John  Quincy  Adams 294 

Sparks  to  Caesar  A.  Rodney 295 

Sparks  to  Lucas  Alaman,  Mexican  Secretary  of  State       .        .  29J 

Sparks  to  Henry  Clay 297 

Henry  Clay  to  Jared  Sparks 298 

First  Contributions  to  South  American  History      .         .         .  299 

South  American  Colleges  and  Universities         ....  300 

Republic  of  Colombia 301 

Mexico,  Gold  and  Silver  of 303 

Mexican  Archives           ........  305 

Review  of  Poinsett's  "Notes  on  Mexico"          ....  307 

Sparks  to  Poinsett 308 

Poinsett's  Letters  to  Sparks       ..:,...  310 

R.  C.  Anderson  to  Sparks 314 

Sparks  to  William  Tudor 316 

Tudor  to  Sparks 317* 

Sparks  on  Federal  Government 318 

The  Panama  Congress 319 

Sparks  to  A.  H.  Everett 326 

The  Pan-American  Conference 329 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Correspondence  with  Contributors  and  Friends 
(1823-1830). 

Relations  with  George  Bancroft 331 


Xll 


CONTENTS. 


The  Round  Hill  School 

Early  Introduction  of  Gymnastics      .... 
Stage  Line  between  Northampton  and  Boston 
George  Bancroft  to  Sparks  concerning  Round  Hill   . 

Distaste  for  Reviewing 

Henry  Wheaton  to  Sparks  on  Greek  Fire 

Edward  Everett  to  Sparks  on  Editorial  Work 

Joseph  Story  to  Sparks  on  Marshall 

W.  H.  Prescott  to  Sparks  on  Literary  Work 

George  Ticknor  to  Sparks  on  Jefferson  and  Monticello 

Jefferson  and  the  University  of  Virginia 

Ticknor  to  Sparks  on  Washington  Society  and  Politics 

The  "  North  American  Review  "    . 

George  Ticknor  on  Robert  Owen       .... 

George  Ticknor  on  Harvard  College 

Mr.  Sparks  to  Miss  Williams  on  his  Life  in  Boston  . 

Boston  Society 

W.  H.  Prescott  and  Jared  Sparks     .... 

W.  H.  Gardiner  and  Prescott's  Club 

W.  H.  Eliot  to  Jared  Sparks  .... 

Edward  Everett  and  the  "  North  American  Review" 

Financial  Status  of  the  "  Review  ' '    . 

Sparks'  Contract  with  A.  H.  Everett     . 

Sale  of  the  "  North  American  Review  "    . 

Henry  Wheaton  to  Jared  Sparks 

Editorial  Succession  of  the  "  North  American  Review  ' 

Contributors  to  the  "  Review  " 


CHAPTER   XII. 
Sparks'  Life  of  Ledyard. 


Jared  Sparks  an  Explorer 

Materials  for  the  Life  of  Ledyard 

Ledyard' s  Voyage  around  the  World 

The  Northwest  Coast     . 

Ledyard  and  Jefferson 

Ledyard  and  Paul  Jones 

Ledyard  in  Russia      .... 

Ledyard  in  Siberia 

Ledyard's  Eulogy  of  Women     . 

Arrest  and  Return  from  Siberia     . 

From  Russia  to  Africa 


CONTENTS.  Xlll 

Influence  of  Ledyard  on  Sparks 385 

Republication  of  Sparks'  Ledyard  in  England  and  Germany     .  385 

The  Ledyard  Family 386 

Mr.  Sparks  to  Mrs.  Madison  on  Ledyard  .         .        .        .387 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Origin  of  Sparks'  "Life  and  Writings   of  Washington." 

W.  B.  Sprague  to  Jared  Sparks  from  Mount  Vernon    .         .  389 

Charles  Folsom's  Suggestion  to  Jared  Sparks    ....  389 

First  Letter  to  Judge  Washington 390 

Sparks'  Correspondence  with  Dr.  Mease,  of  Philadelphia          .  391 

Letter  from  R.  Bartlett,  Concord,  N.  H.,  on  State  Papers     .  392 
Sparks'  Second  Letter  to  Judge  Washington     .        .         .         .394 

Sparks'  First  Plan  of  Publication  : 395 

I.  Official  Letters 395 

II.  State  Papers  and  other  Official  Documents      .        .  397 

III.  Private  Correspondence 398 

Story  to  Sparks  on  his  Editorial  Project        ....  401 

Edward  Everett  and  Daniel  Webster  to  Jared  Sparks       .         .  402 

Judge  Story,  Judge  Washington,  and  Chief  Justice  Marshall  402 

Sparks  to  Judge  Story 403 

Judge  Washington  to  Sparks 404 

Chief  Justice  Marshall  to  Sparks 405 

Thomas  Jefferson  to  Jared  Sparks 406 

Sparks  to  Judge  Washington     * 406 

Judge  Washington  to  Sparks .  409 

Sparks  to  Chief  Justice  Marshall 410 

Marshall  to  Sparks 411 

Sparks  to  Judge  Washington 411 

Judge  Washington  to  Sparks 412 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Sparks'  Journal  of  a  Southern  Tour  (1826). 

Baltimore  and  Washington 415 

Fredericksburg  and  Richmond 417 

Virginia  Archives       .         .         .         .         .         ...         .         .418 

Call  on  Chief  Justice  Marshall 421 

Washington's  Farewell  Address 422 

Down  the  James  River 423 

Norfolk  to  Charleston 424 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

Observations  and  Researches  in  Georgia        ....  426 

A  Glimpse  of  Slavery 433 

Unitarian  Preaching  in  Augusta 435 

Visit  to  Columbia,  S.  C 436 

President  Cooper  and  the  Pentateuch 438 

South  Carolina  Archives    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  439 

Visit  to  Old  Battle- Grounds 442 

Researches  in  North  Carolina 443 

Return  to  Richmond 449 

Hominy,  Corn  Cakes,  Oysters,  and  Ducks         ....  450 

Virginia  Archives 452 

Journey  to  Washington  with  John  Randolph     ....  459 

Interview  with  Henry  Clay,  Secretary  of  State      .         .         .  462 

Researches  in  Maryland 464 

Researches  in  Pennsylvania    .        .         .        .  '      .        .        .  469 

Researches  in  Delaware 484 

Return  to  Philadelphia •  490 

Researches  in  New  Jersey 492 

A  Visit  to  Princeton 495 

New  York  Historical  Society 497 

Return  through  Connecticut  .......  499 

A  Visit  to  Yale  College 500 

The  Trumbull  Papers 504 

Connecticut  Archives 505 

Washington  College  at  Hartford 506 

Colonial  Papers 507 

Summary  of  Researches 509 


APPENDIX. 


I.  Researches  in  New  York  and  New  England    .        .511 

II.  Cumberland,  Braddock's   Field,  and  James  Madi- 

son         546 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Jared  Sparks,  from  a  painting  by  Sully  (1831)       .      Frontispiece 
Jared  Sparks,  from  an  unfinished  painting  by 

Stuart  (1828) Opposite  page  388 


INTRODUCTION. 


At  the  request  of  the  late  Mrs.  Jared  Sparks,  the 
preparation  of  these  two  memorial  volumes  was  under- 
taken. The  project  was  made  attractive  by  a  visit  to 
Cambridge  in  the  month  of  June,  1885 ;  by  a  conference 
with  the  members  of  Mr.  Sparks'  family  and  with  their 
friend  Dr.  Andrew  P.  Peabody ;  by  a  personal  examina- 
tion of  a  rich  and  extensive  collection  of  unused  manu- 
script materials  of  great  historical  interest ;  and  finally 
by  the  consent  of  Mrs.  Sparks  to  allow  the  papers  of 
her  husband  to  be  removed  to  the  Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity, in  Baltimore,  for  convenient  use.  This  heroic 
consent  of  an  elderly  lady  to  intrust  an  editor  with  even 
the  temporary  keeping  of  a  large  collection  of  family 
archives,  which  the  owner  valued  as  her  chief  literary 
solace,  was  as  generous  as  the  agreement  of  Judge  Bush- 
rod  Washington  to  allow  Jared  Sparks  to  remove  the 
Washington  papers  from  Mount  Vernon  to  Boston,  —  an 
historic  precedent  which  doubtless  influenced  the  prompt 
decision  of  Mrs.  Sparks,  who  thus  made  the  present  edi- 
torial undertaking  a  possibility.  The  execution  of  the 
task  has  been  long  but  unavoidably  delayed  by  reason 
of  other  editorial  duties  and  the  pressure  of  academic 

work. 

b 


XVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

The  Sparks  collection  of  private  papers  embraces  let- 
ters received  by  Mr.  Sparks  during  the  long  period  from 
1809,  when  he  entered  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  to  1866, 
when  he  died.  These  letters  were  chronologically  ar- 
ranged by  Mr.  Sparks  himself,  and  were  kept  unfolded  in 
leather-bound,  book-like  cases,  quarto  and  octavo  size, 
bearing  upon  the  back  the  years  embraced  in  each  file. 
This  vast  collection,  representing  Mr.  Sparks'  personal 
and  literary  relations  throughout  a  long  and  exceptionally 
busy  career,  contains  many  autograph  letters  by  distin- 
guished men.  Mr.  Sparks  was  brought  into  wide  circles 
of  correspondence  with  eminent  contemporaries  in  various 
spheres  of  life  through  his  editorial  connection  with  "  The 
North  American  Eeview,"  and  with  other  literary  enter- 
prises, such  as  the  publication  of  the  writings  of  Wash- 
ington and  Franklin,  the  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of 
the  American  Kevolution,  and  the  Library  of  American 
Biography. 

Besides  the  thousands  of  letters  received  by  Mr.  Sparks, 
there  are  his  own  letter-books,  nine  large  quarto  volumes, 
containing  accurate  copies  of  the  most  important  commu- 
nications sent  by  him  from  the  year  1820  to  the  year  of 
his  death.  Each  letter-book  has  an  alphabetical  register 
of  the  persons  addressed,  with  reference  to  the  page  on 
which  each  letter  may  be  found.  Accompanying  the  letter- 
books  and  files  are  several  small  bound  volumes,  recording 
from  day  to  day,  throughout  his  life,  "letters  received" 
and  "  letters  sent."  Probably  no  American  scholar  was 
ever  more  systematic  in  the  record  and  preservation  of 
his  private  correspondence.  Few  of  our  countrymen  have 
had  larger  experience  than  he  had  in  bringing  scientific 


INTRODUCTION.  XIX 

order  out  of  literary  chaos.  To  say  nothing  of  his  edi- 
torial labors,  Jared  Sparks  was  the  first  president  of  Har- 
vard to  introduce  a  methodic  arrangement  of  the  widely 
scattered  archives  of  that  university.  Doubtless  he 
learned  much  in  the  way  of  orderly  classification  from 
his  study  of  the  papers  and  literary  habits  of  George 
Washington,  as  well  as  from  original  investigations  in 
the  public  record  offices  of  Europe  and  America.  But 
Jared  Sparks  had  by  nature  and  early  training  a  genius 
for  order.  He  loved  mathematical  precision  and  literary 
exactness.  All  his  adjustments  of  relations  between  him- 
self and  his  environment  were  as  perfect  as  he  could 
make  them.  Mathematical  and  historical  talents  were  in 
him  combined. 

While  a  mere  boy  at  Willington  and  Tolland,  in  Con- 
necticut, he  kept  a  careful  record  of  his  observations  in 
astronomy  and  of  problems  in  physics.  At  Phillips  Ex- 
eter Academy  and  throughout  his  Harvard  College  course, 
he  filled  Commonplace  Books  with  extensive  notes  on 
his  private  reading  and  regular  accounts  of  his  class-work. 
Jared  Sparks'  cash-books  are  better  historical  materials 
than  are  some  men's  diaries.  From  the  year  1819  until 
1857,  there  are  occasional  journals  of  travel  and  historical 
study  or  observation  in  interesting  parts  of  this  country 
and  of  Europe.  For  biographical  and  general  historical 
purposes,  Sparks'  journals  are  by  far  the  most  interest- 
ing and  important  papers  in  the  entire  collection,  and 
they  are  drawn  upon  in  the  present  memorial  volumes 
even  more  freely  than  are  his  letter-books.  Sparks'  ob- 
servations upon  what  he  saw  in  the  Southern  States,  and 
of  what  he  found  in  various  libraries  and  public  offices 


XX  INTRODUCTION. 

along  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  have  now  a  positive  histori- 
cal value,  like  the  travels  of  President  Dwight  through 
New  England  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Mr.  Sparks'  journals  represent  tours  of  historical  dis- 
covery. No  one  can  follow  him  in  his  patient  itinerary 
and  careful  inquiries  throughout  the  old  Thirteen  States, 
through  Canada,  England,  Holland,  Germany,  and 
France,  without  realizing  his  deep  devotion  to  his  coun- 
try's history.  He  was  determined  to  reach  the  original 
sources.  His  journals  contain  interesting  and  valuable 
notes,  not  only  of  local  manuscript  collections,  but  also 
of  conversations  with  eminent  public  men  and  with 
fathers  of  the  republic,  like  Thomas  Jefferson  and  James 
Madison.  Mr.  Sparks'  long  and  laborious  services,  in 
collecting  materials  for  American  history  and  biography, 
can  be  best  appreciated  from  a  perusal  of  extracts  from 
some  of  these  journals  of  travel  in  this  country  and  in 
Europe. 

It  is,  then,  as  an  original  investigator,  as  a  pioneer  in 
American  history,  that  Jared  Sparks  will  chiefly  interest 
the  present  generation.  Probably  Mr.  Sparks  never  ex- 
pected to  be  the  final  authority  upon  the  Life  and  Writ- 
ings of  Washington  and  Franklin,  upon  Ethan  Allen  and 
Benedict  Arnold,  La  Salle,  Ribault,  Marquette,  Pulaski, 
Charles  Lee,  Gouverneur  Morris,  or  upon  any  other  of  the 
numerous  historical  subjects  that  occupied  his  careful  at- 
tention in  biographical  and  editorial  ways.  Nobody  knew 
better  than  he  under  what  limitations  original  and  pioneer 
work  is  always  done.  No  one  would  have  rejoiced  more 
heartily  than  he  at  the  prospect  of  better  facilities,  better 
methods,  better  editions,  better  results,  than  his  were  in 


INTRODUCTION.  xxi 

his  time.  His  labors  were  chiefly  bahnbrechend,  or  path- 
finding,  in  the  vast  wilderness  of  American  history.  He 
first  opened  roads  along  which  modern  students  are  now 
easily  and  swiftly  passing,  too  often  without  a  grateful 
thought  for  the  original  explorer.  It  is  time  to  review  in 
a  candid  and  reasonable  spirit  what  our  historical  prede- 
cessors actually  did,  under  obstacles  that  would  have  dis- 
mayed men  of  less  courage.  In  such  a  retrospect  Jared 
Sparks  will  appear  no  unworthy  son  of  that  hardy  Saxon 
and  English  stock  which  has  crossed  seas  and  mountains, 
subdued  forests  and  rivers,  and  made  the  rough  ways 
smooth  from  ocean  to  ocean. 

Dr.  George  E.  Ellis  has  well  said,  in  a  sketch  1  pre- 
pared for  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  of  which 
Dr.  Ellis  is  now  the  honored  president :  "  Jared  Sparks 
is  entitled  to  a  full  biography.  The  services  he  performed 
for  so  many  others,  who  in  public  or  private  life  had  won 
distinction,  or  added  to  the  wealth,  the  wisdom,  and  the 
happiness  of  humanity,  might  indeed  secure  for  him,  in- 
directly, a  record  on  the  historic  page.  But  the  story  of 
his  own  career  ;  the  qualities  of  his  character,  illustrating 
so  many  noble  virtues ;  the  stations  which  he  filled  with 
ability,  fidelity,  and  honor ;  the  range  of  subjects  covered 
by  his  investigations  for  literary,  religious,  biographical, 
and  historical  productions ;  his  intercourse,  acquaintance, 
and  correspondence  with  eminent  persons ;  and  the  exam- 
ple and  influence  which  he  has  left  for  the  guidance  and 
encouragement  of  all  who  are  benefited  by  the  well-filled 
round  of  his  years,  —  all  these  elements  of  interest  and 
grounds  of  commemoration  have  provided  abundant  ma- 

1  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  May,  1868. 


xxil  INTRODUCTION. 

terials  for  an  elaborate  exposition  of  his  career,  and 
established  his  claim  to  it. 

"  Such  a  biography  of  Dr.  Sparks,  whenever  and  by 
whomsoever  it  may  be  prepared,  if  consistent  with  his 
own  character  and  course,  will  be  a  solid  and  severely 
simple  rehearsal  of  a  life  and  a  career  of  an  eminently 
laborious  sort.  He  was  neither  a  poet  nor  an  enthusiast. 
He  had  no  skill  in  fine  writing.  His  pages  are  seldom 
kindled  with  any  glow  of  fervor,  or  ornamented  with  any 
peculiar  arts  of  rhetoric  or  wealth  of  imagination.  He 
was  not  a  man  of  theories.  He  might  have  easily  won,  as 
he  certainly  would  have  filled  with  conspicuous  ability 
and  with  a  rare  nobleness  of  integrity,  the  highest  politi- 
cal offices.  But  these  had  no  attractions  for  him.  The 
simple,  modest,  and  quiet  qualities  of  his  nature,  and  the 
personal  habits  which  he  cultivated  as  the  most  favorable 
to  the  chosen  work  of  his  life,  were  happily  consistent 
with  all  the  occasions  and  positions  which  called  him  from 
the  privacy  of  his  study  into  larger  intercourse  with  the 
world.  Even  the  variety  of  the  tasks  which  he  performed, 
and  the  spheres  and  places  of  his  professional  employ- 
ments, were  not  of  a  sort,  or  were  not  sufficient,  to  require 
of  him  any  large  versatility  of  talents  or  much  change  of 
habits.  The  work  to  which  he  chiefly  gave  himself  was 
of  his  own  choice,  congenial,  and  worthy  of  the  pains- 
taking research,  industry,  and  judicial  method  of  treat- 
ment which  his  own  mental  and  moral  constitution  fitted 
him  to  devote  to  it.  With  all  his  voluminous  papers  in 
hand,  in  his  own  strong  characteristic  chirography,  his 
biographer  will  have  an  engaging  and  an  exacting  task." 

The  present   memorial  volumes  can   hardly  claim   to 


INTRODUCTION.  xxiii 

be  a  realization  of  the  ideal  which  Dr.  Ellis  so  clearly- 
conceived.  It  was  not  the  desire  of  Mrs.  Sparks,  or  of 
her  literary  advisers,  Dr.  J.  G.  Palfrey  and  Dr.  A.  P. 
Peabody,  that  any  one  should  prepare  an  elaborate  per- 
sonal biography  of  Mr.  Sparks,  but  rather  that  an  editor 
should  select  for  publication  certain  materials  from  the 
extensive  collection  of  papers  for  the  illustration  of  Mr. 
Sparks'  literary  life  and  activity.  "  A  scholar's  life  is  in 
his  works."  2  In  a  letter  to  Rufus  W.  Griswold,  of  Cam- 
bridge, April  2,  1846,  Mr.  Sparks,  then  professor  of  his- 
tory in  Harvard  College,  modestly  said  :  "The  events  of 
my  life  are  not  such  as  can  be  of  the  least  importance  to 
the  public,  except  as  they  appear  in  the  results  of  my 
literary  labors.  For  many  years  I  have  devoted  myself 
almost  exclusively  to  the  examination  and  study  of  certain 
periods  of  American  history,  making  it  a  rule  to  go  to  the 
fountain-head  in  every  part  to(which  I  have  directed  my 
attention." 

To  reveal  the  life-work  of  Jared  Sparks  through  his 
own  writings  is  the  primary  object  of  these  volumes. 
Cardinal  Newman  once  said  :  "  The  true  life  of  a  man  is 
in  his  letters.  .  .  .  Biographers  varnish,  they  assign  mo- 
tives, .  .  .  but  contemporary  letters  are  facts."  The 
wealth  of  literary  materials  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the 
present  editor  has  been  his  chief  source  of  embarrassment. 
He  has  been  obliged  to  make  brief  selections  from  Mr. 
Sparks'  letters  and  journals,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  to 

1  "  National  Portrait  Gallery,  Rice  &  Hart,  Philadelphia  :  Jared 
Sparks."  This  is  a  good  biographical  sketch,  with  a  portrait,  pub- 
lished in  Mr.  Sparks'  lifetime,  and  with  his  sanction,  as  may  be  seen 
in  his  letter  to  the  Rev.  Hubbel  Loomis,  October  25,  1854. 


• 


XXIV  INTRODUCTION. 

group  such  materials  by  subjects,  instead  of  following  any 
strictly  chronological  sequence  or  printing  in  extenso. 
The  editor  has  profited  by  a  suggestion  once  made  by  Mr. 
Sparks  in  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  Julius  Rockwell,  of  Pitts- 
field  :  "  I  have  not  found  correspondence  to  be  the  most 
popular  form  of  publication.  A  narrative,  in  which  the 
letters  are  interwoven,  seems  better  suited  to  .  .  .  read- 
ers." 

The  editor  does  not  hesitate  to  say  that  he  has  profited 
by  Mr.  Sparks'  editorial  methods,  and  here  and  there,  in 
preparing  manuscript  selections  for  the  press,  he  has  de- 
liberately corrected  slight  mistakes  and  manifest  slips  of 
the  pen.  Contracted  words  have  usually  been  printed  in 
full.  Numerals  are  generally  written  out.  Capital  let- 
ters or  italics  are  retained  or  changed  at  editorial  discre- 
tion. Short  paragraphs  or  detached  sentences  are  some- 
times run  together.  The  punctuation  of  the  modern 
Riverside  Press  has  been  recognized  as  preferable  to  Mr. 
Sparks'  earlier  standard.  It  should,  however,  be  said,  in 
justice  to  Mr.  Sparks  and  to  his  editor,  that  verbal  cor- 
rections in  these  printed  extracts  were  seldom  necessary 
and  are  very  rare.  Omissions  are  often  made,  but  are 
always  indicated  by  asterisks.  Dates  of  letters  and  jour- 
nal extracts  are  carefully  preserved  for  reference.  Edi- 
torial comment  and  biographical  matter  are  printed  in  the 
same  type  as  are  extracts  from  letters  and  journals,  for 
the  sake  of  literary  and  typographical  unity. 

It  is  still  regarded  as  an  open  question  whether  the 
proper  method  of  editing  for  publication  the  writings  of 
men  who  have  passed  away  should  be  in  all  cases  exactly 
the  same.     The  literalists,  who  properly  insist  on  the  ex- 


INTRODUCTION.  XXV 

act  reproduction  of  old  records  and  historic  texts,  are 
sometimes  disposed  to  be  over  particular  in  cases  that 
require  editorial  common-sense  and  some  literary  discre- 
tion. While  it  may  be  historically  important,  in  our  time, 
to  restore  as  far  as  possible  the  exact  language  of  public 
men  like  George  Washington  and  Thomas  Jefferson,  it  is 
still  allowable  to  correct  the  trifling  or  verbal  mistakes 
of  authors  and  scholars  like  Jared  Sparks.  The  pres- 
ent editor  has  scrupulously  refrained  from  changing  the 
style  of  Washington's  biographer,  but  holds  that  it  is  an 
editor's  right  to  edit  and  omit  according  to  his  best  dis- 
cretion. Standards  vary  in  different  cases,  and  are  by  no 
means  the  same  in  our  time  as  they  were  in  the  days  of 
Jared  Sparks  and  Judge  Marshall.  It  is  hoped  that  an 
historical  and  dispassionate  review  of  the  Mahon  contro- 
versy, regarding  Mr.  Sparks'  mode  of  editing  George 
Washington,  may  not  be  out  of  place  in  the  present  me- 
morial work. 

The  recent  criticisms  of  Mr.  Sparks'  method  of  editing 
the  writings  of  Washington,  and  Lord  Mahon's  earlier 
charges,  which  were  either  withdrawn  or  greatly  modified, 
originated  in  a  total  misunderstanding  of  certain  impor- 
tant facts  in  Sparks'  editorial  situation.  There  were  al- 
ready in  existence  different  texts  of  Washington's  own 
letters.  In  a  private  letter,  May  16,  1859,  to  Mr.  J.  Car- 
son Brevoort,  Mr.  Sparks  thus  explains  the  fact :  "  It 
was  Washington's  habit  first  to  write  a  draft  of  a  letter, 
and  in  transcribing  it  he  frequently  altered  words  and 
phrases  without  inserting  the  alterations  in  the  draft. 
These  changes  are  almost  always  merely  verbal,  without 
affecting  the  sense  or  substance.     The  drafts  were  laid 


XXVI  INTRODUCTION. 

aside,  and  copied  from  time  to  time  into  the  letter-books. 
Hence  the  copies  preserved  by  him  differ  in  these  particu- 
lars from  the  originals  sent  to  his  correspondents.  In- 
stances of  this  kind  occur  in  a  very  large  number  of 
Washington's  familiar  letters.  In  his  official  correspon- 
dence there  is  generally  an  exact  correspondence  between 
the  copies  in  the  letter-books  and  the  originals."  In  col- 
lecting the  private  correspondence  of  Washington,  Sparks 
was  often  driven  to  the  use  of  the  letter-books,  although 
he  always  used  the  revised  letters  that  were  actually  sent 
when  he  was  so  fortunate  as  to  recover  them  or  to  get 
copies. 

Washington's  letter-books  were  themselves  copies  of 
original  first  drafts,  and  Sparks  found  in  many  cases  that 
the  work  was  evidently  that  of  "incompetent  or  very 
careless  transcribers."  He  says :  "  Gross  blunders  con- 
stantly occur,  which  not  infrequently  destroy  the  sense, 
and  which  never  could  have  existed  in  the  original 
drafts."  The  editor  of  Washington's  writings  was,  in 
short,  in  much  the  same  situation  as  were  the  early  edit- 
ors of  ancient  texts,  which  had  been  badly  corrupted  by 
monkish  copyists.  Like  those  editors,  Sparks  attempted 
certain  conjectures,  a  course  not  without  its  dangers,  but 
one  which  German  philologians  have  followed  down  to 
the  present  day. 

Mr.  Sparks  distinctly  says  that  he  allowed  his  sense  of 
editorial  duty  "  to  extend  only  to  verbal  and  grammatical 
mistakes  or  inaccuracies,  maintaining  a  scrupulous  cau- 
tion that  the  author's  meaning  and  purpose  should  thereby 
in  no  degree  be  changed  or  affected."  Mr.  Sparks  felt 
that,  as  editor,  he  was  conscientiously  bound  to  present 


INTRODUCTION.  xxvii 

Washington's  unrevised  letters,  copied  by  careless  hands, 
and  never  originally  intended  for  publication,  in  at  least 
such  form  as  the  obvious  sense  and  construction  de- 
manded. He  may  have  erred  upon  the  side  of  making 
Washington  more  of  a  grammarian  and  a  better  speller 
than  he  really  was,  but  the  situation  required  some  dis- 
cretion. It  seemed  unjust  to  hold  Washington  responsi- 
ble for  the  manifest  sins  of  a  copyist.  No  modern  literary 
man  would  like  to  be  judged  for  the  sins  of  his  type- 
writer or  of  a  shorthand  reporter. 

Mr.  Sparks  felt  himself  justified  in  some  revision  of 
Washington's  rough  drafts  by  the  examples  set  by  Wash- 
ington himself,  who,  for  future  publication  or  historical 
use,  had  begun  to  retouch  his  own  official  correspon- 
dence during  the  periods  of  the  French  War  and  the 
American  Revolution.  Copies  of  this  correspondence 
had  been  kept  on  loose  sheets  roughly  stitched  together. 
Washington  revised  the  whole  mass,  making  numerous 
changes,  erasures,  and  interlineations  in  almost  every  let- 
ter, and  caused  the  whole  to  be  copied  into  bound  vol- 
umes. What  was  Sparks  to  do  in  this  editorial  predica- 
ment ?  An  attempt  to  restore  the  original  text  before 
Washington  began  to  correct  it  would  have  led  to  endless 
embarrassments  and  perplexities.  Loyalty  to  Washing- 
ton's own  good  judgment  of  what  he  meant  to  say  led 
Mr.  Sparks  to  give  the  great  truth-teller  the  benefit  of 
his  own  authority.  And  yet  the  letters  sent  out  by  Wash- 
ington, during  the  above  periods  of  correspondence,  cer- 
tainly differed  in  many  verbal  respects  from  the  copies 
which  he  had  revised  with  his  own  hand.  Mr.  Sparks 
had  no  means  of  recovering  and  collating  all  these  letters, 


XXVlll  INTRODUCTION. 

although  he  well  knew  that  they  might  be  discovered  at 
any  time  and  reveal  striking  discrepancies  as  compared 
with  Washington's  own  revised  version.  This  is  precisely 
what  has  happened  in  various  instances  in  these  critical 
modern  days.  It  is  but  fair  to  Mr.  Sparks  to  say  that  he 
anticipated  such  discoveries,  and  clearly  explained  the 
facts  for  which  he  is  now  held  responsible.  Mr.  Sparks 
made  the  best  he  could  of  an  embarrassing  editorial  situ- 
ation. 

Mr.  Sparks  was  severely  criticised  by  Lord  Mahon  for 
alleged  additions,  corrections,  and  omissions  in  his  treat- 
ment of  Washington's  writings.  The  first  charge  Lord 
Mahon  speedily  withdrew,  for,  in  the  one  case  in  point, 
Sparks  was  able  to  show  that  the  alleged  "  addition  "  was 
actually  to  be  found  in  Washington's  original  letter  to 
Joseph  Eeed,  and  had  been  carelessly  omitted  by  the 
transcriber  in  preparing  the  text  of  the  same  for  the 
"  Life  of  Eeed  "  which  Lord  Mahon  used  as  a  standard  of 
comparison.  The  charges  of  omissions  and  corrections 
in  editing  Washington's  text  Lord  Mahon  continued  to 
maintain,  and  Mr.  Sparks  never  denied *  them.     He  had 

1  In  the  "  New  York  Tribune  "  for  September  2, 1854,  Mr.  Sparks 
explained  the  necessity  of  material  omissions  from  his  limited  edi- 
tion of  eleven  volumes  of  selections,  and  also  the  discrepancies  be- 
tween Washington's  letter-books  and  some  of  the  letters  which  he 
actually  sent.  He  wrote  to  the  "  Tribune  "  a  letter  on  "  Washington 
and  Slavery,"  published  October  10,  1854,  and  he  rescued  that  jour- 
nal from  the  charge  of  "  having  forged  "  and  attributed  to  Wash- 
ington, in  its  issue  of  July  21,  1854,  sentiments  never  expressed  by 
him  upon  the  subject  of  slavery.  It  was  shown  that  extraordinary 
variations  occurred  between  Washington's  original  letters  to  Tobias 
Lear  and  existing  copies  of  those  letters. 


INTRODUCTION.  xxix 

stated  as  much  in  his  original  prefaces.  Lord  Mahon  was 
altogether  wrong  in  impeaching  Mr.  Sparks'  motives,  as 
was  shown  by  him  in  every  detail.  Mr.  Sparks  had  un- 
dertaken to  edit,  in  eleven  volumes,  a  convenient  and 
popular  collection  of  Washington's  more  important  writ- 
ings. He  had  materials  enough  for  many  more  volumes, 
but  no  editor  or  publisher  in  the  world  would  have  dared 
in  those  days  to  undertake  a  complete  edition.  Guizot 
reduced  Sparks'  Washington,  by  discreet  elimination,  to 
six  volumes ;  and  the  German  Yon  Kaumer,  equally  wise 
in  his  generation,  reduced  the  work  to  two  volumes.  A 
London  editor  thought  two  volumes  of  Washington's 
writings  quite  enough  for  a  British  public.  Mr.  Sparks 
knew  exactly  what  he  was  doing  for  his  countrymen.  He 
says  :  "I  am  certainly  safe  in  saying  that  more  than  two 
thirds  of  the  whole  collection  of  manuscripts  were  neces- 
sarily omitted,  in  consequence  of  the  limited  extent  to 
which  it  was  proposed  to  carry  the  work."  Mr.  Sparks 
had  no  idea  that  what  he  saw  fit  to  omit  would  be  lost  to 
the  world.  He  even  suggested  that  "  such  of  the  large 
mass  of  papers  still  unprinted  as  have  any  interest  for 
the  public  would  be  brought  out  at  some  future  time." 

In  his  choice  of  materials  Mr.  Sparks  was  guided  by  a 
few  simple  principles  which  he  himself  describes  in  his 
preface.  He  endeavored  to  select  such  things  as  had  a 
permanent  historical  value,  and  such  as  illustrated  the 
personal  character  of  Washington.  Much  of  the  latter's 
correspondence  was  full  of  mere  repetitions,  for  Washing- 
ton constantly  had  occasion  to  write  to  different  persons 
upon  the  same  subject.  Mr.  Sparks  tried  always  to  select 
the  best  letter  of  a  series,  and  to  supplement  it  by  judicious 


xxx  INTRODUCTION. 

selections  from  other  letters  without  giving  restatements  of 
the  very  same  ideas.  In  cases  where  Lord  Mahon  charged 
Mr.  Sparks  with  omissions  from  specific  letters,  it  was 
shown  that  parallel  passages  were  to  be  found  elsewhere 
in  the  same  work,  often  within  a  few  pages.  In  fact, 
Lord  Mahon  was  finally  so  well  satisfied  with  Mr.  Sparks' 
explanations  that  the  two  men,  while  agreeing  to  differ  on 
some  points  of  editorial  duty,  came  to  a  cordial  under- 
standing, and  the  English  historian  repeatedly  called 
upon  and  entertained  the  American,  showing  him  every 
possible  courtesy,  upon  his  final  visit  to  England  in 
1857. 

Modern  methods  of  editorial  work  are  becoming  more 
and  more  exacting,  but  during  the  four  years'  progress 
of  the  writings  of  Washington  through  the  press,  no 
friendly  or  unfriendly  critic  ever  declared  that  the  edi- 
torial principles  of  Mr.  Sparks,  clearly  and  frankly  stated 
in  his  preface,  were  in  any  way  incorrect  or  defective. 
As  Mr.  Sparks  himself  afterward  said,  "  It  must  be  evi- 
dent that  I  could  have  no  other  motive  than  that  of 
executing  the  work  in  such  a  manner  as  would  be  ap- 
proved by  an  enlightened  public  opinion."  It  is  by  this 
relative  but  ever  progressive  standard  of  judgment  that 
we  must  estimate  the  work  of  Jared  Sparks. 

Francis  Lieber,  writing  to  Jared  Sparks,  July  29, 1853, 
called  his  attention  to  a  letter 1  from  Mr.  Justice  Story, 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  to  Richard 
Peters,  May  7,  1836,  upon  the  duty  of  a  court  reporter  of 
judicial  opinions.  This  letter  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  quoted  in  the  discussion  of  editorial  duty,  but  it  cer- 
1  Story's  "  Life  and  Letters,"  ii.  232. 


INTRODUCTION.  xxxi 

tainly  should  be :  "  As  to  the  correction  of  verbal  and 
grammatical  errors  in  an  opinion,  I  can  only  say  for  my- 
self that  I  have  always  been  grateful  for  the  kindness 
of  any  reporter  of  my  opinions  for  doing  me  this  favor. 
Verbal  and  grammatical  errors  will  occasionally  occur  in 
the  most  accurate  writers.  I  have  found  some  in  my  own 
manuscript  opinions,  after  very  careful  perusal,  and  I 
have  not  detected  them  until  I  saw  them  in  print.  I  think 
it  would  be  a  disgrace  to  all  concerned  to  copy  gross 
material  and  verbal  errors  and  mis-recitals,  because  every 
one  must  know  they  would  be  at  once  corrected  if  seen. 
They  mar  the  sense  and  they  pain  the  author.  So  the 
occasional  change  of  the  collocation  of  a  word  often  im- 
proves and  clears  the  sense.  If  a  reporter  do  no  more 
than  acts  of  this  sort,  removing  mere  blemishes,  he  does 
all  judges  a  great  favor.  I  do  not  believe  any  good  re- 
porter in  England  or  America  ever  hesitated  to  do  so. 
This  is  my  opinion.  .  .  .  You  will  find  that  Lord  Coke 
thought  very  much  as  I  do  on  this  subject,  if  you  will 
look  on  the  fourth  page  of  his  report  of  Calvin's  case 
(7  Co.  Kep.  4),  where  he  states  the  duty  of  a  reporter. 
Douglas,  in  his  preface  to  his  Eeports  (pp.  12, 13),  adopts 
an  equally  correct  method,  yet  who  ever  excelled  him  as  a 
reporter  ?  " 

The  example  and  experience  of  Mr.  Sparks  appear  to 
have  been  in  the  mind  of  Charles  Francis  Adams  when  he 
wrote  his  preface  to  the  "  Works  of  John  Adams."  Mr. 
Adams  had  encountered  much  the  same  difficulties  as  did 
Mr.  Sparks,  and  seems  to  have  solved  some  of  them  in 
much  the  same  sensible  way,  as  appears  from  the  following 
statement,  written  in  1856,  only  three  years  after  the  close 


XXxii  INTRODUCTION. 

of  Mr.  Sparks'  controversy  with  Lord  Mahon  and  William 
B.  Reed :  "  So  much  has  been  said  of  late  upon  the 
duties  of  editors  in  public  papers  committed  to  their  care, 
that  a  few  words  may  be  necessary  to  explain  the  princi- 
ples upon  which  this  work  has  been  conducted.  In  all 
cases  the  best  copy  has  been  closely  adhered  to,  saving 
only  the  correction  of  obvious  errors  of  haste  or  inadver- 
tence, or  negligence.  Yet  as  a  considerable  number  of 
the  letters  have  been  taken,  not  from  the  originals,  of 
which  it  is  not  known  even  that  they  are  yet  extant,  but 
from  the  copy-book  containing  the  rough  drafts,  it  is  by 
no  means  improbable  that,  in  case  of  a  possibility  of  col- 
lation with  the  real  letters,  many  discrepancies,  not  to 
say  interpolations  and  even  erasures,  may  be  discovered. 
Should  such  instances  be  brought  to  light,  it  is  proper 
that  this  explanation  should  stand  on  record,  to  guard 
against  charges  of  alterations  which  already  have  been 
preferred  against  other  editors,  on  grounds  not  altogether 
dissimilar." 

The  editor  of  these  memorial  volumes  published  an 
article  on  "  The  Pioneer  Work  of  Jared  Sparks  "  in  "  The 
Magazine  of  American  History  "  for  July,  1888.  An  at- 
tempt was  made  to  present  the  subject  from  an  historical 
point,  the  only  true  method  of  reviewing  work  done  half 
a  century  ago.  Some  of  the  positions  then  taken  are  re- 
stated in  this  introduction,  and  the  whole  matter  is  treated 
more  fully  under  the  head  of  "  Editorial  Duty  "  (vol.  ii. 
pp.  268-272),  and  in  a  special  chapter  on  "  Lord  Mahon 
and  the  Reed  Letters  "  (vol.  ii.  pp.  479-506). 

The  editor  of  "The  Magazine  of  American  History," 
Mrs.  Martha  J.  Lamb,  wrote  to  the  author  May  25, 1888, 


INTRODUCTION.  xxxiii 

after  the  receipt  of  his  article,  saying  :  "  I  have  assigned 
your  paper  on  Mr.  Sparks  to  the  July  issue  of  our  maga- 
zine. .  .  .  While  I  was  in  Washington  I  obeyed  the  request 
of  an  eminent  Boston  scholar,  and  looked  at  the  old  letter- 
books  about  which  so  much  has  been  said.  I  only  had  time, 
however,  to  compare  a  paragraph  or  two  of  one  of  the  Bou- 
quet letters  with  the  originals  in  our  magazine.  There  were 
unimportant  omissions  and  differences,  but  nothing  in  the 
letter-books,  as  far  as  I  went,  that  seemed  in  any  way  to 
bear  the  marks  of  Washington's  hand.  It  appears  to  be 
clearly  the  work  of  a  poor  and  careless  copyist.  The  name 
of  '  John  Marshall '  is  cut  into  the  volume,  which  sug- 
gests that  it  was  copied  under  the  care  of  John  Marshall, 
4  Kichmond,  Virginia.'  There  is  a  caricature,  and  the 
name  of  another  '  Marshall '  (the  initials  are  not  by  me 
at  this  moment),  which  suggests  the  boy,  perhaps  a  son  of 
Marshall.  At  least  the  copy  seems  the  work  of  extreme 
youth  or  carelessness." 

The  present  writer  has  noticed  this  boyish  letter-book 
among  Washington's  papers  in  the  library  of  the  State 
Department,  and  can  well  understand  the  embarrassment 
of  Mr.  Sparks  when  attempting,  without  possession  or 
knowledge  of  the  original  letters,  to  edit  the  work  of  "  in- 
competent or  very  careless  transcribers."  The  writer  has 
also  compared  every  one  of  the  Bouquet  letters,  as  given, 
by  Mr.  Sparks  and  by  Mr.  W.  H.  Smith,1  with  revised 
versions  of  their  printed  texts,  as  corrected  by  a  skillful 
copyist  in  the  State  Department  from  the  letter-books, 

1  "  Magazine  of  American  History,"  February,  1888.  See,  also, 
Mr.  Francis  Parkman's  letter  in  "  The  Nation,"  February  16,  1888, 
on  the  Bouquet  Letters. 


XXXIV  INTRODUCTION. 

upon  folio  sheets  of  paper,  whereon  the  above  printed 
texts  are  pasted.  Thus,  almost  at  a  glance,  it  is  possible 
to  see  exactly  what  kind  of  trifling  editorial  corrections 
Mr.  Sparks  made,  and  exactly  how  the  text  which  he  was 
compelled  to  use  differs  from  that  of  the  letters  actually 
sent  by  Washington  to  Colonel  Bouquet. 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  observed  that  all  of  the 
printed  texts  of  Washington's  letters,  as  given  by  Mr. 
Sparks,  have  been  thus  restored  by  marginal  corrections 
to  the  exact  form  of  some  original  text  or  transcript  pre- 
served in  the  library  of  the  State  Department,  where  the 
work  of  collation  was  done.  The  standard  of  comparison 
is  stated  in  each  case,  so  that  the  observer  is  not  led  into 
such  mistaken  judgments  as  were  rashly  made  by  Lord 
Mahon  and  later  critics.  These  collated  texts,  with  much 
fresh  and  valuable  material  relating  to  Washington,  all 
belong  to  the  admirable  "Toner  Collection,"  made  by 
that  genial,  devoted,  and  public-spirited  Washingtonian, 
Dr.  J.  M.  Toner,  who  will  ultimately  deposit  all  his  man- 
uscripts in  the  library  of  Congress.  They  ought  some 
day  to  be  the  authentic  basis  for  a  new  and  complete  edi- 
tion of  Washington's  papers,  and  to  be  published,  under 
scholarly  supervision,  by  government  authority.  Jared 
Sparks  and  his  contemporaries,  Alexander  II.  Everett  and 
Edward  Everett,  anticipated  this  event  (see  vol.  ii.  pp. 
267,  271,  287),  which  is  a  consummation  devoutly  to  be 
wished. 

In  the  "  North  American  Keview  "  for  October,  1834, 
Mr.  A.  H.  Everett,  who  was  then  the  editor  of  the  maga- 
zine, said :  "  We  incline  to  think  that  the  feeling  of  the 
country  will  ultimately  call  for  the  printing  of  all  the 


INTRODUCTION.  XXXV 

Washington  manuscripts,  voluminous  as  they  are,  at  the 
public  expense." 

Mr.  "Worthington  C.  Ford  introduces  Putnam's  limited 
and  incomplete  edition  to  the  public  in  a  preface  contain- 
ing some  remarks  on  the  pioneer  labors  of  Mr.  Sparks. 
Mr.  Ford  thinks  it  would  be  impossible  to  approach  his 
task  without  some  preliminary  notice  of  his  earnest,  con- 
scientious, although  often  injudicious,  predecessor.  It  is 
but  just,  he  says,  to  pay  a  high  tribute  to  Mr.  Sparks'  in- 
defatigable industry  in  gathering  the  materials  for  an  edi- 
tion of  Washington's  writings.  Mr.  Sparks'  acquaintance 
with  the  sources  of  American  history  is  commended,  and 
his  knowledge  of  men  and  things  at  the  time  of  the  Revo- 
lution is  regarded  as  extensive  and  generally  accurate. 
Then  Mr.  Ford  condemns  his  predecessor  for  hero-wor- 
ship, and  for  doing  exactly  what  he  himself  has  done  in 
following  the  revised  text  of  Washington's  early  letters. 

In  his  old  age,  the  Father  of  his  country,  as  we  know, 
undertook  to  correct  and  alter  the  original  drafts  of  his 
correspondence  with  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  other  Vir- 
ginians before  the  Revolution.  In  point  of  fact,  most  of 
Washington's  ante-Revolutionary  correspondence,  during 
the  period  of  border  warfare  with  the  French  and  Indians, 
is  thus  revised  and  transcribed  in  letter-books,  as  we  have 
already  stated.  Mr.  Ford  has  himself  reprinted  Washing- 
ton's revised  version  in  the  first  and  second  volumes  of 
Putnam's  edition  de  luxe,  and  nevertheless  condemns  Mr. 
Sparks  for  allowing  "  the  young  colonel  of  the  Virginia 
regiment "  to  express  himself  "  with  the  same  maturity  of 
style  and  thought  as  the  President  of  the  established  re- 


xxxvi  INTRODUCTION. 

public."  If  Mr.  Ford  did  not  approve  of  this  matured 
style,  why  did  he  reprint  it  ?  Simply  because  it  was  the 
only  text  he  could  find  of  most  of  those  early  letters. 
They  have  been  preserved  in  the  revised  form  left  us  by 
Washington  in  his  letter-books. 

After  Mr.  Ford  had  reprinted  the  very  same  matter 
as  that  used,  with  only  slight  verbal  corrections,  by  Mr. 
Sparks,  we  are  favored  with  the  following  remarks  m 
the  preface  :  "  I  have  been  fortunate  enough  to  find,  among 
the  Washington  manuscripts  in  the  Department  of  State, 
the  originals  of  two  of  the  earlier  letter-books  of  Washing- 
ton, on  which  Mr.  Sparks  based  his  editorial  work,  and 
which  had  been  mislaid  for  so  many  years  that  their  very 
existence  was  denied.    They  contain  the  original  drafts  of 
his  letters ;  all  but  a  few  pages  are  his  own  writing ;  and 
the  changes  he  made  at  a  late  period  of  his  life  are  so  dis- 
tinctive, both  in  the  form  of  the  letters  and  the  colors  of 
the  ink,  as  to  make  an  error  of  date  impossible.     It  is  to 
be  regretted  that  these  books  were  not  discovered  until 
after  the  first  pages  of  this  volume  were  printed,  when  it 
was  too  late  to  utilize  this  remarkable  discovery."     That 
is  to  say,  we  might  now,  perhaps,  be  reading  the  exact  lan- 
guage of  the  young  Virginia  colonel,  if  Mr.  Ford  had  done 
his  editorial  duty  while  on  the  premises  of  the  State  De- 
partment.   He,  of  all  men,  ought  not  to  blame  Mr.  Sparks 
for   failing  to  restore  the  "  few  edited  records  "  which 
«  the  patient  antiquary  "  of  our  time  has  but  recently  dis- 
covered, but  which  Mr.  Sparks  knew  all  about  more  than 
fifty  years  ago.    The  prefatory  use  which  Mr.  Ford  makes 
of  his  late  but  by  no  means  original  discovery  is  very 
extraordinary.     He  proceeds  to  print,  in  parallel  columns, 


INTRODUCTION. 


xxxvn 


extracts  from  two  of  Washington's  early  letters  "  as  origi- 
nally written  "  and  "  as  corrected  by  Washington."  Here 
are  the  two  examples x  which  Mr.  Ford  obligingly  gives  as 
Washington's  method  of  editing  his  own  writings  :  — 

To  Mrs.  Fairfax. 


[As  originally  written.] 

This  I  took  as  a  gentle  rebuke 
and  polite  manner  of  forbidding 
ray  corresponding  with  you  and 
conceive  this '  opinion  is  not  illy 
founded  when  I  reflect  that  I 
have  hitherto  found  it  impractica- 
ble to  engage  one  moment  of  your 
attention.     If  I  in  this  I 

hope  you  will  excuse  my  present 
presumption  and  lay  the  imputa- 
tion to  elateness  at  my  successful 
arrival.  If  on  the  contrary  these 
are  fearfull  apprehensions  only, 
hqw  easy  is  it  to  remove  my  sus- 
picion.    7  June,  1755. 


[As  corrected  by  Washington.] 

Am  I  to  consider  the  proposed 
mode  of  communication  as  a  po- 
lite intimation  of  your  wishes  to 
withdraw  your  correspondence  ? 
To  a  certain  degree  it  has  that 
appearance  ;  for  I  have  not  been 
honored  with  a  line  from  you 
since  I  parted  with  you  at  Bel- 
voir.  If  this  was  your  object,  in 
what  manner  shall  I  apologise  for 
my  present  disobedience  ;  but  on 
the  contrary,  if  it  was  the  effect 
of  your  delicacy,  how  easy  it  is  to 
remove  my  suspicion. 


To  William  Byrd. 


For  I  can  very  truly  say  I  have 
no  expection  of  reward,  but  the 
hope  of  meriting  the  love  of  my 
country,  and  friendly  regard  of 
my  acquaintance  ;  and  as  to  my 
prospect  of  obtaining  a  commis- 
sion I  have  none,  as  I  am  per- 
fectly well  assured  that  it  is  not 
in  Gen'l  Braddock's  power  to  give 
such  an  one  as  I  would  accept  of. 
20  April  1755. 


1  There  are  errors  of  transcription  in  both  of  Mr.  Ford's  chosen 
examples.  In  fact,  literal  exactness  is  not  characteristic  of  all  of  Mr. 
Ford's  editorial  work,  as  textual  collations  clearly  show. 


For  I  can  truly  say  I  have  no 
expectation  of  either  [fee  or  re« 
ward].  To  merit  its  esteem,  and 
the  good  will  of  my  friends,  is  the 
sum  of  my  ambition,  having  no 
prospect  of  obtaining  a  commis- 
sion, being  perfectly  well  assured, 
etc. 


xxxviii  INTRODUCTION. 

After   giving  these   two   excellent  examples  of  what 
"  General"  Washington  could  do  in  the  way  of  revising 
the  style  of  "  Colonel  "  Washington,  Mr.  Ford  intimates 
that  Mr.  Sparks  applied  the  above  methods  of  literary 
reconstruction  to  Washington's  later- correspondence.    No 
suggestion  could  be  more  unwarranted.    Mr.  Sparks  never 
made  such  changes  in  the  text  of  Washington's  letters  as 
did  the  original  writer,  whose  revised  version  has  been 
copied  by  Mr.  Ford.    This  editor,  who  professes  to  return 
to  originals,  "  omitting  of  course  the  rough  drafts,"  as 
did  Mr.  Sparks,  says,  "  A  casual  comparison  between  his 
[Sparks']  collection  and  the  present  volumes  will  demon- 
strate the  extent  of  the  liberties  taken  with  the  text." 
The    present   writer    has    carefully   compared    many    of 
Washington's  letters,  as  given  by  Sparks,  with  those  re- 
printed by  Ford,  and  finds,  indeed,  many  trifling  verbal 
discrepancies,  but    never  any  such  reconstruction  of  sen- 
tences as  Washington  undertook,  never  a  deliberate  per- 
version of  the  original  sense  or  meaning.     A  comparison 
has  also  been  made  between  Mr.  Ford's  work  and  more 
exact  copies  from  original  sources. 

If  Mr.  Ford  had  spent  one  tenth  of  the  time  and  pains 
given  by  Mr.  Sparks  to  his  first  great  collection  of  the 
letters,  the  American  public  would  now  have  a  tolerably 
satisfactory  edition  of  the  writings  of  Washington.  As  the 
matter  stands,  we  have  for  the  most  part  a  poorly  revised 
and  incomplete  version  of  Sparks,  supplemented  by  many 
newly  discovered  letters,  and  some  unimportant  matter 
which  Mr.  Sparks  intentionally  omitted  on  account  of 
the  necessary  limits  of  a  popular  work.     Mr.  Sparks  pro- 


INTRODUCTION.  xxxix 

posed  a  work  for  the  American  people,1  instead  of  a  costly 
and  limited  edition  de  luxe,  at  five  dollars  a  volume,  for 
a  few  privileged  book-buyers.  Mr.  Ford  and  his  pub- 
lishers have  shown,  however,  some  regard  for  the  public 
in  issuing  only  fourteen  volumes.  But  in  order  to  accom- 
plish this  laudable  object,  and  at  the  same  time  to  intro- 
duce new  matter  into  the  edition,  Ford  has  left  out  many 
valuable  letters  which  are  to  be  found  in  Sparks.  The 
poor  student  must  now  buy  or  borrow  both  sets  of  Wash- 
ington's writings,  in  order  to  see  what  Ford  has  omitted. 

The  "  Boston  Post,"  in  a  review  of  Ford's  eighth  vol- 
ume, says  the  publication  of  this  edition  is  very  fortunate 
for  Mr.  Sparks'  reputation.  "  An  examination  of  the  text 
affords  cumulative  evidence  of  the  general  fidelity  of  that 
gentleman  as  an  editor.  The  parts  of  letters  omitted  by 
him,  and  the  verbal  variations,  are  all  of  the  most  trivial 
character ;  and  if  their  insignificance  had  been  known,  his 
explanation  that  there  are  differences  between  the  copies 
kept  in  the  letter-books  and  the  letters  or  other  documents 
actually  sent  would  have  been  regarded  as  fully  adequate 
to  account  for  the  differences  between  the  printed  page 
and  some  supposed  original." 

After  attempting  to  discredit  the  work  of  his  predeces- 
sor, Mr.  Ford  proceeds  to  reproduce,  with  only  slight 
emendations,  not  only  the  great  body  of  texts  first  organ- 
ized by  Mr.  Sparks,  but  even  to  appropriate,  to  a  most 
extraordinary  extent,  Mr.  Sparks'  original  footnotes,  or 
historical  comments  on  the  men  and  events  alluded  to  in 
Washington's  letters.     In  some  few  cases,  Ford  has  the 

1  Harper's  edition  of  "  The  Life  and  Writings  of  Washington  "  was 
sold  at  $1.50  per  volume. 


xl  INTRODUCTION. 

courtesy  to  append  the  name  "  Sparks  "  to  an  unusually 
long  footnote  or  especially  valuable  comment ;  but  even  in 
such  cases,  rarely  if  ever  does  he  deign  to  employ  quota- 
tion marks,  although  he  freely  uses  them  when  quoting 
other  authors,  living  or  dead.  The  reader  might  easily 
infer  that  Sparks  was  possibly  the  original  authority  for 
this  note  or  comment,  but  that  the  industrious  editor,  Mr. 
Ford,  had  rewritten  a  summary  of  the  whole  matter  in 
his  own  style. 

After  a  careful  examination  of  Mr.  Ford's  volumes, 
the  writer  feels  it  his  duty  to  charge  him  with  extensive 
copying  from  the  historical  notes  of  Mr.  Sparks.  This 
runs  throughout  Mr.  Ford's  work.  Some  idea  of  its  fre- 
quent recurrence  may  be  derived  from  an  examination 
of   the   numerous  cases   below.1     They  succeed   one  an- 

1  For  the  convenience  of  the  reader  who  is  disposed  to  examine 
for  himself  the  substantial  identity  of  the  historical  footnotes  in 
Ford's  and  Sparks'  editions,  the  following  parallel  columns  of  corre- 
sponding references  have  been  prepared.  Lack  of  space  prevents 
the  publication  of  more  of  these  deadly  parallels,  but  a  careful  colla- 
tion of  the  notes  on  letters  bearing  the  same  dates  will  show  conclu- 
sively that  Mr.  Ford's  system  of  borrowing  extends  throughout  his 
entire  work.     References  like  the  following  might  be  multiplied  :  — 


Ford. 

Sparks. 

Ford. 

Sparks. 

Ford. 

Sparks. 

vol.  i. 

vol.  ii. 

vol.  ii. 

vol.  ii. 

vol.  v. 

vol.  iv. 

131 

58 

5 

275 

130 

244 

132* 

59 

31  , 

288 

136 

250 

137 

64 

no' 

316 

164 

271 

141 

68 

125 

327 

165 

273 

162 

78 

171 

333 

168 

276 

171 

85 

179 

335 

176 

279 

176 

89 

192 

340 

178 

280 

181 

94 

218 

346 

202 

298 

INTRODUCTION. 


xli 


other  as  closely  as  do  the  following  references  to  Ford's 
volumes,  which  the  reader  may  consult  for  himself,  and 
compare  with  the  corresponding  letters  and  footnotes  in 
Sparks'  edition. 

None  of  the  cases  cited  are  followed  by  the  name  of 
Sparks,  nor  are  any  of  them  printed  as  quotations  ;  they 
appear  as  Ford's  annotations  to  Washington,  and  yet 
they  are  reprinted,  for  the  most  part,  in  the  exact  words 
of  Mr.  Sparks.  Sometimes  Mr.  Ford  weaves  in  one  or 
two  original  remarks,  or  appends  some  new  information ; 
but  usually  he  reprints  Mr.  Sparks'  language  precisely 


Ford. 

Sparks. 

Ford. 

Sparks. 

Ford. 

Sparks. 

vol.  vii. 

vol.  v. 

vol.  viii. 

vol.  vi. 

vol.  X. 

vol.  viii. 

2 

353 

41 

341 

2 

281 

4 

357 

43 

343 

42 

317 

8 

360 

45 

345 

47 

322 

9 

361 

46 

346 

49 

323 

14 

367 

57 

354 

63 

330 

16 

370 

61 

358 

67 

334 

18 

371 

64 

361 

73 

340 

19 

373 

65 

362 

75 

342 

34 

383 

71 

367 

77 

343 

35 

384 

73 

368 

78 

345 

36 

385 

89 

388 

89 

352 

43 

395 

93 

391 

93 

356 

52 

395 

102 

396 

98 

360 

53 

396 

107 

400 

133 

372 

58 

401 

121 

407 

146 

376 

63 

407 

124 

409 

150 

379 

66 

408 

140 

421 

152 

381 

67 

410 

144 

426 

157 

384 

69 

412 

155 

436 

160 

385 

77 

420 

174 

450 

163 

388 

88 

430 

180 

452 

175 

394 

92 

435 

205 

476 

180 

398 

96 

438 

213 

482 

184 

402 

97 

440 

220 

487 

197 

407 

xJii  INTRODUCTION. 

as  it  appears  in  the  original "  Life  and  Writings  of  Wash- 
ington." 

Mr.  Ford  will  prohably  never  be  open  to  the  charge  ot 
tampering  extensively  with  the  literary  style  of  his  edito- 
rial predecessor.  Ford  is  indeed  a  literalist.  He  copies 
verbatim  et  literatim.  The  only  fault  in  this  respect  to 
be  found  with  Mr.  Ford  is,  that  he  omits  some  of  Mr. 
Sparks'  most  valuable  notes.  Some  are  shortened,  for  no 
sufficient  reason,  and  some  contain  a  few  modest  addenda 
by  Mr.  Ford  ;  but,  whatever  matter  he  appropriates  from 
Mr.  Sparks,  it  is  generally  a  faithful  transcript  from  the 
original  editor  of  Washington. 

In   a  letter  published   in   the   "New  York   Evening 
Post,"  December  4,  1889,  Mr.  Edward  C.  Towne  writes 
as  follows  concerning  the  relation  of  Ford's  edition  of 
Washington's  writings  to  Mr.  Sparks'  edition :  "  This  new 
edition  purports  to  be  an  accurate  and  faithful  reproduc- 
tion of  originals,  where  these  exist,  and  in  particular  to 
contrast  with  the  edition  of  Sparks  in  this  respect.     I 
have  very  carefully  compared  some  of  the  new  pages  with 
those  of  Sparks  and  with  the  originals,  and  find  that  the 
originals  are  not  followed,  and  that  a  great  deal  has  been 
conveyed  from  Sparks  without  any  indication  of  the  bor- 
rowing.    The  last  hundred  pages  of  vol.  ii.,  for  example, 
show  thirteen  important  notes  taken  bodily  from  Sparks, 
and  only  one  of  them  with  credit  given.    The  other  twelve 
appear  as  the  editor's,  with  the  references  attached,  im- 
plying that  the  present  editor  has  consulted  these  authori- 
ties and  made  these  notes,  when  they  are  verbatim,  refer- 
ences and  all,  as  in  Sparks.    As  to  following  the  originals, 
the  first  lines  on  p.  1,  vol.  i.,  break  the  promise." 


INTRODUCTION.  xliii 

The  "  Boston  Post,"  January  29,  1890,  in  a  review  of 
Ford's  fifth  volume,  says  :  "  In  this  volume,  as  in  those 
which  have  preceded  it,  he  constantly  transfers  to  his  own 
pages,  without  credit,  the  footnotes  which  Mr.  Sparks 
laboriously  prepared  and  inserted  in  his  edition.  In  not 
more  than  half  a  dozen  instances,  in  the  volume  before 
us,  is  any  credit  given  to  Mr.  Sparks  for  the  footnotes 
which  illuminate  Mr.  Ford's  pages.  Why  credit  should 
be  given  in  these  instances,  and  omitted  in  the  many 
scores  of  instances  where  no  credit  is  given,  is  not  appar- 
ent. Mr.  Ford's  own  notes  add  to  the  value  of  his  edi- 
tion ;  but  this  circumstance  affords  no  justification  for  a 
wholesale  appropriation  of  the  labors  of  his  distinguished 
and  learned  predecessor.  Even  if  Mr.  Ford  had  avowed 
his  purpose  to  be  the  publication  of  a  new  and  revised 
edition  of  Sparks'  Washington,  his  course  would  have 
afforded  ample  ground  for  unfavorable  criticism.  But 
there  is  no  intimation  on  his  title-page  or  elsewhere  that 
this  is  other  than  a  new  edition  of  Washington's  writings 
4  collected  and  edited '  by  Mr.  Ford.  It  is  true  that  in 
the  preface  to  his  first  volume  he  says  :  *  No  small  part 
of  the  results  of  his  [Mr.  Sparks']  labors  has  been  em- 
bodied in  these  volumes.'  So  general  a  statement  as 
this  ought  not,  however,  to  supply  the  place  of  specific 
acknowledgments,  which  could  have  been  easily  made." 

The  student  of  American  history  will  still  need  to  con- 
sult the  historical  commentaries  of  Jared  Sparks,  for  one 
can  never  know  what  Ford  has  left  out,  or,  for  that  matter, 
what  Ford  has  put  in,  unless  the  two  editors  are  carefully 
collated.  Instead  of  simplifying  the  Washington  prob- 
lem by  showing  the  world  exactly  how  Mr.  Sparks'  text 


xliv  INTRODUCTION. 

varies  from  the  original,  and  how  extensively  Washington 
revised  Washington,  Ford  has  introduced  a  new  element 
of  confusion  and  discord.  Students  will  now  be  compelled 
to  investigate  the  modern  editor,  and  ascertain  to  what 
extent  Ford  varies  from  Sparks.  When  Ford  makes  a 
statement  about  any  historical  question,  the  faithful  reader 
must  always  inquire  whether  it  is  really  Mr.  Ford  who 
opines  something,  or  whether  Ford  is  echoing  a  state- 
ment of  Jared  Sparks. 

The  earlier  editor  undoubtedly  corrected  certain  mis- 
takes and  phrases  in  Washington's  letters.  Sometimes 
Mr.  Sparks  ventured  to  substitute  or  insert  a  word  or 
two.  There  is  one  case  which  Mr.  Ford  himself  approves 
in  a  brief  and  conscientious  footnote.1  Whatever  his 
corrections,  whether  good  or  bad,  Jared  Sparks  never  pre- 
tended to  annotate  the  writings  of  Washington  by  means 
of  borrowed  footnotes.  If  there  was  any  special  merit 
upon  which  Mr.  Sparks  justly  prided  himself  in  all  his- 
torical work,  it  was  that  of  getting  his  information  at  first 
hand  from  original  sources. 

The  "Boston  Post,"  in  its  critical  review  of  Ford's 
eighth  volume,  expressed  the  view  that  an  injury  had 
been  done  to  Mr.  Sparks'  reputation  "  by  the  continued 
use  of  his  illustrative  notes  without  proper  acknowledg- 
ment. ...  If  Mr.  Ford  had  avoided  the  rocks  on  which  he 
has  run  deliberately,  by  so  largely  ignoring  the  great  pre- 
decessor in  whose  steps  he  has  followed,  he  would  have 
won  for  himself  a  much  higher  reputation  as  an  editor 
than  he  seems  now  likely  to  acquire,  and  we  have  no  doubt 

1  "  Sparks  very  properly  suggests  that  this  word  ['  military']  should 
be  militia."    Ford,  vol.  i.  p.  421. 


INTRODUCTION.  xlv 

that  he  would  have  given  us  an  edition  of  Washington's 
writings  deserving  of  nothing  but  praise." 

It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  new  congressional 
edition  of  the  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution,"  edited  by  the  late  Dr.  Francis  Wharton, 
will  satisfy  in  all  respects  the  demands  of  critics.  An 
article  on  this  subject  by  Professor  J.  B.  Moore,  of  Colum- 
bia College,  in  the  "  Political  Science  Quarterly,"  March, 
1893,  attempts  to  point  out  "  the  defects  in  the  text  of 
Sparks,  as  they  have  been  revealed  by  an  examination  of 
the  whole  correspondence."  This  article  is  based  upon 
the  preface  and  labors  of  Dr.  Wharton,  as  his  work  was 
based  upon  that  of  Mr.  Sparks.  Dr.  Wharton's  edition 
of  the  "  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  and  his  final  judg- 
ment concerning  the  limitations  placed  upon  his  predeces- 
sor by  the  congressional  resolution  of  March  27,  1818, 
are  described  in  the  second  volume  of  the  present  work, 
pp.  154-160.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  defects  in 
the  edition  of  Mr.  Sparks,  they  were  not  due  to  a  spirit 
of  subserviency  to  Great  Britain,  as  Professor  Moore  can- 
didly admits.  "  Nor  should  they  be  permitted,"  he  adds, 
"  to  blind  us  to  the  lasting  obligations  under  which  we 
stand  for  his  timely,  unceasing,  and  fruitful  exertions  in 
the  cause  of  American  history." 

In  a  paper 1  read  before  the  American  Historical  Asso- 
ciation, at  its  meeting  in  Boston,  Judge  Mellen  Chamber- 
lain, formerly  of  the  Boston  Public  Library,  pronounced 
the  following  just  verdict  concerning  the  services  of  Jared 
Sparks  to  American  history :  "  Sparks  was  a  careful  in- 

1  Papers  of  the  American  Historical  Association,  vol.  iii.  pp.  52,  53. 


xlvi  INTRODUCTION. 

vestigator,  as  any  one  finds  who  enters  fields  which  he  has 
reaped  with  expectation  of  profitable  gleaning ;  but  if  to 
learn  his  metheds  and  to  catch  his  spirit,  no  time  so  spent 
ought  to  be  regarded  as  time  lost.  An  American  in  every 
fibre  of  his  constitution,  Sparks  believed  in  the  justice 
of  the  Revolutionary  cause,  and  was  loyal  to  the  memory 
of  those  whose  lives  he  wrote  ;  but  he  never  exalted  his 
heroes  by  belittling  their  associates,1  or  by  maligning  their 
opponents.  He  placed  the  American  cause  in  the  most 
favorable  light,  and  did  not  indulge  in  that  urbane  conde- 
scension toward  opponents  which  sometimes  marks  the 
meritorious  work  of  Lord  Mahon ;  and  he  never  imperiled 
his  case,  as  Lecky,  an  abler  writer  than  Lord  Mahon, 
sometimes  has  done  by  inattention  to  facts  essential  to  its 
support.  Nor,  on  the  other  hand,  did  Sparks  conceal 
ugly  facts,2  or  change  their  import  by  artful  and  disin- 

i  In  a  letter,  May  14,  1827,  to  Alexander  H.  Everett,  Mr.  Sparks 
said  :  "  We  are  apt  to  ascribe  too  much  to  prominent  individuals  in 
our  Revolutionary  history.  A  nearer  inspection  will  show  that  these 
owed  much,  very  much,  to  their  fellow-laborers,  who  were  not  after- 
wards so  much  favored  by  circumstances,  or  prompted  by  ambition, 
as  their  more  fortunate  compeers."  Mr.  James  Schouler,  the  Amer- 
ican historian,  has  developed  the  same  idea  in  a  paper  on  "  Historical 
Grouping,"  printed  by  the  Historical  Association,  vol.  iii.  pp.  48-52. 

2  «  Lord  Mahon  charged  him  with  doing  so,  but  I  think  Sparks' 
vindication  of  his  integrity  is  complete.  The  strongest  case  against 
him  is  that  of  suppressing  Washington's  reiteration  of  an  opinion  un- 
favorable to  New  England.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Washington  en- 
tertained such  an  opinion.  That  constitutes  an  historical  fact ;  but 
if  he  has  recorded  that  opinion  in  a  letter  to  Brown,  does  it  make  it 
any  more  a  fact  that  he  has  also  recorded  it  in  letters  to  Jones  and 
Robinson  ?  Sparks  gives  the  first  record,  but  to  save  space  omits  the 
paragraphs  in  which  similar  opinions  are  given  in  letters  to  two  other 


INTRODUCTION.  xlvii 

genuous  arrangement  of  them.  He  arrayed  all  the  forces, 
friendly  and  hostile,  although,  as  it  sometimes  happened, 
his  flank  was  turned  or  his  front  disordered  by  mutinous 
auxiliaries  which  he  had  brought  into  the  field.  History 
was  regarded  by  Sparks,  as  it  ought  to  be  by  every  one, 
as  the  record  of  impartial  judgment  concerning  the  mo- 
tives and  conduct  of  men,  of  parties,  and  of  nations,  set 
forth  in  their  best  light ;  and  he  was  incapable  of  attempt- 
ing to  pervert  that  judgment  by  doubtful  testimony,  or  by 
unscrupulous  advocacy,  which  represents  one  party  as  alto- 
gether wise  and  patriotic,  and  the  other  as  altogether  un- 
wise and  malignant,  —  an  attempt  which  must  ultimately 
fail,  since  it  finds  no  support  in  the  nature  of  man,  in 
intelligent  observation,  or  in  common  sense.  He  had  a 
healthy  contempt  for  demagogues  —  historical  demagogues 
in  particular  —  as  corrupters  of  youth." 

Something  of  the  earnest  character  and  independent 
spirit  of  Washington  are  to  be  recognized  in  the  historian 
of  the  American  Revolution,  who  sacrificed  many  years  of 
patient  labor  in  constructing  from  original  records  one  of 
the  first  great  works  of  American  history.  As  a  Mary- 
correspondents.  That,  I  think,  states  the  case  fairly.  It  may  be 
said  that  Sparks  should  have  given  all  such  passages,  or  indicated 
their  omission  by  stars  or  otherwise.  Why  those  opinions  more  than 
others  ?  To  have  given  a  resume'  of  all  omitted  passages  would 
have  swelled  his  volumes  unduly.  If  proper  editing  would  require 
such  notice  of  repetitious  passages,  why  not,  on  the  same  grounds,  the 
omission  of  all  repetitious  or  unimportant  letters  ?  It  may  be  admit- 
ted, however,  that  Sparks'  editorial  rules  are  not  those  now  in  vogue; 
but  in  fairness  it  ought  not  to  be  forgotten  that,  in  dealing  with  such 
a  mass  as  the  Washington  papers,  Sparks  was  confronted  with  a  new 
and  very  difficult  problem."  —  M.  C. 


xlviii  INTRODUCTION. 

land  biographer  of  Sparks  has  well  said :  "  Considering 
the  difference  of  their  fields,  there  is  a  singular  concord 
between  the  virtues  and  common  sense  of  Washington 
and  Sparks,  and  hence  the  sympathetic  veneration  of 
the  author  for  the  hero."  "  No  scholar,"  says  one  who 
knew  him  well,  "  in  this  country  has  presented  a  more 
praiseworthy  example  of  industry,  perseverance,  and  faith- 
ful endeavor.  No  degree  of  labor  could  divert  him  from 
the  execution  of  his  task.  With  no  morbid  passion 
for  fame,  he  was  content  to  apply  his  fine  powers  to  the 
performance  of  duties  which  gave  him  no  brilliant  promi- 
nence in  the  public  eye.  Amid  the  glare  and  rush  of 
American  life,  his  career  of  quiet  energy  and  faithful 
working  deserves  to  be  held  in  grateful  and  honorable 
remembrance."  1 

Special  attention  has  been  given  in  this  memorial  to 
Mr.  Sparks'  editorial  labors  upon  the  "  North  American 
Keview."  Professor  George  Washington  Greene,  in  a 
biographical   sketch   of   Jared  Sparks   published  in  the 

*  "  Historical  Magazine,"  May,  1806.  It  appears  from  this  article 
and  a  subsequent  note  in  July  by  the  author,  Mr.  W.  R.  Deane,  that, 
among  other  valuable  services  to  American  historical  literature,  Mr. 
Sparks  gave  encouragement  to  the  project  of  John  Ward  Dean,  of 
Boston,  and  of  his  publisher,  Charles  B.  Richardson,  for  an  historical 
magazine  in  this  country.  Mr.  Sparks  furnished  the  following  title 
for  the  periodical :  "  The  Historical  Magazine,  and  Notes  and  Queries 
concerning  the  Antiquities,  History,  and  Biography  of  America,"  be- 
gun in  January,  and  edited  successively  by  John  Ward  Dean,  Hon. 
George  Folsom,  John  Gilmary  Shea,  and  Henry  B.  Dawson.  "  The 
Historical  Magazine,"  vol.  x.  p.  222,  gives  the  very  best  authority  for 
the  statement  that  more  than  six  hundred  thousand  individual  volumes 
have  borne  Sparks'  name  as  author  or  editor. 


INTRODUCTION.  xlix 

"  Cornell  Era,"  November  17, 1871,  said :  "  When  the  life 
of  Dr.  Sparks  is  written  with  the  fullness  of  detail  which 
his  important  services  to  American  literature  demand,  no 
part  of  it  will  bring  out  the  sound  judgment  and  admirable 
method,  which  were  distinguished  traits  of  his  character,  in 
a  more  interesting  light  than  the  history  of  his  connection 
with  the  4  North  American  Review.' a  The  impression  of 
it  in  our  own  mind  is  very  deep,  for  we  once  heard  it  from 
the  lips  of  his  early  friend,  Charles  Folsom,  exactest  of 
scholars,  most  genial  of  companions,  whose  name  is  inti- 
mately connected  with  the  history  of  some  of  the  best 
works  in  our  literature,  and  to  whom  we  have  but  one 
reproach  to  make,  —  that  he  should  not  have  perpetuated 
by  the  pen  those  reminiscences  of  a  laborious  life  which 
impart  such  a  charm  to  his  conversation." 

Mr.  Sparks'  relation  to  the  Unitarian  movement  south- 
wards is  a  subject  in  which  the  editor,  as  an  adopted  Bal- 
timorean,  has  taken  a  special  historical  interest.  The 
educational  career  of  Mr.  Sparks  is  no  less  distinguished 
than  his  ministerial  and  editorial  services.  He  was  the 
first  Professor  of  History  at  Harvard  College.  He  early 
set  the  example  of  giving  academic  and  popular  instruc- 
tion in  American  history  based  upon  original  sources  of 
information.  His  presidency  of  Harvard  College  was 
marked  by  a  reform  in  administrative  methods,  and  by  a 
vigorous  defense  of  the  chartered  rights  of  the  institution, 
which  were  endangered  by  legislative  aggression.     He  at- 

1  The  history  of  American  literature,  as  an  independent  growth, 
may  be  traced  in  such  magazines  as  "  The  North  American  Review." 
A  rapid  survey  of  the  periodical  literature  of  the  United  States  was 
published  by  A.  H.  Everett  in  that  "  Review,"  October,  1834. 


1  INTRODUCTION. 

tacked  the  elective  system,  which  in  his  time  was  begin- 
ning to  transform  college  education.  Some  of  his  argu- 
ments are  as  strong  to-day  as  they  were  in  1850. 


In  the  preparation  of  the  present  work  the  editor  had 
the  helpful  cooperation  of  the  late  Dr.  Andrew  P.  Pea- 
body,1  and  of  members  of  the  Sparks  family.  A  collection 
of  Jared  Sparks'  letters  addressed  to  different  members  of 
the  family  of  Amos  A.  Williams,  Esq.,  of  Baltimore.,  was 
lent  the  editor  by  Miss  Burnap,  of  Baltimore.  Her  mother, 
Nancy  Williams,  was  the  wife  of  the  Rev.  George  Wash- 
ington Burnap,  one  of  Mr.  Sparks'  successors  as  pastor  of 
the  First  Independent  Church  of  Baltimore.  To  the  Rev. 
Charles  R.  Weld,  D.  D.,  the  present  pastor  of  the  First 
Independent  Church  of  Baltimore,  the  editor  is  grateful 
for  the  privilege  of  consulting,  at  his  leisure,  the  records  of 
that  society,  kept  for  four  years  in  Mr.  Sparks'  own  hand- 
writing. Through  Nelson  J.  Robinson,  Esq.,  Canton, 
New  York,  a  former  pupil  of  Professor  Torrey,  of  Cam- 
bridge, information  was  received  that  a  collection  of  Jared 
Sparks'  letters  to  his  friend  Davis  Hurd  had  been  pre- 
served by  his  grandson,  Professor  Gaines,  of  St.  Law- 
rence University,  Canton,  St.  Lawrence  County,  New 
York.  These  letters  were  kindly  lent  to  the  editor.  At- 
tention to  the  possible  biographical  interest  of  the  Hurd 
collection  of  Sparks'  letters  was  first  suggested  by  Mr. 
Max  Cohen's  article  on  Jared  Sparks,  published  in  the 
"  New  York  Evening  Post,"  May  10,  1889,  the  centenary 
1  Dr.  Peabody  died  March  10,  1893. 


INTRODUCTION.  li 

of  Sparks'  birth.  To  Mr.  Cohen,  of  the  Maimonides  Li- 
brary, New  York,  Mr.  Justin  Winsor,  of  Cambridge,  Dr. 
J.  M.  Toner,  of  Washington,  D.  C,  and  to  all  others  who 
have  lent  him  any  aid,  the  editor  of  this  work  expresses 
his  grateful  obligations. 


THE  LIFE  AND  WRITINGS 


OF 


JARED    SPARKS 


CHAPTER   I. 

EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS. 

1789-1809. 

BIRTH   AT   WILLINGTON,    CONNECTICUT. 

Jared  Sparks  was  born  May  10, 1789,  the  year  George 
Washington  was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United 
States.  In  the  little  town  of  Willington,  on  the  Willi- 
mantic  Eiver,  in  Tolland  County,  Connecticut,  Washing- 
ton's coming  biographer  first  saw  the  light.  No  star  of 
destiny  shone  over  the  child's  cradle  in  that  lowly  rural 
home ;  but  a  favoring  combination  of  heredity,  environ- 
ment, and  discipline  was  to  give  wonderful  strength  of 
character  to  the  boy's  life. 

The  maiden  name  of  Sparks'  mother  was  Eleanor  Or- 
cutt.  She  had  a  fondness  for  good  books,  and  was  es- 
pecially given  to  the  study  of  history.  In  her  old  age 
she  enjoyed  such  works  as  Locke's  "  Essay  on  the  Hu- 
man Understanding."  His  grandmother,  too,  on  his 
mother's  side,  Bethiah  Parker,  had  a  passion  for  good 
literature  and  occasionally  indulged  herself  in  religious 
verse-making,  with  attempts  at  prophecy  in  days  before 


2  EARLY   LIFE   OF  JARED   SPARKS. 

the  American  Revolution.  That  great  event,  which  her 
family  really  believed  to  have  been  foretold  by  Bethiah 
Parker  in  1757,  was  to  have  been  the  final  object  of 
her  grandson's  historical  studies,  in  the  evening  of  a  se- 
rene old  age. 

Jared  Sparks'  life  extended  from  the  year  1789  to  the 
year  1866,  from  the  inauguration  of  the  American  Union 
to  its  final  preservation  after  a  civil  war.  A  single  hu- 
man life,  even  if  thus  extended,  is  but  a  thread  shot  across 
a  great  gulf  of  time;  but  such  individual  threads  are 
sometimes  of  service  in  constructing  the  bridges  which 
men  call  history.  Sparks  was  born  in  one  of  those 
thrifty,  hardy,  energetic  village  communities  of  New  Eng- 
land. Those  towns  of  northern  Connecticut  struggled 
into  existence  under  difficulties  which  only  a  strong  and 
courageous  people  could  have  overcome.  In  the  historic 
development  of  the  steadfast  character  and  indomitable 
will-power  of  New  England  men  and  women,  we  must 
consider  the  influence  not  alone  of  Puritan  creed  and 
Anglo-Saxon  blood  but  also  of  human  contact  with  stub- 
born soil  and  bracing  climate. 

NEW    ENGLAND    CHAKACTEK. 

The  life  of  the  forefathers  of  Massachusetts  and  of 
Connecticut  was  a  long  and  unwearied  struggle  with  op- 
posing forces  of  nature,  which,  like  the  angel  wrestling 
with  Jacob,  yielded  at  last  their  blessing.  Increase  of 
strength  always  results  from  such  conflicts  with  the  powers 
of  earth  or  air.  As  the  men  of  Holland  derived  through 
the  ages  more  and  more  energy  from  their  perpetual  bat- 
tle with  the  ever-threatening  sea,  so  the  men  of  New  Eng- 
land renewed  the  ancient  Saxon  vigor  by  pioneer  work  in 
field  and  forest,  by  exposure  to  winter's  cold  and  sum- 
mer's heat. 

Our  early  English  forefathers  grew  stronger  by  waging 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS.        3 

an  exterminating  warfare  with  their  Celtic  neighbors. 
In  newer  Englands,  whether  in  Northern  or  Southern 
climes,  the  sons  of  Englishmen  have  everywhere  grown 
mightier  by  conflict  with  savage  races  and  savage  lands. 
Something  of  Cromwell's  iron  nature  passed  into  the 
blood  of  every  common  man  in  New  England  during 
those  old  wars  with  the  French  and  Indians.  The  Eng- 
lish struggle  for  religious  liberty  was  but  the  historic  pre- 
lude of  the  American  struggle  for  the  mastery  of  a  New 
World,  where  English  liberty  found  a  new  home,  and  has 
asserted  itself  anew  from  generation  to  generation. 

The  very  grit  of  New  England  soil  became  characteris- 
tic of  her  sons.  They  had  little  wealth  or  learning  in  the 
farming  town  of  Willington,  where  Jared  Sparks  was 
born,  but  a  noble  inheritance  of  native  vigor  came  to  him 
by  contact  with  that  resolute,  practical,  frugal,  and  labo- 
rious community  of  stern  men  and  patient  women.  The 
natural  endowment  of  many  a  country  boy  is  never  fully 
appreciated  until  the  strength  of  his  so-called  "  constitu- 
tion," his  staying  power,  begins  to  tell  in  the  long  strug- 
gle of  business  or  professional  life  in  a  large  city.  There 
is  vastly  more  of  real  education  upon  a  farm,  or  in  a  mill, 
or  in  a  country  store,  than  modern  educators  and  school- 
men dream.  A  country  lad  sometimes  accumulates,  per- 
haps unconsciously,  considerable  mental  capital  and  a 
vast  amount  of  what  is  called  "  common  sense,"  —  a  qual- 
ity which  often  proves  the  best  stock  in  life  even  of  col- 
lege men.  As  Emerson  said  of  the  New  Hampshire 
farmers  living  around  Monadnock :  — 

"  I  can  spare  the  college-bell, 
And  the  learned  lecture  well; 
Spare  the  clergy  and  libraries, 
Institutes  and  dictionaries, 
For  what  hardy  Saxon  root  . 

Thrives  here,  unvalued,  underfoot."  .    .       . 


EARLY   LIFE   OF  JARED   SPARKS. 


SPARKS     BOYHOOD. 

Manuscript  materials  for  an  account  of  the  early  years 
of  Jared  Sparks  were  prepared  by  his  wife,  Mary  Crown- 
inshield  Sparks,  and,  before  her  death,  were  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  editor  for  discretionary  use.  From  these 
and  other  materials  has  been  constructed  the  following 
narrative  of  Sparks'  boyhood,  before  he  went  to  Phillips 
Exeter  Academy.  At  the  age  of  six  he  left  for  a  time 
his  Connecticut  home,  where  the  family  was  increasing, 
to  dwell  with  his  mother's  childless  sister,  Chloe  Eldridge. 
She  is  described  as  a  refined  and  sensitive  woman,  who 
had  early  married  a  somewhat  clever  and  handsome  man, 
but  greatly  her  inferior.  Ebenezer  Eldridge  made  some 
pretensions  to  learning  and  to  a  knowledge  of  architec- 
ture, but  lacked  the  energy  and  resolution  necessary  for  a 
substantial  success  in  life. 

When  Sparks  was  ten  or  eleven  years  old,  his  uncle 
moved  with  his  family  from  Willington,  Connecticut,  to 
Camden,  in  the  township  of  Salem,  Washington  County, 
New  York.  The  long  journey  of  one  hundred  and  thirty 
miles  was  hurriedly  made  in  an  open  sleigh,  in  the  month 
of  February,  through  Hartford,  Granby,  Lenox,  and 
Pittsfield,  towards  the  New  York  State  line.  During  one 
part  of  the  journey,  the  boy  Sparks  was  put  out  of  the 
sleigh  by  his  thoughtless  uncle,  and  told  to  "  hold  on  be- 
hind." Overcome  with  numbness  from  cold,  he  fell  off 
the  runner,  and  was  left  unnoticed  in  the  snow  by  the 
roadside,  where  he  would  have  perished  if  he  had  not 
been  rescued  by  another  traveler,  following  in  the  track 
of  the  first,  to  whose  careless  keeping  the  lad  was  re- 
stored. 

Mr.  Eldridge  led  a  somewhat  unsettled  and  roving  life 
after  acquiring  a  new  home  in  eastern  New  York.  We 
find  him  making  long  journeys  into  the  interior  of  the 


EARLY  LIFE   OF  JARED   SPARKS.  5 

State,  evidently  prospecting  for  a  better  place  than  Sa- 
lem. On  one  occasion,  in  1804,  he  took  young  Sparks 
with  him  on  a  journey  up  the  Mohawk  Valley  to  Utica, 
thence  through  Oneida  and  Onondaga  to  Cayuga  Lake,  a 
circuit  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  miles  before  reaching 
home.  The  man  indulged  in  various  occupations,  from 
that  of  a  pioneer  farmer  and  builder  to  keeping  a  tavern 
and  running  a  grist-mill  and  a  saw-mill.  In  the  latter, 
while  attending  to  tasks  set  him  by  his  uncle,  while  wait- 
ing for  the  saw  to  make  its  long  course  through  the  logs, 
young  Sparks  took  the  opportunity  of  studying  "  Morse's 
Geography  "  in  the  warm  sunshine  upon  the  south  side  of 
the  mill.  The  kindness  and  affectionate  care  of  Chloe 
Eldridge 1  for  the  boy  was  never  forgotten.  In  later  days 
he  made  every  effort  to  find  her  burial  place,  but  in  vain. 
It  was  discovered,  however,  and  marked,  after  Jared 
Sparks  had  passed  away,  by  his  wife,  who  made  a  pil- 
grimage to  Salem  and  its  surroundings. 

A  letter  written  by  Mr.  Sparks,  from  Cambridge, 
Massachusetts,  January  2,  1864,  to  Mr.  Elijah  Harris,  of 
Camden,  New  York,  contains  interesting  information  re- 
garding the  beginning  of  Jared' s  education  at  Camden : 
"  Your  letter  .  .  .  gave  much  pleasure  as  reviving  re- 
membrances of  Camden  Valley.  I  was  particularly  glad 
to  learn  that  your  grandmother's  health  continues  good. 
It  will  be  sixty-four  years  next  February  since  I  first  saw 
her.  I  was  then  a  small  boy.  Soon  afterwards  I  went 
to  school  to  your  grandfather,  who  taught  me  to  read, 
read,  write,  and  cypher.  I  have  a  vivid  recollection  of 
the  school,  and  of  many  of  the  boys  around  me,  —  your 

1  Chloe  Eldridge,  who  died  in  1813,  is  buried  in  Shushan,  N.  Y., 
and  her  monument  bears  this  inscription  :  "  In  memory  of  Chloe 
Eldridge,  a  most  sweet,  pure,  and  loving  woman,  who  was  affection- 
ate to  my  childhood.  J.  S.  Placed  by  M.  C.  S.  in  Shushan,  N.  Y., 
J.  S.  having  sought  her  place  of  burial  in  vain." 


6        EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS. 

father  and  uncle  among  them.  I  was  sorry  to  find,  when 
in  Camden  several  years  ago,  that  the  old  school-house 
had  been  demolished.  But  we  must  not  expect  old  school- 
houses  to  resist  the  tide  of  time,  since  great  cities  and 
monuments  and  the  memorable  works  of  man  have  sunk 
under  it.  The  hills  and  the  valley  and  the  small  river 
that  ran  through  it  are  there,  and  I  shall  not  forget 
them." 

INFLUENCE   OF   FKANKLIN. 

Jared  Sparks  once  ascribed  the  first  awakening  of  his 
energies  to  the  stimulus  received  from  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin's autobiography.  In  a  letter  written  to  his  friend, 
Miss  Storrow,  of  Bolton,  Massachusetts,  October  16,  1817, 
when  he  was  a  tutor  of  mathematics  in  Harvard  College, 
Sparks  said  :  "  I  send  you  *  Franklin  '  with  the  fullest  be- 
lief that  you  will  be  pleased  with  it ;  and  I  shall  be  ex- 
ceedingly disappointed  if  it  proves  otherwise.  I  am  sure 
you  are  enough  like  me  to  warrant  this  opinion.  I  refer 
particularly  to  the  life  written  by  himself,  though  the  es- 
says are  some  of  them  excellent.  I  am  willing  to  ac- 
knowledge, however,  that  I  am  not  a  very  impartial  judge 
in  this  case.  The  book  fell  very  early  into  my  hands.  It 
delighted  me  so  much  that  I  read  it  several  times  over. 
I  have  not  seen  it  till  to-day  for  eleven  years.  I  have 
been  looking  it  over  a  little  with  a  very  strange  combina- 
tion of  thoughts  and  feelings.  It  revived  most  vividly  a 
train  of  associations  which,  though  melancholy,  were  not 
entirely  unpleasant.  It  was  this  book  which  first  roused 
my  mental  energies,  such  as  they  are,  and  directed  them 
to  nobler  objects  than  they  seemed  destined  by  fortune 
and  the  fates  to  be  engaged  in.  It  prompted  me  to  res- 
olutions, and  gave  me  strength  to  adhere  to  them.  It 
inspired  me  with  an  ardor,  which  I  had  not  felt  before,- 
and  which  never  afterwards  forsook  me.  It  taught  me 
that  circumstances  have  not  a  sovereign  control  over  the 


EARLY  LIFE   OF  JARED   SPARKS.  7 

mind.  But  I  have  not  time  to  say  more  about  Franklin, 
or  the  effect  it  had  on  my  character  and  destiny.  I  know 
you  will  like  it." 

During  the  period  from  his  eleventh  to  his  sixteenth 
year,  in  the  State  of  New  York,  Jared  Sparks  enjoyed 
each  winter  hardly  more  than  two  months'  schooling ;  but 
so  well  did  he  improve  his  meagre  advantages,  and  so 
strong  were  the  influences  of  New  England  heredity,  and 
his  good  aunt's  training,  upon  his  development,  that  he 
rose  superior  to  his  unfavorable  surroundings. 

TOWN   SCHOOL   IN   TOLLAND,    CONNECTICUT. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Joseph  Sparks*  in  Connecticut  appear  to 
have  become  dissatisfied  with  the  reports  from  Salem  and 
demanded  the  return  of  young  Jared.  In  1805,  there- 
fore, he  was  back  again  in  Willington,  attending  a  school 
kept  by  Oliver  Holt.  Here  the  pupil  made  such  rapid 
progress  that  he  soon  excelled  his  master.  One  night 
after  school  the  honest  pedagogue  frankly  told  Jared  that 
he  had  learned  all  that  could  be  taught  him  in  Willing- 
ton.  Young  Sparks  then  turned  his  attention  to  the 
neighboring  town  school  of  Tolland  and  quickly  mastered 
all  that  could  be  taught  him  there.  At  Tolland  he  lived 
with  another  uncle  whose  home  was  near  the  school- 
house.  The  boy  probably  learned  more  outside  than  in 
the  school,  for  he  formed  a  private  class  among  the  boys 
for  a  study  of  practical  problems  in  mathematics.  One 
friendship  formed  in  Tolland  proved  of  great  worth  to 
him,  and  that  was  with  Ansel  Young,  one  of  the  friends 
of  his  youth  with  whom  Mr.  Sparks  kept  up  a  correspon- 
dence throughout  a  long  and  busy  life.  He  and  his  young 
friend  used  to  meet  in  a  bush-pasture  north  of  the  school- 
house  and  take  turns  in  reading  aloud  from  such  good 
books  as  they  could  borrow. 


8  EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED   SPARKS. 

LOVE   OF   ASTRONOMY. 

For  mathematics  and  astronomy  Sparks  early  developed 
a  remarkable  fondness.  Such  books  as  Pike's  Arithmetic 
and  Atkinson's  "  Epitome  of  Navigation  "  fell  into  his 
hands,  and  were  doubtless  the  foundations  of  his  subse- 
quent special  knowledge  of  astronomical  subjects.  The 
youth  watched  the  stars  and  marked  out  the  different  con- 
stellations upon  oiled  paper.  He  constructed  a  globe  and 
marked  upon  it  the  stars  as  he  had  mapped  them.  On 
the  25th  of  September,  1807,  he  discovered  a  "  comet " 1 
and  upon  his  globe  he  traced  the  comet's  track.  He 
kept  a  careful  record  of  all  his  observations  and  cited 
them  in  his  old  age. 

In  the  Sparks  collection  there  is  a  bound  volume  of 
letters  addressed  to  Ansel  Young.2  These  letters  were 
returned  by  the  latter  to  Mrs.  Sparks,  at  her  request,  in 
order  that  they  might  ultimately  be  preserved  among  the 
manuscript  collections  of  Harvard  University.  Although 
written  from  1822  to  1864,  at  various  times  in  the  course 
of  Mr.  Sparks'  busy  life  as  a  minister,  editor,  college 
professor,  and  college  president,  these  letters  are  full  of 

1  It  was  possibly  this  same  "comet  "  that  Mr.  Sparks  referred  to, 
by  way  of  comparison,  years  afterwards,  January  25,  1820,  in  a  letter 
from  Baltimore,  answering  the  inquiry  of  Nathaniel  Bowditch  con- 
cerning a  remarkable  meteor  which  had  burst  over  the  northern  part 
of  Kent  County,  Maryland.  "  A  moment  before  it  disappeared,  a 
lucid  ring  separated  itself  from  the  body  of  the  meteor,  and  became 
as  large  as  the  moon.  .  .  .  No  tail  was  seen,  and  it  looked  through 
its  whole  course  precisely  like  an  uncommonly  large  star.  It  was  so 
brilliant  as  to  throw  a  strong  light  into  the  houses  in  the  city.  .  .  . 
The  famous  Connecticut  meteor  of  1807  threw  out  a  tail  of  several 
degrees,  and  I  have  never  before  heard  of  one  that  did  not." 

2  A  letter  from  Mr.  George  F.  Marshall  to  Mrs.  Sparks,  dated 
Cleveland,  July  31,  1866,  indicates  that  Mr.  Young,  then  visiting 
Mr.  Marshall,  was  an  "  octogenarian  "  at  the  time  when  he  gener- 
ously returned  his  valued  collection  of  Sparks'  letters. 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS.        9 

allusions  to  astronomical  matters  and  show  that  his  inter- 
est in  the  subject  never  died  out.  Writing  from  Wash- 
ington, April  24,  1822,  when  he  was  chaplain  of  Con- 
gress, Mr.  Sparks  calls  Young's  attention  to  the  recent 
discovery  of  the  periodicity  of  Encke's  comet,  which  ap- 
peared in  1819  and  was  coming  again  in  1822.  Sparks 
says :  "  My  passion  for  astronomy  has  never  subsided, 
but  my  occupation  has  necessarily  turned  my  studies 
wholly  into  another  direction."  Young  afterwards  be- 
came an  almanac  maker,  and  Sparks  lent  him  much  valu- 
able assistance,  supplying  books,  tables,  etc.  April  11, 
1826,  Sparks  writes  Young  from  Charleston,  South  Caro- 
lina :  "  Amidst  other  numerous  pursuits  my  astronomical 
days  are  gone  by ;  but  I  reflect  with  sincere  delight  on 
the  time  when  we  first  studied  the  stars  and  the  great  fir- 
mament together.  I  love  the  science  still,  and  sometimes 
regret  that  my  fortune  did  not  lead  me  to  pursue  it.  But 
a  man  cannot  study  all  things.  I  shall  look  through  your 
Almanac,  and  tell  you  what  I  think  of  it.  When  I  get 
home  [Cambridge,  Mass.]  I  shall  send  you  a  piece  which 
Mr.  Bowditch  has  recently  written  on  astronomy. 

"  I  intend  to  visit  Tolland  on  my  return ;  and,  when 
walking  over  the  ground  that  we  have  so  often  walked 
together,  I  shall  think  more  of  the  stars  than  I  have 
thought  for  many  years.  I  wish  you  could  be  with  me, 
and  for  a  short  time  at  least  we  would  live  over  some  of 
our  younger  years.  What  put  the  stars  first  into  our 
heads  is  more  than  I  can  tell ;  but  so  it  was ;  and  if  we 
had  been  favored  with  common  facilities  of  study,  we 
should  have  made  much  progress  by  ourselves." 

Again,  September  30,  1858,  writing  to  Ansel  Young, 
Mr.  Sparks  refers  to  the  astronomical  studies  of  his 
youth :  "  You  doubtless  gaze  with  admiration  upon  the 
brilliant  comet  which  is  now  looking  down  upon  us  from 
the  heavens.     You  remember  the  comet  of  1807,  and  you 


10       EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS. 

will  recollect  that  I  observed  it  with  a  cross-staff  of  my 
own  manufacture.  The  record  of  my  observations  is  now 
before  me.  The  comet  was  first  seen  about  22°  from  Arc- 
turus,  not  far  from  the  place  of  the  present  comet.  Its 
motion  was  about  one  and  a  half  degrees  a  day.  It  passed 
almost  in  contact  with  Lyra.  It  disappeared  in  the  con- 
stellation of  the  Swan,  about  30°  N.  W.  of  Lyra,  Decem- 
ber 24th." 

Mr.  Ansel  Young,  speaking  in  later  life  of  these  early 
astronomical  observations,  said :  "  We  had  neither  sex- 
tant nor  quadrant  to  take  altitudes,  but  Jared,  by  the 
directions  which  he  found  in  a  book,  made  a  cross-staff. 
It  was,  perhaps,  a  rude  instrument;  but  Columbus  had 
no  better."  Sparks'  nightly  watches  with  the  stars  made 
a  somewhat  uncanny  impression  upon  his  superstitious 
neighbors.  He  had  always  been  spoken  of  as  "  the  ge- 
nius ;  "  but  now  men  began  to  believe  that  he  was  an 
evil  genius.  Young's  father  solemnly  adjured  his  son, 
who  had  been  to  sea  and  earned  a  little  money,  not  to 
lend  a  penny  of  it  to  that  young  Sparks,  who  plainly  was 
dealing  with  evil  spirits.  The  country  folk  began  to  be  a 
little  cautious  about  lending  him  books  ;  but  his  grand- 
mother, Bethiah  Parker,  came  nobly  to  his  relief.  She 
was  famous  among  all  her  neighbors  for  her  excellent 
spinning ;  and,  with  the  proceeds  of  her  art,  she  provided 
her  grandson  with  money.  In  his  cash  account  for  De- 
cember 5,  1807,  is  entered  the  sum  of  $11.89,  "  borrowed 
for  the  purchase  of  books."  He  rode  on  horseback  to 
Hartford  and  bought  "  Webster's  Spelling  Book  "  and 
"  Murray's  Grammar  "  (for  he  was  going  to  keep  school 
in  Tolland),  also  "  Ferguson's  Astronomy  "  and  "  Flint's 
Surveying." 

After  his  return  from  New  York  to  Connecticut, 
Sparks  attended  school  for  two  winters.  He  was  for 
some  time  apprenticed  to  a  carpenter,  and  worked  dili- 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED   SPARKS.  11 

gently  at  his  trade  during  the  summer  months.  Finding 
that  Jared's  mind  was  more  strongly  inclined  towards 
books  and  school-keeping  than  towards  carpentering,  his 
master  generously  released  the  young  apprentice  from  the 
articles  which  bound  him.  In  the  winter  of  1807-1808, 
Sparks  succeeded  in  getting  from  the  selectmen  of  Tol- 
land a  chance  to  teach  for  four  months  at  eight  dollars  a 
month. 

KEMINISCENCES   OP   TOLLAND. 

In  later  life  Mr.  Sparks  occasionally  visited  the  scene 
of  his  early  labors  as  a  schoolmaster.  Writing  from 
Cambridge,  August  28,  1852,  when  he  was  president  of 
Harvard  College,  Mr.  Sparks  said  to  Ansel  Young :  "  I 
have  been  to  Tolland,  and  only  regretted  that  you  could 
not  be  with  me.  My  first  visit  was  to  Buff  Cap  Hill  and 
other  places  in  that  region.  The  little  school-house  in 
which  I  first  taught  school  is  still  standing  in  its  primi- 
tive simplicity,  the  same  oak  benches  for  the  urchins,  and 
planks  around  the  wall  for  writing  tables.  Norris's  bush- 
pasture  is  a  bush-pasture  still,  or  rather  a  tangled  wood. 
In  fact  the  bush-pastures  all  over  the  town  seemed  to  me 
much  more  numerous  and  extensive  than  in  our  time. 
The  whole  of  Buff  Cap  looked  like  a  great  bush-pasture  as 
far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  Tolland  has  been  stationary 
for  the  last  forty  years.  Scarcely  a  house  has  been  added, 
although  several  old  ones  have  given  place  to  new.  .  .  . 
On  the  whole,  however,  there  is  a  marked  appearance  of 
comfort  and  plenty  for  all  the  wants  of  life  throughout 
the  town.  .  .  . 

"  I  went  from  Hartford  to  Willimantic  (in  Windham) 
by  the  railroad,  and  then  took  the  cars  on  the  Norwich 
and  Palmer  road,  which  runs  along  the  bank  of  the  river 
between  Tolland  and  Willington,  on  the  Willington  side. 
The  station  is  near  the  bridge  on  the  old  road  from  Tol- 


12  EARLY  LIFE   OF  JARED   SPARKS. 

land  to  Willington.  From  that  point  the  railroad  runs 
to  Stafford  Springs,  Munson,  and  Palmer.  I  was  sur- 
prised to  find  at  Stafford  Springs  a  large  manufacturing 
village,  and  much  stir  of  business.  ...  I  have  been  much 
gratified  with  my  tour." 

Writing  again  from  Cambridge  to  Mr.  Young,  July  26, 
1859,  he  says  :  "  What  you  say  of  the  Rev.  N.  Williams, 
and  his  teaching  you  the  Westminster  Catechism,  revives 
many  associations.  How  deeply  impressed  on  my  mind  is 
the  image  of  his  white,  flowing  locks,  his  cocked  hat,  and 
venerable  form.  In  a  room  in  his  house  I  was  examined 
for  my  first  school  at  Buff  Cap,  Nov.  30,  1807.  I  have 
the  certificate  now  before  me,  signed  by  Nathan  Williams, 
Tim  J.  Benton,  Wm.  Cogswell,  Simon  Chapman,  John 
Bliss,  Ichabod  Hinckley.  Squire  Stearns  and  Squire 
Barnes  were  also  of  the  committee  who  examined  the 
school.  Do  not  these  names  revive  some  of  your  youthful 
recollections?  When  I  was  in  Tolland,  seven  years  ago, 
I  was  shocked  to  find  that  they  had  turned  Doctor  Wil- 
liams's spacious  yellow  house  into  a  barn,  with  the  hay 
sticking  out  at  the  windows."  .  .  . 

Again,  February  6,  1861,  he  reminds  Mr.  Young  of 
that  school  in  Tolland :  "  You  know  I  boarded  round  in 
the  different  families,  according  to  the  fashion  of  the  day. 
One  morning  I  awoke  and  found  my  bed  covered  with  a 
coating  of  snow,  which  had  blown  in  through  the  cracks 
in  the  roof  of  the  house.  But  the  people  were  kind,  and 
they  had  as  good  a  house  as  they  could  afford." 

In  the  summer  of  1864,  less  than  two  years  before  his 
death,  Mr.  Sparks  visited  Tolland  for  the  last  time.  He 
wrote  to  Mr.  Young  from  Cambridge,  August  31,  1864 : 
44 1  looked  for  the  old  school-house  on  Buff  Cap,  but  it 
was  gone,  and  a  new  one  has  taken  its  place  looking  very 
much  like  it."  Perfect  loyalty  to  the  friends  and  associ- 
ations of  his  youth  was  one  of  the  most  enduring  charac- 


EARLY  LIFE   OF  JARED   SPARKS.  13 

teristics  of  Mr.  Sparks.  This  trait  marks  the  best  sons 
of  New  England  and  of  Old  England  ;  it  was  inherited 
from  our  Germanic  forefathers,  whose  village,  Tun,  or 
Heim,  was  the  historic  origin  of  all  our  towns  and  homes. 

WORK   IN   ARLINGTON,   VERMONT. 

Encouraged  by  the  success  of  his  first  attempt  as  a 
schoolmaster,  Jared  Sparks,  in  the  spring  of  1808,  made 
on  foot  a  long  trip  of  over  three  hundred  miles  through 
eastern  New  York,  seeking  better  opportunities  for  teach- 
ing. His  numerous  inquiries  met  everywhere  with  dis- 
appointment. He  visited  old  friends  and  relatives  in 
Salem,  New  York,  and  over  the  State  line  in  Arlington, 
Vermont.  He  remained  in  the  latter  town  until  the 
autumn,  supporting  himself  by  his  trade  as  a  carpenter, 
"  planing  boards,"  etc.,  for  thirteen  dollars  a  month.  In 
after  years  Mrs.  Sparks  visited  Arlington,  in  Bennington 
County,  Vermont,  and  saw  specimens  of  her  husband's 
early  handiwork,  for  example,  oval  ornaments  upon  doors, 
etc.  Mr.  Sparks  never  regarded  himself  as  a  successful 
carpenter,  but  used  to  say  that  his  geometry  was  of  some 
service  in  decoration. 

More  remarkable  was  his  educational  work  among  the 
young  men  of  Arlington.  He  had  brought  his  books  with 
him,  all  the  way  from  Connecticut,  with  the  exception  of 
Ferguson's  "  Astronomy,"  which  he  had  mastered  and  left 
with  Ansel  Young.  Now  he  began  reading  his  books  anew 
with  the  young  men  of  the  village.  He  even  organized 
an  "  Arlington  Philosophical  Society,"  the  proceedings  of 
which,  from  July  16  to  October  1,  1808,  were  recorded 
by  Jared  Sparks,  and  were  preserved  in  his  family 
library.  The  subjects  discussed  by  the  young  philoso- 
phers were  such  as  these :  the  action  upon  each  other  of 
crystal  globes;  on  following  a  compass;  on  the  rise  of 
northeast  storms ;  the  comparative  swiftness  of  different 


14  EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED   SPARKS. 

parts  of  a  wagon  wheel ;  wheel  and  cycloid  drawn  by 
Jared  Sparks ;  the  effect  of  the  earth's  shape  on  the 
motion  of  the  pendulum.  Of  course  the  work  was  done 
principally  by  Jared  Sparks  and  amounted  to  popular 
talks  on  physics ;  but  it  was  a  remarkable  sort  of  recrea- 
tion for  a  self-educated  young  carpenter  of  nineteen 
years.  Mr.  Sparks  has  left  us  the  following  reminiscences 
of  his  life  at  Arlington  in  a  letter  to  Davis  Hurd,  dated 
Cambridge,  January  30,  1860,  only  six  years  before  Mr. 
Sparks'  death  :  u  Last  August  I  took  a  turn  among  the 
Green  Mountains  in  Vermont,  and  on  my  way  down  to 
Albany  I  stopped  in  Salem.  Here  I  procured  a  chaise 
and  rode  over  the  hills  to  Camden  Valley,  and  thence  up 
the  Batten  Kill  to  Arlington.  You  will  easily  imagine 
that  many  recollections  flowed  into  my  mind  as  I  crossed 
the  bridge  and  the  square  in  front  of  the  church.  There 
was  the  peaceful  Batten  Kill  flowing  along  as  it  did  fifty 
years  ago,  and  the  beautiful  mountain  scenery,  every  part 
of  which, seemed  familiar  to  me.  .  .  .  [Mr.  Turner]  went 
with  me  into  the  house  which  my  labor  had  contributed 
somewhat  to  finish,  and  in  which  I  had  enjoyed  [during 
a  college  vacation  in  1814]  for  two  or  three  months  the 
kind  hospitality  of  yourself  and  Mrs.  Hurd. 

"  The  old  school-house  attracted  my  special  attention. 
There  it  stands  in  its  primitive  form  and  simplicity,  and 
there  were  held  the  meetings  of  our  Philosophical  Society. 
Do  you  remember  what  important  topics  we  discussed  and 
how  many  profound  points  we  established  in  the  opera- 
tions of  the  laws  that  govern  the  natural  world  ?  At  the 
time  I  kept  a  brief  journal  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Society.  That  journal  is  now  before  me  and  I  have 
been  amused  in  looking  it  over.  One  of  the  questions 
was,  ■  Is  there  sensation  in  vegetation  ? '  The  society  de- 
cided in  the  affirmative,  relying  much  on  the  sensitive 
plant  for  proof.     We  discussed  also  the  pendulum,  the 


EARLY   LIFE   OF   JARED   SPARKS.  15 

mariners'  compass,  the  rotation  of  wheels,  the  causes  of 
northeast  storms,  and  many  other  subjects  of  high  import, 
relating  both  to  the  works  of  creation  and  the  inventions 
of  man." 

After  this  interesting  experience  at  Arlington,  the  wan- 
dering scholar  returned  to  Connecticut  on  foot  and  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  another  school  in  Tolland  near  the  main 
road  to  Stafford,  with  his  salary  increased  from  eight  to 
ten  dollars  a  month  for  a  period  of  twelve  weeks.  He 
closed  his  school  February  17,  1809,  and  took  an  account 
of  his  property.  He  found  that  in  thirteen  months  he 
had  received  $122,  and  had  paid  out  $50.59.  Besides  a 
snug  little  balance  in  his  favor,  the  young  man  estimated 
that  he  had  on  hand  $15  worth  of  books,  which  he  had 
bought  during  the  past  thirteen  months. 

VIRGIL   WITH   THE   MINISTER. 

One  week  after  closing  his  school  Sparks  began  the 
study  of  algebra  and  Latin  with  the  Rev.  Hubbell 
Looinis,  the  parish  minister  in  Willington,  afterwards 
president  of  Shurtleff  College,  at  Altoona,  Illinois. 
Sparks,  always  manly  and  independent,  insisted  upon  pay- 
ing the  good  parson  for  his  lessons.  The  rate  of  one  dollar 
a  week  was  agreed  upon.  Mr.  Loomis  gave  his  industrious 
pupil  a  chance  to  earn  something  towards  the  payment  of 
his  modest  tuition  by  shingling  the  barn  of  the  parsonage. 
It  is  said  that  the  parson  and  the  young  carpenter  worked 
together. in  the  morning  upon  the  roof,  and  then  dined 
together   in   their   shirt  sleeves.      With  such  Arcadian1 

1  In  a  letter  written  to  Miss  Storrow  from  New  York,  December 
17,  1827,  Mr.  Sparks  makes  this  pleasant  allusion  to  his  life  at 
the  Willington  parsonage.  His  fondness  for  little  children,  revealed 
in  the  following  reminiscence,  was  very  characteristic  of  the  man  : 
"You  must  know  the  good  clergyman  who  taught  me  the  Latin 
Grammar  when  I  was  more  than  a  boy  had  a  sweet  little  daugh- 
ter, three  years  old,  who  was  fond  of  climbing  upon  my  knee,  run- 


16  EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED   SPARKS. 

simplicity  of  manners  and  with  such  profitable  companion- 
ship did  young  Sparks  learn  his  Latin  declensions  and 
conjugations,  passing  rapidly  forward  to  the  reading  of 
Virgil.  The  kindly  tutorial  relation  between  the  Con- 
necticut parson  and  his  young  parishioner  was  much  like 
that  which  subsisted  between  the  early  clergymen  of  Mas- 
sachusetts and  a  few  choice  young  men  preparing  for 
college  in  bucolic  fashion  in  those  farming  towns  about 
Cambridge.  Indeed,  this  old  method  of  collegiate  prepa- 
ration has  by  no  means  died  out  in  the  rural  parishes  of 
New  England.  Many  are  our  college  graduates  who  owe 
their  first  progress  in  Latin  and  the  higher  mathematics 
to  the  instruction  and  friendly  encouragement  lent  by  a 
country  minister.  Not  a  few  "  rusticated  "  students  have 
recovered  ground  lost  in  "  hazing,"  "  rushing,"  or  loafing 
at  college,  by  a  period  of  earnest  study  with  some  schol- 
arly country  parson. 

REV.    ABIEL   ABBOT. 

One  day  when  Jared  Sparks  was  at  the  house  of  the 
minister,  the  latter  called  his  pupil  into  the  study  and 
introduced  him  to  a  clerical  visitor,  the  Rev.  Abiel 
Abbot,  from  Coventry,  Connecticut,  who  wished  to  hear 
the  young  carpenter  translate  Virgil.  Although  Sparks 
had  studied  Latin  only  eight  weeks  he  was  now  reading 
at  the  rate  of  two  hundred  lines  a  day.  Such  an  inter- 
esting phenomenon  might  well  serve  to  divert  the  mind 
of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Abbot  from  theological  questions  which 

ning  in  and  out  of  my  room  when  she  pleased,  and  following  me 
in  the  fields.  .  .  .  She  would  go  with  me  also  after  strawberries  and 
blackberries  in  their  season.  In  short  I  was  charmed  with  the  little 
creature,  for  she  was  pretty,  gentle,  and  docile.  .  .  .  Her  father  was 
devoted  to  her  education  ;  she  grew  up  with  a  mind  and  manners 
well  improved,  and  she  was  lately  married  to  a  young  merchant  in 
this  smoky  city.  I  have  not  seen  her  for  several  years.  To-morrow 
I  shall  find  her  out." 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS.       17 

he  had  perhaps  come  to  discuss  with  his  friend  and 
neighbor.  Unitarian  ideas,  spreading  from  Massachu- 
setts, were  then  just  beginning  to  find  scattered  converts 
in  Connecticut.  Kev.  Mr.  Abbot  was  one  of  the  earliest 
sympathizers  with  and  advocates  of  the  new  doctrines. 
For  his  alleged  heresy  the  neighboring  clergy  and  the 
orthodox  party  in  his  own  church  afterwards,  in  1811, 
proposed  to  discipline  him  and  force  his  withdrawal  from 
the  pastoral  office,  although  the  parish  at  large  was 
strongly  in  favor  of  retaining  him. 

Mr.  Abbot  had  perhaps  come  to  exchange  views  in  a 
fraternal  spirit  with  Mr.  Loomis.  It  is  a  pleasant  picture 
to  see  these  worthy  men  turning  away  from  grave  theo- 
logical questions,  which  in  the  end  cost  Mr.  Abbot 1  his 
parish  at  Coventry,  to  examine  a  country  youth  in  Latin. 

1  Abiel  Abbot  (1765-1859)  was  settled  at  Coventry  in  1795,  and 
for  fifteen  years  continued  to  preach  acceptably  to  his  people.  In 
1810  some  members  of  his  congregation  began  to  suspect  him  of 
entertaining  Unitarian  sentiments.  The  case  was  referred  to  the 
consociation  of  ministers  in  the  county  of  Tolland,  although  neither 
Mr.  Abbot  nor  his  church  had  ever  joined  that  body.  A  council  of 
ministers  was  called,  and  assumed  to  dissolve  the  ministerial  relation 
between  Mr.  Abbot  and  the  First  Church  at  Coventry.  The  major- 
ity of  the  congregation  was  on  Mr.  Abbot's  side,  and  he  continued 
for  two  months  longer  to  officiate  as  pastor,  until  by  his  consent  a  mu- 
tual council  consisting  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  divines  was 
convened  at  Coventry.  This  council  decided  that  "  the  consociation 
had  no  right  to  dissolve  the  connection  between  the  pastor  and  soci- 
ety, the  great  majority  of  whom  manifest  a  warm  attachment  to  his 
person  and  ministry,  but  that  from  considerations  of  expediency  they 
do  dissolve  it,  and  declare  that  it  is  dissolved  accordingly."  Mr. 
Abbot  afterwards  published  a  full  statement  of  the  proceedings 
which  had  resulted  in  his  dismissal.  He  became  for  a  time  principal 
of  Dummer  Academy  at  Byfield,  Mass.,  but  in  1819  removed  to 
Andover,  the  old  home  of  the  Abbot  family.  He  there  wrote  and 
published  a  history  of  Andover.  In  1827  he  became  pastor  of  the 
Congregational  Society  (Unitarian)  of  Peterborough,  N.  H.,  where 
he  remained  until  1848,  when  he  resigned.  While  living  in  Peter- 
borough he  was  instrumental  in  founding  in  1833  the  first  free  pub- 


18       EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS. 

Jared  Sparks  passed  such  a  creditable  examination  that 
the  visiting  parson,  who  was  a  cousin  of  the  famous  Dr. 
Benjamin  Abbot  of  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  said  the 
young  man  ought  to  go  to  that  celebrated  preparatory 
school  in  New  Hampshire  and  fit  for  Harvard  College. 
Mr.  Abbot  knew  that  at  Exeter  special  provision  had 
been  made  for  good  students  whose  means  were  limited, 
and  he  promised  to  see  what  could  be  done  towards  secur- 
ing an  education  for  the  ambitious  young  carpenter  from 
Connecticut.  This  promise  was  faithfully  kept,  and  the 
way  was  finally  opened  for  Jared  Sparks  to  go  to  Exeter. 

lie  library,  supported  by  taxation,  in  the  United  States.  See  Smith's 
"  Peterborough,"  i.,  117,  118,  where  this  matter  is  discussed  at  length. 
He  also  founded  (1838)  the  Ministerial  Library  of  Peterborough. 
Dr.  Abbot  removed  to  West  Cambridge,  where  he  was  frequently 
visited  by  Mr.  Sparks.  Dr.  Ellis,  in  his  "  Memoir  of  Jared  Sparks," 
says  :  "  During  his  presidency  of  the  college,  and  after  his  retire- 
ment from  it,  I  was.  in  the  habit,  after  the  performance  of  certain 
official  duties  at  Cambridge,  of  occasionally  calling  at  his  door  on  a 
pleasant  afternoon,  and  inviting  him  to  a  drive  around  the  neighbor- 
hood. If  I  had  no  special  direction  in  view,  I  would  leave  the  choice 
to  him.  More  than  once  he  said,  '  If  you  have  no  choice,  I  should 
prefer,  above  all  things,  to  call  on  good  old  Dr.  Abbot.'  He  was 
then  living  in  extreme  old  age  with  his  grandson,  the  late  Rev.  Sam- 
uel Abbot  Smith,  minister  of  the  First  Church  in  West  Cambridge, 
now  Arlington.  The  venerable  divine  had  served  a  long  professional 
course  in  two  parishes  after  his  removal  from  Coventry.  On  the 
way,  Mr.  Sparks  said  of  him,  »  To  that  venerable  and  dear  old  man 
I  owe  more  than  to  any  of  the  many  good  friends  I  have  had  all  my 
life.'  " 

Dr.  Abiel  Abbot  and  Dr.  Benjamin  Abbot  were  double  cousins, 
their  fathers  being  brothers,  and  their  mothers  sisters.  They  were 
also  brothers-in-law,  for  Mrs.  Abiel  Abbot  was  the  sister  of  Dr.  Ben- 
jamin Abbot.  Dr.  Abbot  died  at  the  age  of  ninety-three  and  was 
buried  in  Peterborough.  For  further  details  regarding  his  life,  see 
Smith's  "  Peterborough,"  i.,  95,  ii.,  4,  which  contains  a  portrait  of  the 
man  in  his  old  age.  For  his  ecclesiastical  experience  in  Connecti- 
cut, see  Belsham's  "Memoirs  of  Theophilus  Lindsey,"  ch.  ix.,  and 
Sparks'  "  Unitarian  Miscellany,"  vol.  ii.,  99. 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS.       19 

It  was  arranged  that  Mr.  Abbot  and  his  wife,  who  were 
about  to  visit  the  principal  of  Phillips  Exeter  Academy, 
should  take  with  them  Sparks'  trunk.  This  was  fas- 
tened between  the  wheels,  beneath  the  parson's  chaise, 
and  was  thus  transported  all  the  way  from  Connecticut  to 
New  Hampshire.  Sparks  himself  trudged  thither  on  foot. 
He  started  on  the  fourth  of  September,  1809,  and  reached 
Exeter  in  four  days,  a  journey  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles.  The  good  parson  had  naturally  arrived  before 
him,  but  the  first  thing  that  greeted  the  eyes  of  young 
Sparks,  in  the  hall  of  Dr.  Abbot,  was  the  little  trunk 
there  safely  deposited. 

REV.    HUBBEL   LOOMIS'S   REMINISCENCES. 

The  following  pleasant  reminiscences  of  the  boyhood  of 
Jared  Sparks  were  sent  to  Mrs.  M.  C.  Sparks,  May  15, 
1866,  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  from  Upper  Alton, 
Illinois,  by  the  Eev.  Hubbel  Loomis,  then  ninety-one 
years  old:  "Previous  to  that  period  [1809]  I  merely 
knew  him  by  sight,  without  ever  having  spoken  to  him, 
but  I  had  heard  him  spoken  of  as  a  marked  boy,  well  be- 
haved, of  close  application,  and  very  rapid  in  learning. 
...  On  entering  my  door,  I  was  simply  able  to  recognize 
him  as  the  youth  of  whom  I  had  heard  favorable  things. 
He  immediately  informed  me  that  he  came  to  see  if  I 
would  teach  him  six  weeks  in  geometry.  I  needed  not  a 
moment  of  deliberation.  I  put  into  his  hands  Playfair, 
and  [at]  the  same  time  handed  him  an  Algebra  into  which 
he  might  occasionally  look.  He  boarded  with  his  mother, 
a  mile  and  a  half  distant,  and  came  about  every  other  day 
to  recite.  In  the  compass  of  a  few  days  I  learned  that  he 
had  unmistakably  a  mathematical  genius.  I  also  learned 
that  he  had  the  offer  of  a  school  in  Vermont,  and  that  his 
confident  calculation  was  at  the  expiration  of  six  weeks 
to  go  and  take  charge  of  that  school.     From  this  I  soon 


20       EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS. 

made  up  my  mind  that  it  was  my  duty  to  dissuade  him. 
I  advised  him  to  take  the  Latin  Grammar  and  try  a  hand 
at  the  language.  The  suggestion  brightened  his  counte- 
nance, but  with  heaviness  he  replied  that  he  had  no 
money,  that  his  whole  heart  was  upon  obtaining  the  best 
education  within  his  reach,  but  if  he  could  be  trusted  he 
could  not  bear  to  be  in  debt.  I  explained,  and  advised 
him  to  study  as  long  as  he  could  find  anybody  to  board 
and  teach  him.  He  finally  consented  and  became  a  mem- 
ber of  my  family.  Within  a  few  weeks  I  became  satisfied 
that  he  had  a  well  balanced  mind,  as  well  adapted  to  lit- 
erature and  mental  science  as  to  mathematics,  and  I  de- 
termined to  patronize  him  as  far  as  my  limited  means  and 
influence  would  admit.  I  accordingly  embraced  opportu- 
nities of  inquiring  of  my  ministerial  brothers  for  some 
charitable  establishment  upon  which  he  might  be  placed. 
This  preceded  the  foundation  of  educational  societies,  or 
any  general  movement  for  aiding  indigent  and  promising 
youths. 

"  A  few  weeks  previous  to  the  commencement  of  the 
fall  term  of  our  literary  institutions,  Eev.  Abiel  Abbot,  a 
brother  in  the  Congregational  ministry,  called  on  me. 
He  was  pastor  of  Coventry  Church,  twelve  miles  south  of 
me.  Two  years  after  he  was  dismissed  on  account  of 
sentiment.  He  died  an  old  man,  but  not  long  before  his 
death  I  wrote  to  him  in  Cambridge,  Mass.,1  and  he,  at 

1  Writing  from  Cambridge  to  Mr.  Loomis,  Oct.  25,  1854,  Mr. 
Sparks  said  :  "  Your  old  friend,  Dr.  Abbot  of  Peterborough,  has  a 
grandson  settled  in  the  ministry  in  West  Cambridge.  As  he  is  now- 
left  nearly  alone,  it  is  expected  that  he  will  soon  come  down  and  live 
with  his  grandson."  Again,  April  28,  1855,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  :  "  I 
mentioned  to  you  that  Dr.  Abbot  was  about  to  take  up  his  residence 
in  this  neighborhood.  He  is  now  with  his  grandson,  Samuel  Abbot 
Smith,  who  is  settled  as  a  clergyman  in  West  Cambridge,  about 
three  miles  from  me.     I  read  to  him  a  portion  of  your  letter,  and  he 


EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS.       21 

the  age  of  95,  returned  an  answer  in  his  own  hand  writ 
ing.  To  brother  Abbot  I  stated  the  case  of  Mr.  Sparks, 
expressing  my  opinion  that  he  was  worthy  of  patronage. 
Brother  Abbot  heard  him  recite  in  Latin,  and  asked  him 
various  questions.  After  Mr.  Sparks  retired  brother  Ab- 
bot expressed  a  favorable  opinion  of  him  as  a  charity  stu- 
dent, and  that  he  would  cast  about  and  see  whether  he 
could  do  anything  to  help  him.  A  few  days  after  I  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  brother  Abbot,  stating  that  he  had 
written  to  Dr.  Benjamin  Abbot,  the  head  of  Phillips 
Academy  in  Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  and  received  an- 
swer that  a  charity  establishment  was  vacant,  and  that 
Mr.  Sparks  could  be  placed  upon  it.  Upon  obtaining 
this  information,  Mr.  Sparks  started  on  horseback  to 
Coventry  to  learn  particulars  of  brother  Abbot.  ...  He 
learned  that  Mr.  Abbot  was  about  starting  on  a  journey 
through  Exeter,  and  that  he  could  strap  a  trunk  on  to  his 
chaise  and  carry  it  to  Exeter,  and  he  actually  carried  the 
trunk.  Mr.  Abbot  also  gave  him  a  letter  of  introduction 
to  his  father  living  on  the  road,  writing  that  any  favor 
shown  Mr.  Sparks  would  be  considered  as  bestowed  on 
his  son." 

These  reminiscences  of  Mr.  Loomis  are  undoubtedly  an 
authentic  source  of  information  concerning  the  beginnings 
of  Sparks'  educational  career.  Another  and  equally  val- 
uable source  is  an  article  on  Jared  Sparks  published  in 
"  The  National  Portrait  Gallery  of  Distinguished  Ameri- 

was  very  much  gratified  with  the  kind  manner  in  which  you  spoke  of 
him.  He  was  animated  in  conversing  about  Coventry  and  Willing- 
ton,  and  it  evidently  gave  him  great  pleasure  to  revive  his  recollec- 
tions of  his  former  acquaintance  and  connection  with  you.  He 
alluded  to  the  Coventry  Council,  but  in  the  mildest  terms,  not  doubt- 
ing, as  he  said,  that  the  members  were  actuated  by  what  they  con- 
sidered a  sense  of  duty.  Dr.  Abbot  is  now  over  ninety  years  old, 
but  his  faculties  are  unimpaired,  though  the  feebleness  of  age  is 
somewhat  indicated  by  his  bodily  movements." 


22  EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS. 

cans,  with  Biographical  Sketches  "  (Rice  and  Hart,  Phil- 
adelphia). The  writer  of  that  sketch  obtained  his  infor- 
mation directly  from  Mr.  Sparks,  as  will  appear  in  the 
following  extract  from  one  of  his  letters  to  Mr.  Loomis, 
dated  October  25,  1854  :  "It  gave  me  great  pleasure  to 
receive  your  letter,  and  to  know  that  you  approved  the 
manner  in  which  you  were  mentioned  in  the  Memoir  pre- 
pared for  the  Portrait  Gallery.  I  endeavored  to  commu- 
nicate the  facts  correctly  to  the  writer  of  the  Memoir.1 
Be  assured  I  retain  a  lively  and  grateful  recollection  of 
your  many  kindnesses  to  me  in  Willington." 

WILLINGTON   AND   ITS   PASTOR. 

Mr.  Sparks  then  describes  with  manifest  affection  his 
native  town :  "  Two  years  ago  I  made  a  visit  to  that  place 
after  an  absence  of  twenty  years.  There  were  the  same 
hills  and  valleys,  brooks  and  woods,  which  I  had  looked 
upon  in  my  infancy  and  childhood,  but  in  the  works  of 
man  there  were  changes.  On  the  whole  the  good  old 
town  exhibited  marks  of  improvement.  The  houses,  old 
and  new,  wore  an  air  of  comfort,  and  indicated  industrious 
people  within  them.  The  bush-pastures  seemed  to  me 
more  numerous  than  formerly,  showing  less  attention  to 
agriculture  than  one  would  expect,  but  I  found  that  many 
of  the  men  had  betaken  themselves  to  some  kind  of  manu- 
factures ;  and  the  women,  instead  of  spinning  wool,  flax, 
and  tow,  as  my  grandmother  used  to  do,  and  weaving  it 
into  cloth,  were  braiding  straw  for  hats,  stitching  the  up- 
per leather  of  shoes,  and  engaged  in  other  like  occupa- 
pations,  so  that  they  are  as  industrious  as  ever,  although 
their  industry  takes  a  different  direction. 

"  The  most  attractive  object  in  the  town  is  the  avenue 
cf  maple  trees  which  you  planted  by  the  side  of  the  road 

1  "  I  was  glad  the  [Loomis]  boys  were  pleased  with  the  pamphlet." 
Extract  from  Mr.  Sparks1  letter  to  Mr.  Loomis,  April  28,  1855. 


EARLY   LIFE  OF  JARED   SPARKS.  23 

near  your  house.  They  have  grown  large  and  uniform, 
and  make  a  beautiful  appearance.  I  understood  the  peo- 
ple had  a  sort  of  festival  under  those  trees  the  year  before 
I  was  there,  at  which  you  were  duly  remembered.  The 
outside  of  the  old  meeting-house  looks  as  it  did  when  Cap- 
tain Fellows  used  to  set  the  tune  for  the  singers,  but  I 
was  sorry  to  find  that  they  had  made  a  town  hall  of  the 
lower  part  of  it." 

A  flourishing  industrial  town,  a  noble  avenue  of  maples, 
a  village  festival  under  trees  of  the  good  man's  own  plant- 
ing, —  these  are  in  some  respects  living  monuments  of  the 
influence  of  this  faithful  Congregational  minister,  the  Rev. 
Hubbel  Loomis ;  but  infinitely  wider-reaching  was  the 
work  of  this  excellent  pastor  and  father  in  the  education 
of  that  eager  youth,  whom  he  delighted  to  call  "  Son 
Jared,"  and  of  that  other  son  who  afterwards  became  a 
distinguished  professor  of  natural  philosophy  in  Yale 
College,  Elias  Loomis.  "Your  son,  the  professor,  I  see 
occasionally,"  wrote  Mr.  Sparks  from  Cambridge,  June 
20,  1863.  "  I  passed  a  day  with  him  last  summer  at 
New  Haven.  He  stands  high  in  the  scientific  world. 
You  must  have  been  highly  gratified  with  his  attainments, 
success,  and  character."  Beyond  all  estimate  is  the  edu- 
cational value  of  such  a  life  as  that  of  Professor  Loomis, 
the  personal  instructor  and  stimulator  of  thousands  of 
Yale  students,  and,  indirectly  through  his  text-books,  the 
mental  awakener  of  thousands  of  men  in  other  colleges. 
Transcending  all  present  limits  of  human  knowledge  is 
the   possible   reach   of   that  noble   benefaction  1  for   the 

.  1  "By  the  will  of  Professor  Elias  Loomis,  who  died  in  August, 
1889,  the  Observatory  [of  Yale  University]' is  to  receive  at  once  one 
third  of  the  income,  and  will  ultimately  receive  the  entire  income,  of 
a  fund  established  by  him  and  called  the  Loomis  Fund.  The  income 
received  is  to  be  applied  to  all,  or  one  or  more,  of  the  following  ob- 
jects only,  namely,  the  payment  of  the  salaries  of  observers  whose 


24       EARLY  LIFE  OF  JARED  SPARKS. 

encouragement  of  science  which  was  made  at  death  by 
this  devoted,  self-sacrificing  son  of  the  faithful  pastor  of 
Willington.  "  What  would  have  been  my  destiny  in  life, 
if  I  had  not  known  you  there"  [wrote  Jared  Sparks, 
June  20,  1863],  "cannot  be  told  ;  but  such  as  it  has  been, 
I  have  always  considered  myself  mainly  indebted  to  you 
for  the  course  it  has  taken,  and  the  success  attending  it. 
I  hope  you  have  no  reason  to  regret  your  kind  agency  in 
setting  me  forward  to  fulfill  the  destiny  then  awaiting 
me." 

There  is  something  very  touching  in  the  following 
answer  of  the  venerable  Mr.  Loomis,  then  (September 
22,  1863)  eighty-eight  years  old  :  "  Son  Jared,  for  so  I 
wish  to  address  you,  your  letter  of  June  13  I  received  in 
due  course  of  mail,  but  to  answer  I  waited  and  waited, 
hoping  to  be  able  to  write  with  my  own  hand  a  long  letter 
that  would  show  the  fullness  of  my  heart.  But  my  in- 
ability to  write  continues  and  probably  will  continue  to 
the  end  ;  so  I  do  the  best  I  can  at  dictating  a  few  words. 
...  If  for  twenty  years  after  you  left  me,  a  young  man 
of  equal  promise  had  annually  presented  himself  to  me 
for  instruction  l  and  counsel,  I  should  have  felt  under  un- 

time  is  exclusively  devoted  to  the  making  of  observations  for  the 
promotion  of  the  science  of  Astronomy,  or  to  the  reduction  of  as- 
tronomical observations  and  their  discussion  in  papers  prepared  for 
publication,  or  to  defray  the  expense  of  publishing  these  observations 
and  of  publishing  investigations  based  upon  astronomical  observa- 
tions. The  principal  of  the  Loomis  Fund  is  about  three  hundred 
thousand  dollars." — Extract  from  Catalogue  of  Yale  University. 

1  In  1817,  the  Rev.  Hubbel  Loomis  endeavored  to  secure  the  benefit 
of  "  the  establishment,"  or  charity  foundation,  for  another  of  his 
Willington  pupils.  Mr.  Sparks,  then  a  tutor  at  Harvard  College, 
interested  himself  in  behalf  of  his  young  townsman  and  wrote  to  Dr. 
Abbot,  who  replied,  November  6,  1817  :  "I  can  very  safely  assure 
you,  if  we  can  be  satisfied  he  possesses  a  good  portion  of  the  spirit 
and  character  of  him  who  solicits  for  him,  we  should  need  no  further 
inducement  to  receive  him  as  soon  as  a  vacancy  occurs." 


EARLY  LIFE   OF  JARED   SPARKS.  25 

speakable  obligations  to  God  for  giving  me  such  an  op- 
portunity for  efficient  labor  in  aiding  young  men  aspiring 
to  distinction  and  usefulness.  Your  ample  remuneration 
of  me  will  be  seen  and  felt  in  Shurtleff  College,  to  which 
I  donate  my  small  library,  particularly  Trommius's  Con- 
cordance, Schleusner  and  Biel's  Lexicons,  etc.,  the  first 
copies  of  the  kind  brought  into  Illinois." 

Like  fathers,  like  sons.  Such  were  the  Puritan  up- 
builders  of  colleges  in  New  England  and  the  West. 
Such  were  the  educators  of  men  like  Elias  Loomis  and 
Jared  Sparks,  the  one  to  become  a  professor  and  benefac- 
tor of  Yale,  the  other  to  become  professor  and  president 
of  Harvard  University. 


CHAPTER  II. 

STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY. 

1809-1811. 

THE   FOUNDER   OF   PHILLIPS   ACADEMY. 

Without  disputing  claims  to  priority  with  the  Boston 
Latin  School  (1635),  with  Dumraer  Academy  at  Byfield, 
Massachusetts,  or  with  Phillips  Andover  Academy,  which 
owes  its  material  endowment  largely  to  John  Phillips,1 
the  academy  at  Exeter  has  a  history  all  its  own,  and  does 
not  need  any  English  prototype  to  explain  its  excellence. 
Phillips  Exeter  Academy  had  an  established  reputation 
before  ever  Rugby  and  Doctor  Arnold  were  heard  of  as 
educational  models.  The  historic  germ  of  the  New 
Hampshire  institution  may,  perhaps,  be  found  in  that 
"  private  classical  school  "  established  at  Exeter  in  1741 
by  John  Phillips  (1720-1795),  son  of  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Phillips  of  Andover.  The  founder  was  graduated  from 
Harvard  in  1735,  studied  medicine  and  theology,  taught 
in  both  Andover  and  Exeter,  married,  in  the  latter  town, 
Mrs.  Sarah,  "  relict  "  of  Nathaniel  Gilman,  Esq.,  known 
as  "  Gentleman  Nat,"  who  left  three  children  and  a  for- 
tune of  seventy-five  thousand  pounds,  old  tenor.  Mr. 
Phillips  entered  business  and  politics,  aided  Dartmouth, 
Princeton,  and  Harvard  Colleges,  became  very  wealthy, 
and  endowed  Andover  and  Exeter  academies.     "With- 

1  The  brothers,  John  and  Samuel  Phillips,  jointly  endowed  Phil- 
lips Andover  Academy  in  1778.  It  was  chartered  in  1780,  one  year 
before  Exeter. 


STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS  EXETER  ACADEMY.      27 

out  natural  issue  he  made  posterity  his  heir."  1  In  1789, 
the  very  year  Jared  Sparks  was  born,  Mr.  Phillips  made 
very  generous  provision  for  the  aid  of  Exeter  students,  of 
w4  such  as  may  be  of  excelling  genius  and  of  good  moral 
character."  This  was  the  foundation  which  made  it  pos- 
sible for  Jared  Sparks  to  obtain  the  necessary  preparation 
for  Harvard  College. 

DR.    BENJAMIN   ABBOT. 

Dr.  Abbot  (1762-1849)  was  the  son  of  Captain  Abbot  of 
Andover,  Massachusetts.  He  was  graduated  at  Harvard 
in  1788,  and  that  year  became  the  principal  of  Phillips 
Exeter  Academy.  Descended  from  ancestors  who  were 
either  deacons  in  the  church  or  captains  of  militia,  he  was 
a  remarkable  combination  of  gentleness  with  authority. 
Suaviter  in  modo,fortiter  in  re  was  his  avowed  method 
of  dealing  with  boys.  The  Kev.  Dr.  John  H.  Morison 
says  "no  admiral  on  the  quarter-deck  of  his  flag-ship  was, 
more  than  he  in  his  school,  the  impersonation  of  decision, 
firmness,  and  authority."  He  ruled  quietly,  firmly,  with- 
out intimidation,  always  treating  the  students  with  cour- 
tesy and  kindness.  His  reprimands  never  rankled.  He 
knew  when  to  overlook  a  fault.  He  used  to  say  "  it  was 
a  great  accomplishment  to  know  how  to  wink !  " 

Dr.  Soule,  who,  like  Dr.  Abbot,  taught  in  Phillips  Exe- 

1  The  above  was  an  epitaph  proposed  for  Mr.  Phillips.  "  His 
academy  has  given  him  a  name  better  than  of  sons  and  daughters  " 
(see  Rev.  Abiel  Abbot's  "  Andover,"  143).  The  best  authorities  on 
Phillips  Exeter  Academy  are  Charles  H.  Bell's  "  Historical  Sketch," 
Exeter,  1883,  and  Frank  H.  Cunningham's  "  Familiar  Sketches  of 
the  Phillips  Exeter  Academy,"  Boston,  1883. 

2  The  first  principal  was  William  Woodbridge  (1755-1836),  a 
graduate  of  Yale  College  in  1780.  He  was  in  charge  of  the  acad- 
emy for  five  years,  1783-1788,  when  he  resigned  on  account  of  his 
health,  although  he  afterwards  lived  to  complete  a  record  of  fifty 
years  as  a  teacher. 


28      STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY. 

ter  Academy  for  fifty  years,  once  spoke  of  his  predeces- 
sor, in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Peabody,  as  "  the  second  founder  of 
the  institution,  not  scriptis  legibus,  but  by  the  wisdom 
and  consistency  of  his  government.  His  dignity  was  un- 
surpassed;  but  it  was  always  adorned  and  rendered  at- 
tractive by  his  sweet  affability.  He  was  always  a  gentle- 
man, even  to  the  youngest  of  his  pupils,  inspiring  them 
with  high-mindedness  and  courage  to  do  right.  Indeed, 
the  whole  history  of  his  connection  with  the  academy  is  a 
comment  on  the  necessity  of  good  manners,  not  only  for 
the  proper  government  of  the  school,  but  for  the  best 
development  and  culture  of  the  youthful  mind." 

PHILLIPS    EXETER   ACADEMY. 

Any  graduate  of  Exeter  who  remembers  his  first  inter- 
view with  the  principal  of  Phillips  Academy,  under  the 
old  regime  established  by  Dr.  Benjamin  Abbot  and  per- 
petuated by  Dr.  Gideon  L.  Soule,  can  imagine  the  pro- 
found impression  which  admission  to  that  famous  acad- 
emy must  have  made  upon  the  mind  of  the  country  lad 
from  Connecticut.  A  sense  of  exalted  privilege  dawns 
upon  every  youthful  student,  and  withal  a  consciousness 
of  great  personal  responsibility.  The  character  and  tra- 
ditions of  Phillips  Exeter  Academy  usually  take  strong 
hold  upon  earnest  lads.  The  standard  of  scholarship  is 
so  high,  the  spirit  of  the  students  is  so  honorable  and 
manly,  the  esprit  de  corps  so  pronounced,  the  discipline 
so  perfect,  and  the  habits  of  self-government  are  so  well 
developed,  that  every  Exeter  boy  soon  learns  to  feel  that 
he  has  an  individual  duty  to  discharge  in  maintaining  the 
honor  of  that  far-famed  school.  An  endowed  and  self- 
sustaining  institution,  Phillips  Exeter  Academy  has  never 
had  the  slightest  interest  in  keeping  poor  scholars  or  bad 
boys  simply  for  the  sake  of  swelling  the  list  of  names  in 
the  catalogue.      Consequently  a   standard  of  real   merit 


STUDENT  AT   PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY.      29 

has  always  been  recognized.     The  survival  of  the  fittest  is 
a  rule  rigidly  enforced  at  the  end  of  every  school  year. 

Speaking  of  Jared  Sparks'  career  at  this  famous  public 
school,  Dr.  Ellis  remarks :  "  Exeter  has  been  the  training- 
schpol  of  a  large  number  of  the  scholars  of  New  England 
during  the  last  two  generations,  affording  them  prepara- 
tion for  college.  Webster,  Cass,  Buckminster,  and  the 
Everetts  have  been  only  more  conspicuous  among  a  multi- 
tude of  its  distinguished  pupils  who  are  no  longer  living. 
Sparks  reached  there  on  the  same  day  with  his  life-long 
friend,  Palfrey.  Bancroft  joined  them  in  1811.  But, 
while  he  shared  the  privileges  of  the  Academy,  Sparks's 
circumstances  compelled  him  to  use  the  vacations  and 
even  to  encroach  on  term-time  to  obtain  a  slight  but 
needful  emolument  from  teaching.  From  the  11th  of 
December,  1810,  to  the  8th  of  March,  1811,  when  he  re- 
turned to  Exeter,  he  was  engaged  in  a  school  at  Roches- 
ter, N.  H.  Indeed,  as  it  had  been  in  the  school  years  of 
his  childhood,  and  was  in  his  course  at  Exeter,  so  as  we 
shall  see,  after  he  had  entered  college,  a  good  part,  per- 
haps the  best  part,  of  his  own  training  and  acquisitions 
was  attained  through  the  stimulus  of  a  necessity  to  turn 
them  at  once  to  account,  as  the  condition  of  his  own  con- 
tinued progress.  He  certainly  had  a  fair  opportunity  to 
test  the  assertion,  so  reasonable  in  itself,  that  no  one 
learns  to  the  best  purpose  unless  with  a  view  to  impart, 
with  the  most  facility  arid  satisfaction  to  himself,  what- 
ever he  knows." 

sparks'  commonplace  books. 
The  commonplace  books,  begun  by  Jared  Sparks  at 
Exeter,  January  10,  1810,  and  continued  systematically 
at  school  and  college  for  six  years,  are  the  best  original 
sources  of  information  concerning  his  studies  and  mental 
development.     These   jottings   from   day  to   day  are  an 


30      STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER   ACADEMY. 

unconscious  autobiography.  They  show  that  he  was 
interested  in  many  things  outside  the  immediate  line  of 
his  school  work.  His  natural  fondness  for  physics  and 
astronomy  seemed  to  increase  even  in  such  an  unfavorable 
environment  as  a  classical  school.  We  find  him  sending 
articles  to  New  Hampshire  newspapers  upon  scientific 
subjects.  He  kept  a  record  of  local  calculations  of  the 
eclipse  of  the  sun  in  1811  and  watched  the  comet  in  that 
year.  He  made  careful  notes  concerning  the  historical 
development  of  the  various  natural  sciences,  such  as 
hydraulics,  pneumatics,  optics,  chemistry,  geology,  etc. 
He  recorded  the  landmarks  of  progress  in  astronomy, 
mathematics,  and  navigation.  No  less  interesting  to  him 
was  the  history  of  literary  and  political  journals  and  of 
learned  societies. 

His  powers  of  observation  as  regards  natural  phenom- 
ena seem  to  have  been  practiced  anew  at  Exeter.  On  the 
9th  of  November,  1810,  he  makes  this  entry  in  his  com- 
monplace book :  "  At  ten  minutes  past  nine  in  the  even- 
ing, a  shock  of  an  earthquake  was  experienced  at  this 
place.  It  was  so  severe  as  to  jar  crockery  from  the  shelves 
in  some  parts  of  the  town,  to  cause  the  falling  of  stone 
walls,  etc.  The  report  was  first  heard  in  the  west,  about 
40  seconds  before  the  shock  was  felt ;  the  shock  itself 
continued  about  15  seconds,  after  which  the  report  con- 
tinued moving  with  a  very  heavy  rumbling  noise  towards 
the  east,  for  about  one  minute,  making  in  all  a  continua- 
tion of  about  two  minutes.  The  agitation  caused  on  this 
occasion  was  such  as  to  give  people  a  very  sensible  vibra- 
ting motion,  who  were  sitting  in  their  chairs,  for  about  10 
or  15  seconds.  The  sensations  produced  upon  the  mind 
were  very  different  from  the  effects  of  heavy  thunder.  It 
is  said  by  aged  people  to  be  the  heaviest  shock  they  have 
ever  known  in  these  parts.  Some  are  so  fanciful  as  to 
give  it  the  appellation  of  an  air-quake  ;  but  as  for  myselr* 


STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY.       31 

I  cannot  discover  in  what  an  air-quake  differs  from  com- 
mon thunder,  nor  indeed  do  I  consider  an  air-quake  to 
be  a  proper  term  to  express  any  operation  of  nature." 

CONTRIBUTIONS   TO   NEWSPAPERS. 

Sparks,  from  the  beginning  of  his  course  at  Exeter, 
was  deeply  interested  in  educational  topics  and  occasion- 
ally wrote  articles  upon  them  for  the  "New  Hampshire 
Patriot,"  published  weekly  in  Concord,  the  capital  of  that 
State.  Noteworthy  is  a  plea  for  the  higher  education  of 
women,  published  May  15,  1810.  He  urged  that  history 
(civil,  natural,  and  ecclesiastical),  geography,  poetry, 
moral  philosophy,  and  the  fine  arts  are  studies  at  once 
useful  and  entertaining  for  women,  studies  in  which  they 
might  attain  great  proficiency  without  any  evil  conse- 
quences. 

On  the  10th  of  June,  1810,  the  Concord  paper  pub- 
lished an  article  by  Jared  Sparks,  which  attempted  to 
prove,  from  the  history  of  Greek  philosophy  and  English 
literature,  the  following  thesis:  "Intense  application  to 
study,  not  detrimental  to  health."  He  said  it  appeared 
from  research  that,  of  thirty  Greek  philosophers,  four 
lived  to  be  over  one  hundred  years  old ;  eight  to  about 
ninety ;  eleven  to  about  eighty ;  and  seven  to  about  sixty. 
Of  thirty-one  English  authors,  three  were  above  ninety 
when  they  died  ;  eight,  above  eighty ;  six,  above  seventy ; 
ten,  above  sixty:  "That  country  [he  says]  is  esteemed 
very  healthy,  in  which  fifteen  persons  to  an  hundred  born 
arrive  to  70  years  of  age ;  but  it  appears  from  the  above 
statement,  that  among  those  who  have  been  distinguished 
for  their  learning  and  intense  application,  this  calculation 
has  been  greatly  exceeded.  .  .  .  These  results  do  not  jus- 
tify the  popular  opinion  that  persevering  application  serves 
to  abridge  human  life.  .  .  .  Equally  as  erroneous  are 
those  absurd  notions  which  prevail  in  the  minds  of  our 


32      STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY 

modern  students  respecting  genius.  Many  at  the  pres- 
ent day  profess  to  believe,  or  rather  dissemble  a  belief, 
that  assiduous  application  indicates  a  man  of  inferior  tal- 
ents and  a  mind  dull  of  apprehension,  and  seem  to  con- 
sider everything  that  bears  a  resemblance  to  close  study 
as  incompatible  with  true-  genius  and  genuine  abilities. 
...  It  is  necessary  for  every  scholar  who  has  a  desire  or 
intention  to  excel  in  literature,  duly  to  appreciate  the 
inestimable  importance  of  a  judicious  improvement  of  his 
time,  as  his  future  success  must,  in  a  great  measure,  de- 
pend on  this  particular.  Idleness  and  dissipation  will 
never  obtain  him  a  seat  in  the  temple  of  fame  ;  if  this  be 
his  object,  persevering  industry  and  intense  application 
are  the  most  essential  requisites." 

This  quotation  fairly  reveals  Jared  Sparks  at  the  age 
of  twenty-one,  towards  the  close  of  his  first  year  at  Phil- 
lips Exeter  Academy.  We  see  already  what  manner  of 
man  he  was.  Great  natural  energy,  moral  earnestness, 
high  purpose,  and  true  dignity  were  his  dominant  charac- 
teristics. With  strong  powers  of  application,  he  believed 
that  his  genius  lay  in  a  capacity  for  hard  work.  Upon  a 
good  physical  basis,  the  result  of  heredity  and  self-disci- 
pline, was  built  up  a  strong  and  noble  character. 

COURSE   OF   STUDY   AND   PRIVATE   READING. 

While  at  Exeter,  Sparks  pursued  the  customary  classical 
and  mathematical  studies,  for  which  the  school  has  always 
been  deservedly  famous.  He  completed,  as  does  every  boy 
at  Exeter,  all  the  poems  of  Virgil.  He  read  Sallust,  four 
books  of  Livy,  Ovid's  "Metamorphoses,"  and  six  come- 
dies of  Terence.  One  of  his  notebooks,  bearing  the  date 
"  Exeter  Academy,  1810,"  is  filled  with  choice  extracts 
from  the  odes  and  satires  of  Horace,  which,  in  his  day,  as 
now,  are  read  by  Exeter  boys  before  they  go  to  Harvard. 
He  read  his  Greek  in  the  well  known  collections  called 


STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER   ACADEMY.      33 

"Graeca  Minora,"  containing  extracts  from  Xenophon, 
Plutarch,  Anacreon,  Bion,  Moschus,  and  others ;  and 
parts  of  the  "  Graeca  Majora,"  namely,  extracts  from  He- 
rodotus, Xenophon's  Cyropaedia,  and  Homer's  Odyssey. 
It  may  be  seriously  questioned  whether  the  old  method  of 
reading  a  variety  of  classical  authors  did  not  conduce  to  a 
better  classical  scholarship  than  does  the  narrower  curric- 
ulum of  our  present  preparatory  schools.  Besides  all  this 
advanced  work  in  Greek  and  Latin,  Sparks  also  studied 
at  Exeter  Hebrew  grammar  and  Praxis,  and  Wells' 
"  Geography  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments."  His  notes 
and  memoranda  contain  very  good  materials  for  an  his- 
torical reconstruction  of  the  old-fashioned  course  of  study 
preparatory  to  Harvard  College  in  days  before  Harvard 
catalogues  began. 

One  of  his  notebooks,  marked  "  Exeter,  1809,  1810, 
1811,"  contains  observations  upon  various  books,  read  at 
different  times  as  a  relaxation  from  classical  studies.  Be- 
ginning in  September,  1809,  he  read  Milton's  "  Paradise 
Lost "  twice  through.  Then  follows  a  long  and  miscella- 
neous list  of  books,  showing  the  literary  taste  as  well  as 
the  remarkable  industry  of  the  young  man.  It  used  to 
be  thought  rather  extraordinary  at  Exeter  for  a  lad  to 
accomplish  much  in  the  way  of  private  reading ;  the  regu- 
lar lessons  were  usually  quite  enough  work  for  the  boys. 
And  yet  the  following  books  are  by  no  means  all  of  those 
read  there  by  Jared  Sparks:  Gibbon's  "Mahomet;" 
"Paul  and  Virginia;"  Goldsmith's  "Rome;"  Miller's 
"  Review  of  the  Eighteenth  Century,"  two  volumes ;  Rol- 
ling "  Ancient  History  ;  "  "  Goldsmith's  Poems  ;  "  the 
"  Tatler ;  "  Cowper's  "  Task ;  "  Pope's  "  Dunciad,"  "  Tem- 
ple of  Fame,"  "  Eloise  and  Abelard,"  "  Sappho,"  "  Wind- 
sor Forest,"  and  others.  Of,  course  he  read  Thomson's 
"  Seasons  "  and  Young's  "  Night  Thoughts." 

Considerable  attention  was  paid  to  religious  reading, 
3 


34      STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS  EXETER  ACADEMY. 

such  as  Addison's  "Evidences  of  the  Christian  Religion" 
and  "  Wesley's  Sermons."  There  are  decided  indications 
of  an  early  theological  bent  of  mind,  but  no  evidences  of 
any  Unitarian  or  liberal  bias  at  this  period  of  Sparks 
development.  He  collected  passages  of  Scripture  which 
seemed  to  serve  as  proofs  of  the  doctrine  of  election;  but 
withal,  it  is  interesting  to  see  that  he  enjoyed,  now  and 
then,  a  novel,  like  the  "Lovers  of  the  Vendee,"  although 
in  a  temperate  and  measured  way,  highly  characteristic  of 
the  man  as  well  as  of  the  gradually  mellowing  nature 
of  New  England  Puritanism. 

Upon  each  book  that  he  read  Sparks  was  accustomed 
to  make  brief  comments,   evidently  to  settle  the  whole 
matter  in  his  own  mind  and  memory.     For  example,  con- 
cerning Jonathan  Trumbull's   " McFingal,"   a   poem   m 
four  cantos,  he  wrote:  "This  book  displays  much  wit, 
genius,  and  political  spirit,  and  no  small  fund  of  learning. 
Its  subject  is  a  general  description  of  the  American  war 
with  England ;  and  the  inconsistent  proceedings  of  the 
English   government,   and  the  conduct  of   a  number  of 
their  officers  in  America,  are  very  wittily  represented  m 
the   ridiculous   light  they  justly  deserved.     The  style   is 
Hudibrastic,  and  admirably  well  adapted  to  the  subject 
An  almost  perfect  picture  of  the  manners  and  customs  ot 
New  England  is  exhibited." 

Home  Tooke's  "  Diversions  of  Purley  "  made  a  deep 
impression  upon  Sparks.  He  copied  into  his  common- 
place  book  many  curious  etymologies  and  philological 
illustrations  in  which  this  quaint  author  abounds.  Sparks 
makes  this  general  comment :  "  The  author  traces  to  their 
sources  many  English  words,  in  a  very  ingenious,  and  a 
very  clear  manner,  particularly  the  English  particles. 
These  words,  which  before  had  been  considered  as  mere 
connectives  to  join  language  together,  and  containing  no 
meaning  in  themselves,  he  makes  to  be  the  most  signifi- 
cant parts  of  language." 


STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY.       35 

Sparks'  commonplace  books,  kept  while  he  was  a  stu- 
dent at  Exeter,  show  conclusively  that  here,  in  this  excel- 
lent classical  school,  were  confirmed  all  good  habits  of 
private  reading  which  characterized  his  boyhood,  and 
which  had  been  inherited  from  his  mother,  and  cultivated 
by  his  aunt.  While  constantly  enlarging  his  own  horizon 
of  interest  and  study,  he  kept  up  a  grateful  correspond- 
ence with  his  old  friends,  Ansel  Young  and  the  Rev. 
Hubbell  Loomis,  in  Tolland,  Connecticut,  to  one  of  whom 
he  owed  much  of  his  practical  interest  in  mathematics, 
and  to  the  other,  his  first  classical  training. 

There  was  not  much  chance  in  those  days  at  Exeter  for 
the  development  of  the  historical,  literary,  or  scientific 
spirit.  It  is  all  the  more  creditable  that  this  young  fel- 
low from  Connecticut,  who  was  compelled  by  poverty  to 
work  his  way  through  the  academy,  should  in  two  years, 
1809-1811,  have  made  really  commendable  progress  along 
certain  modern  lines  of  history,  literature,  and  science, 
besides  doing  all  the  required  work  in  Latin,  Greek,  and 
mathematics,  which  subjects  at  Exeter  were  taught  to  an 
extent  that  many  colleges  hardly  surpass  even  now.  He 
did  all  this,  besides  keeping  school  for  three  months,  in 
the  winter  of  1810-1811. 

One  cannot  but  admire  the  iron  will  and  sturdy  consti- 
tution which  enabled  Jared  Sparks  to  fit  for  Harvard 
College  in  two  years,  with  slight  previous  preparation  in 
the  classics.  Bodily  maturity  might  seem  to  have  been 
an  element  in  his  favor.  Sparks  was  twenty-one  years 
old  when  he  went  to  Exeter,  and  he  was  doubtless  able  to 
work  harder  and  longer  than  could  the  more  juvenile 
members  of  his  class.  Men  who  start  late  in  the  race  for 
academic  honors  are,  however,  by  no  means  unknown  in 
these  modern  days  at  Exeter  ;  but  it  takes  a  man  of  rare 
talent  or  extraordinary  industry  to  cope  with  the  swift- 
ness and  cleverness  of  youth,  with  the  skill  and  precision 


36      STUDENT   AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY. 

of  scholarship  resulting  from  good  training  in  early  years. 
Jared  Sparks  came  into  intellectual  competition  with  some 
of  the  quickest  and  brightest  minds  in  New  England  in 
that  old  Phillips  Academy.  To  win  their  respect  and  con- 
fidence,  as  well  as  a  high  rank  among  them,  was  a  noble 
triumph  of  sterling  worth  and  untiring  diligence. 

STUDENT  LIFE  AT  EXETER. 

We  know  but  little  of  student  life  and  amusements  at 
Exeter  in  the  days  of  Jared  Sparks.     It  is  not,  however, 
difficult  to  imagine  what  school-boys  and  "  chums  "  and 
« class  spirit "    must  have   been   in   that  famous   public 
school.     With  the  same  old  playground  for  field  sports, 
with   the   same  exuberant   nature  among  boys  let  loose 
from  recitation,  with  the  same  walks  to  town,  and  fields, 
and  river,  with   sailboats   dancing   on    "the    Salt"  and 
with   rowboats   for  pulling   up    "the   Fresh,"    with   the 
same  old  highways  leading  down  to  Hampton  and  the  sea, 
life  for  Exeter  school-boys  in  the  first  half  of  the  present 
century  must  have  been  simply  a  forecast  of  what  it  was 
to  be  and  still  is.     The  history  of  a  great  public  school  is, 
after  all,  like  a  current  academic  year.     Boys'  sports  and 
studies  vary  somewhat  from  spring  to  fall  and  from  fall 
to  spring  ;  but  the  main  stream  of  school  life  is  much  the 
same   from   generation   to   generation.     Boys   and   their 
teachers  are  among  the  most  conservative  of  mortals. 

CORRESPONDENCE   WITH   DAVIS   HURD. 

There  are  several  letters  written  by  Sparks  at  Exeter 
to  Davis  Hurd,  one  of  his  old  friends  at  Arlington,  Ver- 
mont, a  member  of  that  local  philosophical  society  for 
which  Sparks,  to  the  end  of  his  days,  cherished  a  peculiar 
fondness,  as,  indeed,  he  did  for  all  the  friends  and  associ- 
ations of  his  youth.  With  Davis  Hurd  he  kept  up  an 
occasional  correspondence  from  1810  until  1862.      The 


STUDENT  AT   PHILLIPS  EXETER  ACADEMY.       37 

seventeen  letters  that  have  been  carefully  preserved  by- 
Professor  Charles  K.  Gaines,  of  St.  Lawrence  University, 
Canton,  New  York,  a  grandson  of  Davis  Hurd,  afford 
much  interesting  information  concerning  Jared  Sparks' 
career. 

In  a  letter  to  Davis  Hurd,  dated  Exeter  Academy, 
June  25,  1810,  Sparks  says :  "  It  is  now  nearly  two 
years  since  I  saw  you,  and  since  that  time  I  have  experi- 
enced very  few  changes  of  life,  having  been  almost  without 
interruption  involved  in  study.  I  was  for  some  length  of 
time  upon  mathematical  and  philosophical  studies.  It  is 
now  a  little  more  than  a  year  since  I  commenced  the  study 
of  the  Latin  and  Greek  languages.  To  acquire  these  lan- 
guages is  a  very  desirable  object,  and  particularly  to  those 
who  are  solicitous  of  making  any  reasonable  proficiency  in 
literature.  ...  I  have  attended  some,  for  a  few  months 
past,  to  the  French  language  ;  I  find  it  infinitely  more 
easy  than  either  the  Latin  or  Greek,  and  may  be  ob- 
tained so  as  to  read  with  facility  in  a  short  time.  ...  I 
am  resolved  at  present  upon  a  collegiate  education  ;  but 
my  pecuniary  resources  are  very  small,  and  consequently, 
as  you  will  naturally  suppose,  am  apprehensive  of  meet- 
ing with  many  difficulties  before  I  shall  be  able  to  accom 
plish  my  design. 

"  The  situation  in  which  I  now  am  is  very  favorable. 
This  academy  is  universally  considered  by  those  who  are 
acquainted  with  it  among  the  first  of  the  U.  S.,  and,  in- 
deed, it  is  by  some  supposed  to  be  the  best.  It  is  founded 
on  a  very  liberal  plan.  Its  funds  are  extensive.  The 
academy  edifice  is  a  handsome  building,  situate  in  a  very 
healthy  and  salubrious  place.  It  contains  a  good  library 
and  philosophical  apparatus.  The  rooms  are  commodi- 
ous. It  is  furnished  with  three  good  instructors,  princi- 
pal, professor  of  mathematics  and  natural  philosophy,  and 
an  assistant  in  the  languages." 


38       STUDENT   AT   PHILLIPS   EXETER   ACADEMY. 

In  a  second  letter  to  Davis  Hurd,  dated  Exeter  Acad- 
emy, August  22,  1810,  Jared  Sparks  gives  his  friend 
some  good  suggestions  regarding  a  proposed  Western 
tour,  which  Sparks  says  he  would  have  been  the  first 
to  join,  if  it  had  been  suggested  two  years  earlier  ;  but 
now  all  his  energy  is  bent  upon  securing  an  education. 
Sparks  had  a  strong  natural  inclination  towards  travel. 
He  recommends  his  friend  to  read  Harris'  "  Tour  to  the 
Northwestern  Territory  in  1803,"  and  says  it  contains  all 
necessary  information  concerning  the  State  of  Ohio. 
Sparks,  with  the  confidence  of  an  old  and  experienced 
traveler,  observes  :  "  In  my  excursions,  I  have  roamed  over 
the  principal  part  of  New  England  and  York  State.  The 
people  of  New  England  are  very  nearly  uniform  in  their 
customs  and  manners.  New  Hampshire,  though,  I  think, 
differs  considerably  from  the  other  states.  York  State 
differs  very  much  from  any  of  the  New  England  states. 
The  manners  of  the  inhabitants  are  not  so  refined  nor 
attracting ;  their  customs  are  more  rough  and  dissolute." 

Speaking  of  his  own  plans  and  purposes,  Sparks,  in 
this  same  letter  to  Hurd,  writes  :  "  You  seem  desirous  of 
knowing  what  my  intention  is  respecting  my  future  pro- 
fession or  employment,  and  in  what  part  of  the  world  I 
expect  to  spend  my  days.  As  to  the  first,  I  am  in  no 
wise  determined,  nor,  indeed,  do  I  think  proper  to  form 
any  resolution,  until  I  have  taken  a  range  through  the  va- 
rious departments  of  literature,  to  know  which  will  be  the 
most  agreeable  to  my  inclination.  If  I  might  venture  to 
prophesy,  I  should  be  apt  to  conclude  that  philosophy  and 
mathematics  would  be  my  favorite  studies. 

"  I  think  I  shall  continue  here  but  one  year  longer,  and 
then  enter  college  if  possible.  Nothing  will  be  wanting 
but  a  supply  of  money.  My  continuation  in  college  will 
be  three  years.  I  must  either  keep  school  for  money  be- 
fore I  enter,  or  I  must  hire  it  till  I  get  through.     The 


STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY.       39 

latter  method  would  be  greatly  to  my  advantage  could  it 
be  done,  as  I  can  get  at  least  two  hundred  dollars  a  year 
more  after  I  come  out  of  college  than  I  can  now.  .  .  . 

"  I  expect  to  enter  Harvard  College  or  New  Haven. 
Should  you  go  to  New  Orleans  and  return  by  Boston,  it 
will  be  well  for  you  to  call  at  the  college,  which  is  only 
three  miles  from  Boston.  A  passage  from  the  West  In- 
dies to  Boston,  with  all  things  found,  is  between  thirty 
and  forty  dollars.  But  if  one  is  disposed  he  may  work 
his  passage  without  any  difficulty." 

The  third  and  last  of  Sparks'  letters  from  Exeter  to 
Davis  Hurd  is  dated  December  12,  1810,  was  posted 
December  15,  and  was  received  at  Marietta,  Ohio,  Janu- 
ary 21,  1811.  Here,  on  the  educational  frontier,  Hurd 
had  tarried  in  his  western  journey,  and  had  taken  a 
school,  although  he  had  originally  thought  of  earning  his 
way  by  land  surveying.  A  New  England  man  or  woman, 
moving  westward  or  southward,  takes  as  naturally  to 
school  -  keeping  as  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob  took  to 
stock  raising,  or  as  our  English  forefathers  took  to  pali- 
sading their  villages  and  fighting  the  natives,  whether 
Celtic  or  Indian.  After  some  literary  and  historical 
skirmishing  over  the  antiquity  and  original  purpose  of  the 
great  mounds  near  Marietta,  Ohio,  Sparks  adds  :  "  I  am 
much  pleased  that  you  have  engaged  in  school-keeping  in 
Marietta.  I  think  a  more  favorable  opportunity  could 
not  have  presented  itself,  as  you  naturally  wanted  a  little 
rest  from  your  journey,  and  also  an  opportunity  of  form- 
ing acquaintance  and  obtaining  verbal  information  re- 
specting the  country.  And  in  this  employment  you  not 
only  enjoy  all  these  advantages,  but  receive  a  remunera- 
tion for  your  time  besides." 

This  naive  remark  is  very  characteristic  of  a  thrifty 
New  Englander,  and  indeed  of  Englishmen  throughout 
the  world ;  our  Anglo-Saxon  race  has   always   shown  a 


40      STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY. 

remarkable  faculty  for  obtaining  substantial  remuneration 
for  precisely  what  it  chooses  to  do. 

Sparks  expresses  some  regret  that  his  friend  Hurd  had 
not    chosen  to   secure  a  liberal    education,   although    he 
admits  that  the  undertaking  is  a  very  serious  one  :  "  The 
time  it  requires,  even  to  lay  a  foundation,  is  sufficient  to 
discourage  any  one  who  is  not  firmly  bent  upon  the  ob- 
ject.    To  me,  prospects  forward  have  a  gloomy  aspect. 
In  accomplishing  the  object  I  have  undertaken,  a  consid- 
erable quantity  of  ready  money  is  absolutely  necessary, 
nor  indeed  can  it  in  any  measure  be  accomplished  without 
it.     I    am   destitute  —  nor   do  I  know  of  any  method  of 
obtaining  it  —  my  own  exertions,  industry,  and  persever- 
ance only  can  assure  me  success.     When  I  compare  my 
own  condition  with  that  of  multitudes  of  those  at  this  in- 
stitution, whose  pockets  are  filled  with  as  much  money  as 
their  inclination  leads  them  to  desire,  I  am  sometimes  al- 
most constrained  to  exclaim  against  Fortune,  who  has  made 
so  unequal  a  distribution  of  her  bounties  among  mankind. 
But    a    second    reflection    corrects   my    erring   thoughts. 
When  I  consider  the  pernicious  consequences  this  overflow 
of  money  produces,  in  corrupting  their  morals,  vitiating 
their  tastes,  and  rendering  them  wholly  incapable  of  mak- 
ing any   valuable   progress  in  study,   far  from   envying 
their  condition,  I  consider  myself  thrice  happy  that  I  have 
not  been  exposed  to  these  enticements.     It  is  an  undeni- 
able truth,  and  is  manifest  not  only  in  this  institution  but 
in  all  others,  that  those  students  who  are  furnished  with 
the   most  money  are   the   poorest   scholars;  and  indeed 
many  of  them  disgrace  the  appellation.  ...  I  have  en- 
gaged a  school  for  ten  or  twelve  weeks  in  ^Rochester,  a 
handsome  village  near  Maine  —  private  school  —  twenty 
scholars  —  boarded  and  816  a  month  —  five  or  six  Latin 
scholars,  etc.  —  am    going*  immediately  —  return  to  this 
place  again  in  twelve  weeks  to  continue  the  year." 


STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS  EXETER  ACADEMY.      41 

From  these  letters  to  Davis  Hurd  we  discover  fresh 
evidence  of  the  energetic,  earnest,  practical  character  of 
Jared  Sparks.  Steadfastly  bent  upon  a  college  education, 
without  money,  without  friends  to  help  him,  this  coura- 
geous young  man  was  deterred  by  no  obstacles,  and  made 
his  own  heroic  way  through  Phillips  Exeter  Academy  and 
afterwards  through  Harvard  College.  He  was  a  conspic- 
uous type  in  that  educational  process  which  is  still  going 
on  among  sons  of  the  people  in  all  the  great  fitting  schools 
and  colleges  of  New  England,  and  also  in  the  West  and  at 
the  South,  where  the  struggle  for  intellectual  existence  is 
to-day  quite  as  remarkable  as  ever  it  was  at  the  North. 
Doubtless  some  young  fellows  at  Exeter  nowadays,  as  in 
days  gone  by,  have  more  money  to  spend  than  is  good  for 
them,  and  others,  like  Jared  Sparks,  still  have  hardly 
enough.  But  this  was  always  so ;  and  to  the  end  of  time 
extravagant  sons  of  the  rich  will  sometimes  waste  their 
substance  in  riotous  living,  while  thrifty,  industrious  sons 
of  the  poor  will  win  the  reward  which  they  deserve. 

UNCONSCIOUS   AUTOBIOGRAPHY. 

In  this  connection  it  seems  not  unfitting  to  quote  a  pas- 
sage from  a  biographical  sketch  of  Robert  Robinson,  an 
English  Baptist  divine  of  the  last  century,  one  of  whose 
tracts  Jared  Sparks  took  occasion  to  edit  in  his  "  Collec- 
tion of  Essays  and  Tracts  in  Theology  "  (vol.  iii.,  p.  3). 
The  following  words  are  an  unconscious  autobiography, 
although  written  by  Jared  Sparks  in  honor  of  Robert 
Robinson,  who  began  life  as  a  barber's  apprentice,  like 
Clement  Morgan,  the  class  orator  who  was  chosen  by  the 
class  of  1890  in  Harvard  University  for  his  recognized 
ability,  and  not  on  account  of  the  color  of  his  skin  :  "  That 
one  should  go  out  triumphantly  on  the  tide  of  life,  who  is 
blessed  with  all  the  advantages  of  family,  wealth,  power- 
ful friends,  facilities  of  education,  and  incitements  to  em- 


42      STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS  EXETER  ACADEMY. 

ploy  them,  is  no  cause  of  wonder.  It  would  indeed  be 
strange  if  it  were  otherwise.  But  when  the  sons  of  ob- 
scurity  and  indigence  break  from  the  cloud  that  surrounds 
and  the  weight  that  oppresses  them ;  when  they  enter  on 
the  world's  wide  ocean  without  a  parent's  voice  to  counsel, 
or  a  parent's  hand  to  protect ;  when  the  allurements  of 
vice  besiege  them  on  the  one  side,  and  the  spectres  of  de- 
spondency assault  them  on  the  other,  without  shaking 
their  firmness,  or  turning  them  from  the  steady  purpose 
of  uprightness  and  perseverance  ;  and  when,  in  defiance  of 
every  other  obstacle,  they  ascend  to  a  proud  station  among 
the  wise,  the  learned,  and  the  good,  —  it  is  then  that  they 
may  justly  claim  the  respect  and  admiration  of  their  fel- 
low men,  and  call  on  them  to  behold  an  example  worthy 
to  be  praised  and  emulated.  Among  the  few  who  are  to 
be  revered  for  self-acquired  eminence,  the  subject  of  the 
memoir  stands  in  an  honorable  place." 

CORRESPONDENCE   WITH   EXETER   FRIENDS. 

While  at  Exeter,  Sparks  was  occasionally  compelled  to 
borrow  small  sums  of  money,  which  he  always  scrupu- 
lously repaid.  On  one  occasion,  August  21,  1811,  just 
before  going  to  Harvard,  he  borrowed  sixteen  dollars 
from  Mr.  Nathan  Lord,  one  of  the  ushers  in  the  academy 
and  afterwards  a  president  of  Dartmouth  College.  The 
following  letter  from  Mr.  Lord,  written  in  Bath,  October 
20,  1811,  to  Sparks,  then  a  freshman  at  Harvard,  is  an 
interesting  token  of  the  kindly  relations  that  subsisted 
between  the  student  and  his  teacher  at  Exeter :  "  I  yester- 
day received  your  catalogue,  for  which  I  am  very  much 
obliged.  I  am  much  pleased  to  hear  of  your  good  suc- 
cess in  obtaining  extra  assistance  from  the  Government 
of  College.  I  hope  you  will  continue  to  meet  whatever 
aid  may  be  found  necessary  for  the  accomplishment  of 
your  education.     Concerning  the  small  sum  you  received 


STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY.       43 

from  me  give  yourself  no  uneasiness.  I  shall  never  want 
it.  If  it  has  been  of  any  service  to  you  I  am  repaid. 
Remember  me  to  all  our  Exeter  scholars,  with  assurances 
of  my  regard.  Your  friend,  N.  Lord." 

Upon  the  margin  of  this  generous  letter  Sparks  noted : 
"  Since  paid  with  interest." 

Duly  filed  in  the  Sparks  correspondence  is  the  follow- 
ing acknowledgment  from  the  Reverend  Nathan  Lord  to 
Jared  Sparks,  dated  at  Dartmouth  College,  March  9, 
1831  :  "  Your  favor  of  the  16th  December,  covering  fifty 
dollars,  was  duly  received.  The  small  sum  which  I  put 
into  your  hand  at  Exeter,  and  which  you  have  rolled  up 
to  a  magnitude  almost  alarming,  was  not  so  intended  as 
you  have  regarded  it.  I  thought  not  of  a  loan,  and  it  has 
been  more  oppressive  to  me  in  receiving  it,  especially  so 
accumulated,  than  it  could  ever  have  been  serviceable  to 
yourself.  I  cannot  look  upon  this  money  as  my  own,  but 
can  I  offend  your  good  feeling  by  returning  it  ?  It  shall 
still  be  used  as  originally  designed.  There  are  necessi- 
tous young  men  about  me  to  whom  it  may  afford  essential 
relief,  and  I  will  hope  that  it  may  still  be  an  encourage- 
ment to  true  worth,  and  an  occasion  of  many  further 
exhibitions  of  magnanimity.  I  rejoice,  dear  sir,  in  the 
success  with  which  it  has  pleased  Divine  Providence  to 
attend  you,  and  in  the  utility  and  honorableness  of  your 
public  labors." 

There  are  still  preserved  among  the  Sparks  papers  sev- 
eral letters  addressed  to  him  when  at  Exeter  by  students 
who  had  left  the  old  academy  and  had  entered  either 
Harvard  or  Yale.  One  is  from  his  life-long  friend, 
Charles  Folsom  (Harvard  College,  1813),  who,  July  21, 
1811,  reproaches  Sparks  for  not  accepting  the  honor  of 
delivering  the  principal  oration  at  the  public  exhibition  of 
the  academy :  'k  Though  I  have  the  greatest  opinion  of 
your  good  sense,  correct  judgment,  and  prudent  foresight 


44      STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS   EXETER  ACADEMY. 

in  general,  yet  in  this  instance  I  cannot  but  think  you 
miserably  deficient  in  generous  ambition,  a  proper  estima- 
tion of  your  own  abilities,  and  a  suitable  regard  for  the 
reputation  of  the  institution  of  which  you  are  a  member. 
Pajfrey,  I  expected,  would  have  the  Salutatory." 

After  discussing  the  merits  of  Briggs,  who  was  to 
deliver  the  oration,  Folsom  adds,  "  Sparks,  every  eye  was 
turned  upon  you.  You  ought  to  have  accepted  it." 
Folsom  then  proceeds  to  give  Sparks  a  graphic  account  of 
a  remarkable  student  rebellion  at  Brown  University. 
The  orator  chosen  by  the  students  for  the  Fourth  of  July 
was  a  Federalist,  but  the  president  of  the  university  was 
a  Democrat,  and  declined  to  allow  the  orator  to  speak  in 
the  chapel.  The  students,  however,  marched  thither  in 
procession  with  their  Federalist  speaker,  and  he  delivered 
his  oration,  in  the  presence  of  two  tutors  and  the  whole 
body  of  collegians.  The  college  authorities  then  began 
to  inquire  into  the  matter.  Folsom  said :  "  All  the  stu- 
dents, except  two,  signed  an  agreement  to  quit  college 
rather  than  suffer  the  orator  to  be  punished.  ...  I  sup- 
pose our  friends,  Allen  and  Gilman,1  were  among  the 
rebels.  .  .  .  Give  my  best  respects  to  the  little  boy  with 
the  green  coat  [Palfrey].  ...  I  conclude  by  subscribing 
myself  one  who  from  the  time  he  knew  you  has  entertained 
towards  you  a  high  respect  and  warm  esteem,  one  who 
now  is  proud  to  call  you  his  friend,  one  who  anticipates 
with  joy  the  period  when  we  shall  enjoy  daily  converse 
with  you." 

The  following  extracts  written  to  Sparks  by  Stephen 
Farrar  Jones,  an  Exeter  boy  who  had  entered  Yale  Col- 
lege, class  of  1812,  are  interesting  bits  of  educational  his- 

1  Zachariah  Allen,  of  Providence,  R.  L,  and  Benjamin  Ives  Gil- 
man,  of  Marietta  (afterwards  of  Monticello,  Ohio).  Both  entered 
Phillips  Exeter  Academy  in  1807,  and  both  were  graduated  at  Brown 
University  in  1813. 


STUDENT  AT  PHILLIPS  EXETER  ACADEMY.      45 

tory :  "  New  Haven  College,  January  30,  1811.  ...  On 
my  arrival  here  I  presented  my  letters  of  recommendation 
to  Dr.  Dwight.  He  advised  me,  on  making  more  partic- 
ular enquiries  into  my  studies,  to  enter  the  junior  class, 
if  my  circumstances  were  easy,  if  not  to  enter  the  senior 
class.  Though  my  circumstances  were  far  from  easy,  I 
concluded  to  be  examined  only  for  two  years  advanced  " 
[standing] . 

This  is  striking  evidence  of  the  relation  of  Phillips 
Exeter  Academy  to  college  requirements  for  admission  in 
those  days.  Jones  then  describes  to  Sparks  the  attrac- 
tions of  Yale  and  her  various  professors :  "  Our  professor 
of  languages,  Mr.  Kingsley,  for  elegance  and  style  in 
English  composition,  is  called  by  Dr.  Dwight  '  the  Addi- 
son'of  America.'  ...  I  have  hopes  that  all  my  quondam 
friends,  now  at  Captain  Halliburton's,  will  be  at  New 
Haven  next  commencement."  Sparks  evidently  boarded 
at  Captain  Halliburton's,  together  with  Palfrey,  Briggs, 
Bartlett,  Crooker,  Underwood,1  all  of  whom  Jones  of 
Yale  takes  special  pains  to  mention. 

In  a  second  letter,  May  28,  1811,  Jones  describes  the 
entire  course  of  study  at  Yale  in  every  class.  It  is  note- 
worthy that  the  Sophomores  had  Priestley's  "  Lectures  on 
History  "  and  the  Juniors  studied  Tytler's  "  History : " 
"  The  President  and  Professors  are  perfectly  united  in 
their  sentiments,  with  regard  to  Politics  and  Religion. 
These  are  very  nearly  the  same  with  those  of  Calvin  and 
Washington.  ...  If  we  compare   the   two  Institutions, 

1  Palfrey,  Briggs,  and  Underwood  all  went  to  Harvard  with 
Sparks  in  the  same  class,  leaving  Exeter  in  1811  and  graduating  at 
Cambridge  in  1815.  It  is  interesting  to  look  over  the  catalogue  of 
Phillips  Exeter  Academy,  1783-1883,  and  to  note  the  friends  and 
contemporaries  of  Jared  Sparks.  John  Adams  Dix,  afterwards 
U.  S.  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  entered  the  Academy  the  same  year 
as  did  Sparks,  1809. 


46      STUDENT   AT  PHILLIPS  EXETER  ACADEMY. 

which  hold  the  first  rank  in  the  United  States,  we  must 
without  hesitation  pronounce  Cambridge  superior  to  Yale 
in  regard  to  the  number  of  its  Professors,  while  the  Pres- 
ident and  the  Professors  of  Philosophy  and  the  Languages 
at  Harvard  must  undoubtedly  yield  to  the  Professors  in 
the  same  branches  at  New  Haven  in  point  of  talent.  Per- 
haps Harvard  studies  rather  more  Greek  than  Yale.  At 
present,  Cambridge  has  the  preference  in  Anatomy,  New 
Haven  in  Chemistry.  But  the  scholars  at  Yale  have  a 
decided  superiority  over  those  of  Cambridge  in  Philoso- 
phy and  Mathematics." 

Jones  further  avers  that  few  men  can  bear  any  compar- 
ison with  President  Dwight,  "as  a  private  Christian,  a 
polite  gentleman,  a  general  scholar,  a  historian,  an  extem- 
poraneous lecturer,  a  politician,  or  divine." 

Sparks  was  at  one  time  almost  persuaded  to  go  to  Yale 
College;  but  the  Exeter  current,  which  has  always  set 
strongly  towards  Harvard,  bore  him  with  Palfrey  and 
Briggs  to  that  institution.  And  yet  President  Dwight  and 
Stephen  Farrar  Jones  of  Yale,  who  afterwards  became  a 
schoolmaster  at  Beaufort,  South  Carolina,  unconsciously 
determined  Sparks'  destiny,  as  will  appear  in  the  next 
chapter. 


CHAPTER  III. 
HARVARD  STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE. 

1811-1813. 

ADMISSION   TO   HARVARD. 

Jared  Sparks  was  examined  and  admitted  to  Harvard 
College  on  the  26th  of  August,  1811.  A  student  of  such 
excellent  attainments  in  mathematics  and  classics,  entering 
a  Freshman  class  in  his  twenty-third  year,  must  have  im- 
pressed the  authorities  at  Cambridge  as  a  man  of  maturity 
and  character.  The  average  Harvard  collegian  is  ready 
to  graduate  at  the  age  of  twenty-three.  Dr.  Ellis  notes 
the  fact  that  Edward  Everett  had  not  only  completed  his 
college  course  but  also  his  professional  studies  before 
reaching  the  age  at  which  Sparks  entered  Harvard.  Jared 
Sparks'  habits  of  study  and  private  reading  for  their  own 
sake  had  given  him  a  singular  breadth  of  scholarship  in 
spite  of  his  late  start  in  academic  life  and  his  loss  of  time 
in  school-keeping.  He  was  not  only  well  versed  in  pre- 
paratory classics,  but  had  at  the  very  beginning  of  his 
Freshman  year  a  far  better  acquaintance  with  mathe- 
matics, especially  astronomy  and  physics,  than  most  men 
acquire  in  four  years  at  college.  Indeed,  Sparks  excelled 
all  his  classmates  at  Harvard  in  mathematics,  a  subject 
for  which  the  great  majority  of  college  men  have  little 
talent  or  appreciation.  Before  Sparks  went  to  Phillips 
Exeter  Academy,  he  had  mastered  many  mathematical 
and  physical  problems  which  would  puzzle  most  college 
graduates  even  now.     President  Kirkland  was  fond  of 


48      HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE. 

saying :  "  Sparks  is  not  only  a  man,  but  a  man  and  a 
half." 

PRESIDENT   KIRKLAND. 

Dr.  Ellis,  in  his  memoir  of  Sparks,  says :  "  He  found, 
from  the  first  and  always,  a  most  devoted  and  helpful 
friend  in  President  Kirkland,  whose  benignant  beauty  and 
grace  of  feature,  and  whose  lovable  qualities  of  character, 
won  the  warm  affections  alike  of  those  of  his  pupils  who 
shared  the  benefits  of  his  sound  wisdom,  or  felt  the  influ- 
ence of  his  gentle  discipline.  It  seems  to  those  of  us  who 
saw  Dr.  Kirkland  only  in  the  milder  radiance  of  his  de- 
clining days,  and  know  of  his  administration  only  through 
the  relations  and  fond  memories  of  those  whose  under- 
graduate and  professional  course  he  fostered,  that  he 
stands  on  the  roll  of  college  presidents  as  the  most  beloved 
and  revered.  Childless  himself,  he  was  a  father  in  interest 
and  affection  to  all  who  came  under  his  mild  control.  His 
personal  qualities  and  the  love  which  attended  him  are 
now  becoming  traditions  in  the  college  halls.  Any  me- 
morial of  Mr.  Sparks  which  omitted  a  hearty  recognition 
of  his  obligation  and  gratitude  to  President  Kirkland, 
would  pain  him  more  than  an  oversight  which  should  leave 
some  of  his  own  highest  services  unnoticed." 

PRIVATE   READING. 

One  of  the  first  books  read  by  Jared  Sparks  after 
entering  Harvard  College  indicates  the  natural  bent  of 
his  mind  as  well  as  the  maturity  of  his  taste.  His  com- 
monplace books  contain  careful  notes  from  Adam  Smith's 
"  History  of  Astronomy,  "  a  work  now  comparatively  un- 
known even  to  students  of  "  The  Wealth  of  Nations." 
Astronomy  was  a  favorite  study  of  Jared  Sparks  from  his 
boyhood,  and  it  is  interesting  to  find  him  reverting  to  it 
even  through  the  medium  of  such  ancient  text-books  as 
"  Theill's  Astronomy." 


HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE.       49 

Early  in  his  Freshman  year  he  appears  to  have  read 
Cicero's  "  Academica,  "  and  Lucretius'  "  De  Natura  De- 
orum,  "  which  latter  he  carefully  analyzed,  and  of  which 
he  said :  "  Though  this  poem  advocates  principles  the 
most  erroneous  and  impious,  namely,  atheism  and  the 
mortality  of  the  soul,  yet  it  may  be  read  without  the  least 
apprehension  of  danger,  by  any  person  who  is  firmly 
established  in  his  principles.  For  no  arguments  here  ad- 
duced, though  they  are  the  most  powerful  that  could 
possibly  be  adduced,  will  have  any  effect  upon  the  mind 
of  a  Christian  whose  views  are  extended  beyond  the  nar- 
row limits  of  sense,  and  whose  sentiments  are  founded  on 
a  basis  too  firm  to  be  shaken  by  the  cavils  and  arguments 
of  human  invention.  .  .  .  Although  the  general  tenor  of 
the  poem  is  as  has  been  above  stated,  yet  there  are  many 
just  conclusions  and  sound  arguments,  many  poetical  allu- 
sions and  beautiful  episodes ;  and  I  believe  it  is  acknow- 
ledged on  all  hands  to  be  a  specimen  of  the  purest  Latinity 
extant." 

Even  in  his  school-days  at  Exeter,  Sparks  showed  some 
predilection  for  theological  studies,  and  one  might  easily 
fancy  from  his  early  reading  at  Harvard  that  this  young 
man  was  foreordained  to  be  a  liberal  clergyman,  if  not  an 
astronomer  or  a  mathematician.  Among  his  earliest  notes 
taken  at  college  in  1811  are  extracts  from  Hugo  Grotius' 
"  De  Yeritate  Religionis  Christianae  ;  "  and  observations 
on  "Contested  Passages  of  Scripture,"  taken  from  an 
Improved  Version  of  the  New  Testament,  lately  published, 
he  says,  in  London. 

THE   PENNOYER   SCHOLARSHIP. 

In  consideration  of  his  merit  and  need  of  assistance, 

Sparks  was  appointed  to  the  Pennoyer  scholarship,  one  of 

the  oldest  benefactions  of  the  kind  in  New  England,  made 

to  Harvard  College  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth 

4 


50       HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE. 

century  by  William  Pennoyer,  an  English  merchant.  In 
a  letter  to  his  old  friend,  Davis  Hnrd,  written  at  Havre 
de  Grace,  September  15,  1812,  Sparks  speaks  ma  most 
grateful  manner  of  the  generosity  shown  him  by  Harvard 

College :  —  . 

» I  cannot  withhold  from  you  the  statement  of  a  partic- 
ular circumstance,  as  it  reflects  the  highest  honor  upon  cer- 
tain gentlemen,  who  have  merited,  and  shall  forever  receive, 
the  highest  sentiments  of  gratitude  and  respect  that  I  can 
bestow.     As  my  situation  was  well  known  to  a  few  gentle- 
men at  Boston  and  Exeter,  who  had  condescended  to  be- 
come my  friends  while  I  resided  at  the  latter  place,  it  was 
by  them  represented  to  the  corporation  of  the  college,  and 
to  my  agreeable  surprise,  after  I  had  entered,  the  Presi- 
dent informed  me  that  the  corporation  had  assigned  me 
one  hundred  dollars  from  the  college  funds,  to  assist  in 
defraying  my  expenses  for  the  first  year,  and  that,  should 
my  future  behavior  and  proficiency  answer  the  expecta- 
tions they  had  formed  from  the  recommendations  of  my 
friends,  it  would  be  continued  yearly  while  I  remained  in 
college.     This  was  peculiarly  pleasing,  you  may  well  sup- 
pose, as  it  assured  me  I  was  not  without  friends,  although 
two  years  before  I  had  not  known  one  of  them,  not  even 
by  name.    I  could  also  obtain  fifty  dollars  during  vacation 
for  school-keeping.     After  this,  one   hundred   dollars  a 
year  remained,  for  which  I  had  no  resources." 

SCHOOL-TEACHING. 

Teaching  was  and  is  about  the  only  means  of  self-help 
open  to  poor  students.  To  this  work  Sparks  had  ong 
been  accustomed.  He  had  made  his  way  through  Phillips 
Exeter  Academy  by  keeping  school  a  portion  of  the  year, 
and  to  this  device  he  was  repeatedly  driven  when  a  college 
stndent  «  From  the  17th  of  December,  1811,  to  the  26th 
of  February,  1812,  when  he  returned  to   college,"  says 


HARVARD  STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE.       51 

Dr.  Ellis,  "  he  taught  a  country  school  in  Bolton,  Mass." 
This  place  was  twenty-six  miles  from  Cambridge,  and 
Sparks  on  one  occasion  records  a  walk  from  Harvard  to 
Bolton  in  six  hours  and  a  half.  There  is  little  of  special 
interest  connected  with  this  experience  as  a  school-teacher 
beyond  the  fact  of  his  continuing  his  college  studies  and 
private  reading  in  such  hours  of  leisure  as  he  could  com- 
mand. Not  long  after  his  return  to  college  he  was  in- 
duced to  accept  a  situation  as  private  tutor  in  the  family 
of  a  Maryland  gentleman,  Mark  Pringle,  Esq.,  of  Havre 
de  Grace. 

LETTER   FROM   DR.    ABBOT. 

Upon  the  announcement  of  his  intention  of  going  South 
as  a  teacher,  Sparks  received  the  following  letter,  dated 
March  16,  1812,  from  his  good  friend  and  adviser,  Dr. 
Benjamin  Abbot,  the  Principal  of  Phillips  Exeter  Acad- 
emy :  — 

"  My  Young  Friend,  —  Your  letter  of  11th  instant  re- 
ceived last  evening.  I  very  much  regret  that  you  should 
feel  yourself  under  the  necessity  of  leaving  college  at  this 
time  and  interrupting  the  regular  course  of  your  studies. 
As  you  have  made  up  your  mind  on  the  subject,  I  shall 
offer  no  reasons  to  induce  you  to  alter  your  determination. 
I  had  hoped,  with  the  favor  you  would  receive,  and  some 
little  indulgence  in  the  winter  to  take  a  school,  you  would 
be  able  to  keep  your  ground  without  much  embarrass- 
ment to  yourself.  But  of  this  you  must  be  better  able  to 
judge,  after  the  experiment  you  have  made.  You  are  re- 
solved, you  say  (and  I  think  justly),  at  all  events  to  return 
to  Cambridge,  and  the  question  seems  to  be  into  which 
class  you  shall  enter.  It  is  not  easy  to  decide  this  point 
at  present,  until  it  can  be  ascertained  what  interruptions 
you  must  meet  with,  and  how  much  time  will  be  at  your 
own  disposal.     It  would  be  an  agreeable  and  very  desir- 


52       HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE. 

able  circumstance  to  return  to  your  class,  if  it  can  be 
effected  without  a  sacrifice  of  health  and  some  peculiar 
advantages,  which  'tis  probable  the  situation  may  afford. 
I  should  by  no  means  neglect  classic  studies.     It  is  far 
from  certain  how  the  climate  may  agree  with  your  health. 
Should  it  prove  unfavorable,  you  should  not  hold  your- 
self bound  to  remain  the  term  for  which  you  engage.    You 
will  probably  find  yourself  in  a  new  scene,  habits  and 
manners  of  the  people  different  from  what  you  have  been 
accustomed  to.      Your  own  good  sense  will  point  out  to 
you  the  propriety  of  conforming  yourself  as  far  as  can  be 
done  innocently.     Beyond  this  you  ought  not,  and  I  am 
persuaded  you  will  not,  go.     After  you  shall  have  ascer- 
tained on  the  spot  your  real  situation,  I  will  answer  any 
enquiries  you  may  wish  to  make :  it  will  give  me  pleas- 
ure to  receive  a  line  from  you.     The  enclosed  you  will  de- 
liver to  Dr.  Dwight ;  he  will  make  what  use  of  it  he  may 
think  proper.     Wishing  you  may  find  your  situation  both 
agreeable  and  advantageous  to  you,  I  am  very  affection- 
ately yours,  Benj.  Abbot." 

Sparks  left  Cambridge  not  long  after  the  receipt  of 
this  letter,  and  seems  to  have  enjoyed  a  spring  vacation 
before  going  South. 

TUTOR   AT   HAVRE   DE   GRACE. 

The  following  letter  from  Mark  Pringle  was  dated  Bal- 
timore, May  16,  1812,  and  was  that  day  received  by 
Sparks  in  Havre  de  Grace,  where  he  arrived  before  Mr. 
Pringle's  family:  "Mr.  Jared  Sparks.  Dear  Sir,— 
Your  favor  of  yesterday  is  received,  and  I  note  that  you 
have  concluded  to  accept  my  offer  of  five  hundred  dollars 
per  annum  as  tutor  to  my  children,  you  finding  your  own 
board  and  lodging.  I  admit  there  may  be  some  difficulty 
in  procuring  a  suitable  house  for  this  purpose,  as  Mrs. 
Boyce,  for  good  reasons  no  doubt,  declines  to  board  one 


HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE.       53 

gentleman  alone  ;  nevertheless,  I  trust  the  difficulty  may- 
be surmounted  when  we  have  time  to  look  round.  In  the 
interim,  I  suppose  you  can  put  up  with  a  temporary 
inconvenience  of  boarding  at  Mr.  Mansfield's  or  Mr. 
Dutton's. 

"  I  observe  it  is  your  wish  to  have  the  privilege,  if  you 
should  be  disposed,  at  the  end  of  six  months,  to  obtain  an 
approved  instructor  to  occupy  your  place,  but  should  this 
not  be  the  case,  you  consider  yourself  obligated  to  con- 
tinue with  me  one  year,  to  which  condition  I  conform, 
and  consider  your  salary  to  commence  from  this  date. 
My  family  being  large,  I  prefer,  for  the  present,  your 
boarding  at  Havre  de  Grace,  but  should  I  hereafter  find 
it  convenient  to  board  you  in  my  house,  and  it  meets  your 
approbation,  I  shall  propose  a  deduction  of  two  hundred 
dollars  from  your  salary.  I  expect  to  move  my  family  in 
the  course  of  ten  days.  Meanwhile  I  am  respectfully,  dear 
sir,  your  most  obedient  servant,  Mark  Pringle." 

Interesting  accounts  of  his  first  residence  in  Maryland 
have  lately  been  found  in  letters  from  Jared  Sparks  to 
his  old  friend,  Davis  Hurd,  then  at  home  again  in  Arling- 
ton, Vermont,  from  his  Western  wanderings  and  school- 
keeping  at  Marietta.  The  first  letter,  from  which  ex- 
tracts will  be  quoted,  is  dated  at  Havre  de  Grace,  Mary- 
land, May  23,  1812  :  "  When  I  wrote  you  last,  and  in- 
deed when  I  wrote  your  brother,1  I  supposed  that,  instead 
of  being  here  now,  I  should  be  in  Harvard  College,  where 
I  then  was.  But  you  remember,  I  presume,  that  in  my 
last  letter  to  your  brother,  I  intimated  the  impossibility 
of  prosecuting  my  design  at  college  without  some  addition 
to  my  resources. 

"  The  purpose  of  making  this  addition  is  the  cause  of 
my  being  here  at  this  time.     I  accepted  an  application  2 

1  In  Sparks'  list  of  letters  sent,  is  one  to  Phinehas  Hurd,  dated 
November  22,  1811. 

2  The  way  in  which  the  application  came  to  Jared  Sparks  is  ex- 


54      HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE. 

made  by  a  gentleman'  of  Baltimore  for  a  private  tutor  to 
his  family.  It  is  nearly  two  months  since  I  left  Boston. 
The  gentleman  in  whose  family  I  am  engaged  is  a  man  of 
great  wealth,  and  has  vast  possessions  both  at  Baltimore 
and  at  this  place.  His  family  is  small,  and  I  have  to  at- 
tend to  only  three  girls,  at  particular  hours,  five  days  a 
week ;  the  youngest  about  ten,  and  the  eldest  about  fif- 
teen years  of  age.  Thus  situated,  you  will  doubtless  see 
that  I  shall  have  much  time  to  prosecute  my  studies,  and, 
indeed,  this  was  a  very  material  consideration  with  me 
when  I  accepted  the  proposals.  Nor  shall  I,  while  it  can 
possibly  be  avoided,  ever  put  myself  in  a  situation  in 
which  this  important  privilege  is  denied.  .  .  . 

"  The  place  at  which  I  now  am  is  a  small  village,  very 
pleasantly  situated  at  the  confluence  of  the  Susquehanna 
with  the  Chesapeake.  It  is  a  port  of  entry,  and  a  place 
of  little  trade.  Six  stages  pass  daily  through  it,  —  three 
from  Philadelphia  to  Baltimore,  and  three  from  Baltimore 
to  Philadelphia,  one  of  which  is  the  U.  S.  mail  stage.  .  .  . 
I  find  very  little  similarity  between  the  manners  of  the 
people  of  Maryland  and  those  of  New  England.  That 
industry  and  spirit  of  enterprise,  which  everywhere  pre- 
vails in  the  latter,  is  nowhere  to  be  seen  in  the  former. 
The  farmers  here  are  styled  planters.  They  own  vast 
tracts  of  land,  ...  are   gentlemen,  .    .    .  never  labor 

plained  in  the  following  extract  from  a  subsequent  letter  to  Davis 
Hurd,  dated  Havre  de  Grace,  September  15,  1812  :  "  A  letter  from 
a  friend  at  Yale  College  [Stephen  F.  Jones,  January  10,  1812]  in- 
formed me  that  application  had  been  made  to  Dr.  Dwight  by  a  gen- 
tleman at  Baltimore  for  a  private  tutor,  and  that  if  I  was  disposed 
I  could  have  the  situation.  I  accepted  it,  and  after  calling  on  Dr. 
Dwight  for  a  letter  of  introduction,  I  proceeded  immediately  to 
Baltimore,  where  I  arrived  about  the  first  of  May,  a  few  weeks  after 
which  the  gentleman  removed  to  this  place,  where  I  have  been  ever 
since,  and  where  I  shall  probably  continue  eight  or  ten  months 
longer." 


HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE   GRACE.       55 

themselves,  but  cultivate  their  plantations  by  means  of 
slaves.  In  short,  there  are  but  two  classes  of  people  here. 
The  first  consists  of  landholders,  who  consequently  mo- 
nopolize all  the  property ;  the  other  are  tenants,  depend- 
ents, slaves.  The  window  at  which  I  am  sitting  is  within 
half  a  dozen  rods  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  from  it  the 
views  of  two  or  three  well-cultivated  plantations  on  the 
opposite  shore  frequently  bring  to  my  mind  the  delight- 
ful farms  of  New  England.  But  when  I  reflect  for  a  mo- 
ment that  they  are  made  to  exhibit  this  appearance,  not 
by  industry  and  cheerful  toil,  as  in  New  England,  but  by 
oppression  and  slavery,  these  pleasing  sensations  rush  in- 
stantly from  my  mind,  nor  can  I  endure  to  dwell  on  the 
comparison.  .  .  . 

"  I  expect  to  continue  here  about  one  year,  when  I  shall 
return  to  college.  .  .  .  Shall  spend  two  or  three  weeks  in 
Washington  in  the  course  of  the  year.  .  .  .  You  wished 
to  know  the  expenses  of  college.  .  .  .  See  the  following. 
.  .  .  There  are  250  students.  .  .  .  Every  student  has  a 
bill  made  out  against  him  by  the  college  steward  once  in 
three  months,  called  ■  Quarter  Bill  J  being  four  a  year. 
This  is  for  board,  tuition,  room-rent,  etc.,  and  will  gen- 
erally average  about  $45.00  a  quarter  ($180.00  a  year). 
.  .  .  Some  other  contingencies  will  make  college  expenses 
about  $200  a  year,  and,  considering  clothes,  a  person  may 
be  considered  very  economical  if  his  yearly  expenses  do 
not  exceed  $250.  There  are  more  who  spend  $500  than 
there   are    who   fall   short   of  $250.*  ...  I  have  a  fine 

1  These  facts  are  not  without  interest  to  a  student  of  American 
educational  history,  in  view  of  the  recent  discussion  of  college  ex- 
penses at  Harvard  and  elsewhere. 

A  letter  from  Charles  Folsom  to  Jared  Sparks,  July  17,  1829, 
throws  additional  historical  light  upon  this  general  subject  :  "  I  en- 
deavored to  get  access  yesterday  to  the  sources  of  information  on  the 
subject  of  college  expenses,  but  was  unsuccessful.  To-day  I  have 
ascertained  that  about  $1,000  was  distributed   to  beneficiaries  last 


56       HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE. 

opportunity  here  of  seeing  almost  all  the  great  men  on  the 
continent,  as  they  generally  call  at  my  boarding  place  in 
passing  from  Washington  to  Philadelphia."  .  .  . 

INTERVIEW   WITH   QUINCY    AND   CHANNING. 

Sparks  had  been  boarding  at  the  village  tavern  in 
Havre  de  Grace,  and  doubtless  had  seen  many  distin- 
guished American  politicians  of  the  day,  United  States 
senators,  and  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
on  their  way  to  and  from  the  national  capital.  In  the 
memorial  sermon  preached  March  18,  1866,  by  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Newell,  Mr.  Sparks'  Cambridge  pastor,  there  is  a 
pleasing  account  of  Sparks  meeting  two  "  great  men  " 
from  Massachusetts,  who  passed  through  Havre  de  Grace 
en  route  for  Washington  :    "  Soon  after  his   arrival 1  at 

year  (this  being  the  amount  of  the  proceeds  of  all  the  funds  for  the 
object),  of  which  the  largest  portion  given  to  any  individual  was 
about  $60  and  the  least  $15  ;  this  without  any  service  on  the  part 
of  the  receivers.  There  are  five  offices  held  by  Freshmen,  viz.  : 
College  Freshmen  (formerly  called  Regents),  receiving  $120;  and  four, 
who  have  charge  of  recitation  rooms,  receiving  $60  each.  Fresh- 
men in  general  are  candidates  for  gratuities,  as  well  as  others,  but 
do  not  commonly  receive  so  much  the  first  year  as  afterwards,  the 
offices  meeting  the  case  of  four  or  five  of  the  most  necessitous.  In 
distribution  great  regard  is  paid  to  scholarship  and  moral  charac- 
ter, more  than  formerly  perhaps.  Every  person  entering  advanced 
pays  $15  a  term,  or  $45  a  year,  as  advance  money,  without  any  ref- 
erence to  his  circumstances  or  his  standing.  This  is  much  less  than 
the  least  in  former  times.  The  steward  estimates  every  necessary  ex- 
pense of  a  student  (supposing  him  to  have  a  chum)  at  $190,  i.  e.  ex- 
clusive of  clothes,  washing,  and  pocket  money.  Call  it  $200.  Dimin- 
ish this  by  the  average  of  the  benefactions  stated  above,  and  you  have 
what  I  suppose  you  want.  For  a  distinguished  scholar  (not  College 
Freshman)  I  suppose  the  average  to  be  about  $150  per  annum." 

1  Sparks  arrived  at  Havre  de  Grace  before  Mark  Pringle  had 
removed  his  family  to  that  place  from  Baltimore,  as  appears  from 
Mr.  Pringle's  letter,  dated  Baltimore,  May  16,  1812,  and  received 
that  day  in  Havre  de  Grace. 


HARVARD  STUDENT  AT   HAVRE  DE  GRACE.       57 

Havre  de  Grace,  while  he  was  staying  at  the  public  house 
in  that  place,  in  a  dejected  state  of  mind,  occasioned  by 
some  disappointment  of  his  expectations  and  the  loneliness 
of  his  situation  among  people  of  a  quite  different  spirit 
and  training  from  his  own,  two  gentlemen,  travelers  on 
their  way  to  Washington,  came  to  the  inn.  A  beautiful 
island  2  in  the  Susquehanna  attracted  their  attention,  and 
one  of  them  procured  a  boat,  and  invited  Mr.  Sparks, 
whom  they  had  met  on  the  piazza,  a  stranger  to  them 
both,  to  accompany  him  to  the  place.  After  a  delightful 
excursion,  and  a  walk  around  the  island,  intensely  enjoyed 
by  Mr.  Sparks  in  the  pleasant  society  and  conversation  of 
the  new-comer,  who  treated  him  with  double  cordiality  on 
finding  that  the  young  man  was  a  student  of  Harvard,  as 
he  was  himself  a  graduate  of  the  college,  the  Hon.  Josiah 
Quincy,  then  representative  in  Congress,  as  the  stranger 
proved  to  be,  returned  to  the  inn,  and  introduced  Mr. 
Sparks  to  his  companion,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Channing.  The 
interview  gave  the  forlorn  and  struggling  student  new 
life  and  spirit.  Dr.  Channing,  who  had  himself  had  a 
similar  experience  2  in  teaching  in  Virginia,  refreshed  and 
strengthened  him  by  words  of  sympathy,  counsel,  and  good 
cheer.  And  his  new  friends  were  his  warm  friends  ever 
after.  The  imagination  dwells  with  interest  on  the  pic- 
ture of  this  first  meeting  of  his,  at  the  Southern  inn,  on 
the  road  to  Baltimore  and  Washington,  with  those  two 
distinguished  men,  little  dreaming  of  the  after -events 
which  were  to  connect  them  so  intimately  with  the  youth- 
ful scholar,  the  one  as  the  famous  preacher  of  his  ordina- 

1  This  island  was  once  selected  for  the  site  of  the  Accidentia  Virgi- 
niensis  et  Oxoniensis,  and  is  now  the  mid-river  support  of  the  Balti- 
more and  Ohio  Railroad  bridge.  See  H.  B.  Adams'  "  William  and 
Mary  College,"  Circulars  of  Information  of  the  Bureau  of  Education, 
No.  1,  1887,  p.  12. 

2  Dr.  Channing  taught  for  two  years  in  Richmond,  Virginia. 


58      HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE. 

tion  sermon,  the  other  as  his  predecessor  in  the  presi- 
dency of  Harvard  University,  as  well  as  his  neighbor  and 
associate  for  many  years  in  Cambridge,  where  Mr.  Sparks 
lived  and  died,  in  the  street  called  by  the  name  of  his 
honored  friend." 

INTERVIEW  WITH  GENERAL   CLARKE   AND   INDIAN  CHIEFS. 

Very  different  from  this  pleasant  interview  with  Chan- 
ning  and  Quincy  (the  one  representing  a  liberal  faith  in 
the  church,  and  the  other  the  scholar  and  statesman  in 
politics)  was  Sparks'  curious  rencontre  with  representatives 
of  ten  tribes  of  North  American  Indians  at  that  same 
village  inn  of  Havre  de  Grace.     The  following  interesting 
account  is  taken  from  Sparks'  letter  to  Davis  Hurd,  Sep- 
tember 15,  1812  :  "  A  very  curious  assemblage  of  Indians 
passed  through  here  a  few  days  ago.     The  company  con- 
sisted of  thirty-eight.     They  were  the  chiefs,  princes,  and 
some  queens,  of  ten  different  tribes,  principally  from  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Missouri.    They  spoke  amongst  them 
seven  different  languages,  and  had  an  interpreter  for  each. 
They  had  been  for  some  time  before  at  Washington  visit- 
ing the  President,  and  were  now  returning  home  through 
Philadelphia,  Pittsburg,  and  down  the  Ohio.     They  came 
from  Washington  in  eight  coaches,  in  which  they  were 
going  to  Pittsburg.     As  I  lodged  one  night  in  a  house 
with  them,  I  had  a  fine  opportunity  of  observing  them. 
It  was  indeed  a  pleasing  thought  to  consider  one's  self  in 
the  midst  of  such  an  assemblage  of   kings,  queens,  and 
princes.     They  were  very  differently  dressed,  according 
to  their  tribes.     They  were  conducted  by  General  Clarke, 
the  companion  of   Lewis    on   the    famous   Northwestern 
Expedition.       As  he  was  a  free,  sociable  man,  I  gained 
much  information  from  him.  .  .  . 

"  From  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri  to  its  source  is  3,120 
miles,  navigable  for  canoes  nearly  to  its  source,  except  a 


HARVARD   STUDENT   AT  HAVRE   DE   GRACE.       59 

portage  of  eighteen  miles.  .  .  .  They  struck  the  Columbia 
1,000  miles  from  the  Pacific ;  navigable  all  the  way 
down,  except  one  portage  of  1,200  yards,  which  is  one 
hundred  and  ninety  miles  from  the  mouth.  .  .  .  The 
Columbia  empties  into  the  Pacific,  lat.  46|-°,  is  three  miles 
and  six  hundred  and  sixty  yards  broad  at  its  mouth.  .  .  . 
They  were  more  than  a  year  ascending  the  Missouri,  and 
six  months  more  before  they  arrived  at  the  Pacific.  From 
the  time  they  started  from  St.  Louis  till  they  returned, 
were  two  years,  four  months,  ten  days,  viz.,  from  May  14, 
1804,  to  September  23,  1806.  The  whole  length  of  the 
voyage,  from  St.  Louis  to  the  Pacific,  4,133  miles.  Gen- 
eral Clarke  has  just  returned  from  the  Missouri,  three 
hundred  miles  up  which  he  has  been  building  a  fort. 
This  is  the  substance  of  his  information."  .  .  . 

This  method  of  deriving  knowledge  at  first  hand  from 
original  sources  of  information  was  characteristic  of 
Jared  Sparks  from  his  very  boyhood,  when  he  began  in- 
dependent observations  of  nature.  His  notes  upon  a  talk 
with  a  French  student,  Bideau,  at  Exeter,  concerning  a 
French  lycee,  and  his  interview  with  General  Clarke,  are 
youthful  foreshadowings  of  more  important  attempts  in 
after-life  to  derive  authentic  information  from  eye-wit- 
nesses of  historic  events,  or  actual  participants  in  the 
making  of  history. 

PRIVATE   READING. 

During  his  sojourn  at  Havre  de  Grace,  Sparks  diligently 
improved  his  leisure  time  by  private  reading,  a  complete 
record  of  which  was  kept  in  his  commonplace  books,  which 
are  to  some  extent  journals  of  his  education  during  both 
the  school  and  college  periods.  Under  the  date  of  June, 
1812,  he  writes :  "  I  began  the  first  of  June  to  read 
Homer's  Iliad,  Clark's  edition.  I  at  the  same  time  read 
an  elegant  edition  of  Pope's  Homer,  and  compared  them 


60      HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE. 

carefully.  This  edition  of  Pope  had  all  his  notes  at  large, 
his  life  of  Homer,  and  essay  on  his  writings.  .  .  .  Six 
weeks  of  my  leisure  time,  which  was  generally  three  or 
four  hours  a  day,  carried  me  through  the  thirteenth  book. 
Here  I  left  Homer,  with  an  intention  to  complete  it  at 
some  future  period.  .  .  .  While  reading  Homer  I  was 
much  occupied  at  intervals*  in  reading  Pope's  correspond- 
ence with  Wycherley,  Gay,  Swift,  and  others.  I  know  not 
that  I  ever  took  more  pleasure  in  reading  any  book  than 
these  letters.  ...  I  used  to  read  these  in  my  school  be- 
tween the  recitations  of  my  pupils,  and  also  while  walking 
to  and  from  my  boarding-house,  a  distance  of  half  a  mile, 
pleasant  and  quite  retired." 

He  managed  to  read  daily  from  fifty  to  one  hundred 
pages.  Every  evening  before  retiring  it  was  his  custom 
to  write  out  a  short  sketch,  or  abstract,  of  what  he  had 
read  during  the  day.  This  practice  he  believed  to  be  of 
considerable  advantage.  "  It  caused  me  to  read  with  at- 
tention, and  to  reflect  carefully  and  minutely  upon  what 
I  had  read,  and  it  was  also  a  means  by  which  I  might 
acquire  a  facility  in  descriptive  composition." 

Under  the  date  of  July  15  he  writes :  "  Leaving  Homer 
at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  book,  I  took  up  Horace,  and  de- 
voted the  same  time  to  it  that  I  had  before  done  to  Homer. 
I  had  read  Horace  before,  and  therefore  I  now  reviewed 
him  with  much  pleasure.  .  .  .  After  Horace,  I  devoted 
the  same  time  to  the  Hebrew  Psalms.  I  read  the  first 
twenty  Psalms,  and  translated  into  English  prose  the  first 
ten.  This  I  did  for  my  amusement,  and  improvement  in 
the  Hebrew  Language,  and  also  to  determine  with  what 
fidelity  the  old  translation  was  executed.  For  this  pur- 
pose I  collated  my  translation  with  the  old,  and  wrote  such 
observations  as  occurred  to  me  at  the  time  by  way  of  notes. 
In  the  new  translation  I  aimed  to  give  the  Hebrew  con- 
struction of  sentences  as  nearly  as  the  idioms  of  the  two 


HARVARD  STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE.       61 

languages  would  possibly  allow.  When  the  literal  con- 
struction could  not  be  preserved  and  convey  the  sense 
clearly,  I  always  gave  it  in  the  margin.  .  .  .  The  new 
translation  collated  with  the  old,  the  notes  and  marginal 
references,  occupy  fourteen  sheets." 

Sparks  had  begun  Hebrew  at  Phillips  Exeter  Academy, 
and  it  is  interesting  to  see  him,  a  college  Sophomore, 
turning  to  the  choicest  part  of  Old  Testament  litera- 
ture in  a  spirit  of  scholarly  inquiry,  and  making  an  inde- 
pendent translation.  In  February,  1813,  after  much  other 
profitable  and  varied  reading,  he  returned  to  his  Homer. 
"  In  the  last  eleven  books  I  used  to  read  about  five  hun- 
dred lines  a  day  in  the  leisure  time  I  had,  in  which  I  was 
not  engaged  in  the  management  of  my  school.  ...  No 
Greek  book,  perhaps,  is  read  with  more  ease  and  pleasure 
by  the  student  in  Greek  than  the  Iliad.  Homer's  vocab- 
ulary is  by  no  means  extensive.  It  may  be  learned  in  five 
or  six  of  the  first  books.  Nearly  one  half  of  the  whole 
poem  is  taken  up  in  describing  battles,  and  in  these  de- 
scriptions a  similarity  of  expression  must  necessarily 
obtain.  He  who  makes  himself  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  two  or  three  of  the  first  engagements  will  find  very 
little  need  of  a  lexicon  in  reading  the  descriptions  of  the 
others."  While  noting  the  limited  vocabulary  of  Homer, 
Sparks  does  not  fail  to  recognize  the  infinite  variety  of 
Homeric  description.  He  is  especially  impressed  with  the 
exactness  with  which  Homer  delineates  character,  and  with 
the  consistency  sustained  throughout  by  each  individual 
type.  He  confesses  to  more  pleasure  in  reading  the 
Odyssey  than  the  Iliad,  and  thinks  the  fact  due  to  the 
wider  range  of  human  interest  suggested  by  the  wander- 
ings of  Ulysses.  "  It  has  been  remarked,  that  it  is  the 
judicious  enumeration  of  little  circumstances  that  gives 
the  greatest  beauty  and  the  greatest  interest  to  composi- 
tion.    This  is  the  reigning  excellence  in  the  Odyssey. 


62      HARVARD   STUDENT  AT   HAVRE  DE  GRACE. 

The  poet  seems  to  know  perfectly  what  circumstances  will 
have  the  best  effect  upon  his  readers,  and  such  he  has 
selected  with  admirable  judgment,  and  described  them  with 
the  most  beautiful  simplicity  imaginable." 

While  reading  the  Iliad,  Sparks  took  pains  to  compare 
with  it  Pope's  translation,  and  discovered  for  himself  that 
Pope's  work  bears  little  resemblance  to  the  original,  and 
"  is  at  best  nothing  more  than  a  loose  paraphrase.  .  .  . 
We  are  not  unfrequently  struck  with  beauties  in  Pope 
which  we  look  in  vain  for  in  the  original.     But  this  is  no 
recommendation,  for  it  was  the  duty  of  the  translator  to 
give  Homer  in  every  instance  as  he  was,  and  not  as  he 
woidd  have  him  to  be"     This  passage,  here  italicized  for 
emphasis,  is  noteworthy  as  indicating  Sparks'  idea?  of  the 
duty  of  a  translator,  and  as  foreshadowing  the  duty  of  a 
modern  editor.     Jared  Sparks  was  now  unconsciously  in 
training  for  his  life  work  as  a  collector    and  editor   of 
materials  for  American  history,  revolutionary,  diplomatic, 
and  biographical.     Any  conception  of  that  literary  office 
as  a  personal  departure  from  original  sources  of  informa- 
tion and  from  the  essential  truth  of  historical  documents, 
is  utterly  foreign  to  the  man's  mental  and  moral  constitu- 
tion.    From  his  youth  up,  whether  in  the  study  of  astron- 
omy, or  the  Bible,  or  Horner,  or  the  writings  of  the  Fathers 
of  the  American  Republic,  there  is  always  a  conspicuous 
desire  to  get  at  the  exact  truth  and  the  true  meaning  of 
things.     Any  verbal  changes  in  his  editorial  work  were 
merely   verbal,  and  never  with  the  remotest  thought  of 
altering  the  original  sense  of  his  authorities.     He  would 
have  admitted  different  verbal  renderings  of  Homer  and 
the  Psalms,  but  never  a  wanton  departure  from  the  spirit 
of  the  text.     Herein,  however,  there  is  sometimes  consid- 
erable room  for  scholarly  conjecture  and  revised  versions, 
as  the  history  of  all  literature,  sacred  and  profane,  has 
conclusively  shown. 


HARVARD  STUDENT   AT  HAVRE   DE   GRACE.       63 

It  is  worth  while  to  note  the  beginning  of  Sparks'  man- 
ifest interest  in  the  reading  of  history,  and  especially  that 
of  his  own  country,  while  he  was  pursuing  his  college 
studies  and  earning  money  as  a  tutor  at  Havre  de  Grace. 
Almost  the  first  work  of  history  which  he  mentioned  at 
this  time  is  Ramsay's  Life  of  Washington,  the  greater 
part  of  which  he  says  he  read  in  his  school-room.  Then 
came  Priestley's  Lectures  on  History ;  Snowdon's  History 
of  North  and  South  America,  from  the  first  discovery  to 
the  death  of  .George  Washington  ;  Goldsmith's  Histories 
of  England  and  Greece ;  Dr.  Ramsey's  History  of  South 
Carolina  ;  Henry  Lee's  Memoirs  of  the  War  in  the  South- 
ern Department  of  the  United  States.  Of  most  of  these 
works  Sparks  wrote  critiques,  showing  that  he  was  already 
beginning  to  develop  original  and  independent  views  upon 
matters  of  literary  taste  or  historical  judgment. 

Besides  the  historical  and  classical  works  already  men- 
tioned, Sparks  read,  during  the  fifteen  months  when  he 
was  away  from  college,  many  books  of  general  literary  and 
scientific  interest.  Among  them  it  is  pleasant  to  note  a 
few  novels  and  considerable  poetry,  especially  Scott's. 
He  also  read  Hudibras ;  Johnson's  Rasselas ;  Journey  to 
the  Western  Islands  of  Scotland  ;  Boswell's  Tour  to  the 
Hebrides ;  Voltaire's  Henriade,  in  translation  ;  Sophocles, 
in  translation  ;  some  of  Shakespeare's  plays  ;  Burke  on  the 
Beautiful  and  Sublime ;  Beattie's  Essay  on  Truth ;  a  life  of 
Beattie  ;  and  various  works  of  biography.  He  read  more 
or  less  every  week  in  the  Spectator,  Rambler,  Goldsmith, 
and  other  British  classics.  Ferguson's  Astronomy  and 
Simpson's  Algebra,  with  a  long  article  on  Optics  in  the 
Encyclopaedia  Britannica,  represent  his  work  in  mathe- 
matics and  physics. 

For  geography  and  travels  Sparks  always  had  a  strong 
passion,  and  he  gratified  it  to  the  fullest  extent  during  his 
sojourn  at  Havre  de  Grace.     He  had  constantly  before 


64      HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE. 

him  Pinkerton's,  Morse's,  and  Guthrie's  Geographies,  to- 
gether with  Crutwell's  Gazetteer,  four  volumes,  with  atlas, 
Morse's  Gazetteer  and  atlas,  Wilkinson's  Atlas,  and  various 
sheet  maps  on  rollers.  From  that  little  port  of  entry  on 
the  Susquehanna,  this  eager  student  seems  to  have  taken 
a  wide  survey  over  the  earth's  surface,  and  to  have  learned 
that  it  is  really  round  and  full  of  interesting  people. 
Many  college  students  nowadays  seem  to  fancy  that  the 
world  is  flat,  and  think  there  is  nothing  on  the  face  of 
the  earth  worth  knowing  or  doing.  Sparks  became  greatly 
interested  in  Mungo  Park's  Travels  in  Africa,  a  work 
which  prepared  his  mind  for  his  first  great  literary  en- 
thusiasm,—  the  Life  of  Ledyard,  the  African  traveler. 
What  intense  interest  Jared  Sparks  would  have  taken  in 
the  more  recent  discoveries  by  Livingstone  and  Stanley,  in 
their  opening  of  the  Congo  and  Western  Africa  to  com- 
merce, and  in  the  attempts  of  Gordon,  Drummond,  and 
England  to  suppress  the  East  African  slave  trade !  Sparks 
read  also  Campbell's  Journey  to  India  and  Buchanan's 
Christian  Researches  in  Asia.  He  followed  Chateaubriand 
in  his  travels  through  Greece,  Palestine,  Egypt,  and  Bar- 
bary,  and  made  extracts  from  Addison's  Remarks  on  Italy. 
Carver's  Travels  in  North  America  and  the  Report  of 
Lewis  and  Clarke's  Expedition  were  doubtless  suggested 
to  him  by  that  memorable  interview  with  the  great  ex- 
plorer himself,  and  the  sight  of  his  caravan  of  Indian 
chiefs,  halting  at  the  little  inn  at  Havre  de  Grace. 

The  general  impression  which  one  derives  from  all  these 
details  is  that  Jared  Sparks,  in  his  enforced  retirement 
from  the  college  world,  was  nevertheless  acquiring  in  his 
own  way  a  very  liberal  education,  at  least  for  an  absentee 
Sophomore.  His  commonplace  books  enumerate  over 
one  hundred  different  works,  some  of  them  in  two  vol- 
umes, read  there  at  Havre  de  Grace  during  his  leisure 
time,  "  that  is,  in  which  I  have  not  been  engaged  in  the 


HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE.       65 

management  of  my  school  and  the  prosecution  of  my  reg- 
ular college  studies."  What  these  latter  were  he  does 
not  state  (probably  Greek,  Latin,  and  mathematics)  ; 
but  we  may  be  very  sure  that  Sparks  always  learned  more 
from  voluntary  private  reading  than  from  required  text- 
books. He  unconsciously  foreshadowed  the  modern  uni- 
versity spirit. 

DESTRUCTION   OF   HAVRE   DE   GRACE. 

While  at  Havre  de  Grace  he  had  a  vivid  glimpse  of  the 
war  then  going  on  between  England  and  the  United 
States.  "  He  was  there,"  says  Brantz  Mayer,  "  when  the 
British,  under  Admiral  Cockburn,  plundered  and  partly 
destroyed  the  village  (May  3,  1813)  ;  and  here,  probably, 
he  enjoyed  the  only  military  experience  of  his  life,  by 
serving  as  a  private  in  the  Maryland  militia,  called  out  to 
guard  the  neighborhood.  The  inhabitants,  it  is  related, 
generally  fled  to  the  woods,  and  but  a  few,  among  whom 
was  Sparks,  remained  to  witness  the  barbarous  behavior 
of  the  enemy." 

Sparks  wrote  for  the  "  North  American  Review,"  July, 
1817,  an  account  of  the  "  Conflagration  of  Havre  de 
Grace,"  which  he  had  himself  witnessed.  After  picturing 
the  alarm  of  the  inhabitants  living  along  the  upper  waters 
of  Chesapeake  Bay  at  the  approach  of  the  British,  and 
after  describing  the  collapse  of  all  preparations  for  de- 
fending the  town,  the  desertion  of  the  battery,  and  the 
flight  of  the  militia,  Sparks  narrates  the  extraordinary 
barbarity  of  the  enemy  in  destroying  a  defenseless  and 
unoffending  village :  "  General  orders  had  been  given  to 
burn  every  house,  and  these  were  rigorously  executed,  till 
they  were  at  length  countermanded  by  the  admiral.  Im- 
mediately after  he  came  on  shore,  which  was  not  till  some 
time  after  the  landing  of  the  forces,  two  or  three  ladies, 
who  had  courageously  remained  in  their  houses  during  the 
5 


66      HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE. 

whole  commotion,  endeavored  by  all  the  powers  of  female 
eloquence  to  dissuade  him  from  his  rash  purposes.  He 
was  unmoved  at  first;  but  when  they  represented  to  him 
the  misery  he  was  causing,  and  pointed  to  the  smoking 
ruins,  under  which  was  buried  all  that  could  keep  their 
proprietors  from  want  and  wretchedness,  he  relented  and 
countermanded  his  original  orders. 

« This  was  not  done  till  more  than  half  of  the   town 
had  been  consumed.     It  has  been  said,  in  a  very  respect- 
able history  of  the  times,  that  one  house  only  escaped  the 
flames  ;  but  this  is  a  mistake.     Havre  de  Grace  consisted 
of  about  sixty  houses,  and  of  these  not  more  than  forty 
were  burnt.     Many  others  were  plundered  and  much  in. 
jured,  and  scarcely  one  remained  which  was  not  perfo- 
rated with  balls,  or  defaced  by  the  explosion  of  shells.  ... 
The  conduct  of  the  sailors  while  on  shore  was  exceedingly 
rude  and  wanton.     The  officers  gave  such  of  the  inhabi- 
tants as  remained  behind  liberty  to  carry  out  such  articles 
of  furniture  as  they  chose,  while  the  sailors  were  plunder- 
ng  their  houses  ;  but  the  sailors,  not  content  with  pillag- 
ing and  burning,  broke  and  defaced  these  also,  as  they 
were  standing  in   the  streets.      Elegant   looking-glasses 
were  dashed  into  pieces,  and  beds  were  ripped  open  for 
the  sport  of  scattering  the  feathers  in  the  wind.     These 
outrages,  to  be  sure,  were  not  commanded  by  the  officers, 
but  they  were  not  restrained  by  them.  ? 

«  Little  can  be  said,  indeed,  in  favor  of  the  officers 
conduct  in  this  particular.  They  selected  tables  and 
bureaus  for  their  private  use,  and,  after  writing  their 
names  on  them,  sent  them  on  board  the  barges.  The  ad- 
miral himself  was  pleased  with  an  elegant  coach  which 
fell  in  his  way,  and  commanded  it  to  be  put  on  board  a 
boat  which  belonged  to  the  proprietor  of  the  ferry,  and 
taken  to  his  ship."  . 

Thus   in  graphic  style  Sparks  made  his  first  original 


HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE.       67 

contribution  to  American  history.  His  sketch  of  facts 
that  came  under  his  own  observation  embraces  seven 
printed  pages,  and  preserves  interesting  historical  mate- 
rials for  the  illustration  of  English  modes  of  naval  war- 
fare, in  the  period  when  our  national  Capitol  at  Wash- 
ington l  and  the  records  of  our  War  Department  were 
ruthlessly  destroyed  by  the  British. 

The  following  testimony  to  the  accuracy  of  Mr.  Sparks' 
narrative  of  the  conflagration  at  Havre  de  Grace  was 
given  September  13,  1817,  by  leading  citizens  of  that 
place,  Mark  Pringle,  Samuel  Hughes,  Paca  Smith,  and 
William  B.  Stokes,  and  was  published  in  the  "  North 
American  Review,"  November,  1817.  The  original  manu- 
script, with  signatures,  is  still  preserved  among  the  letters 
to  Sparks :  M  We  have  read  your  account  of  the  confla- 
gration of  Havre  de  Grace  in  the  14th  number  of  the 
'North  American  Review.'  The  impression  of  a  scene 
in  which  we  were  so  deeply  interested,  and  which  has 
been  productive  of  injury  to  some  of  us,  cannot  easily  be 
eradicated,  and  we  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  your 
account  is  calculated  to  give  a  very  fair  and  impartial 
view  of  that  transaction." 

Some  doubt  as  to  Sparks1  statement  of  certain  particulars 
had  been  expressed  to  Mr.  Willard  Phillips,  the  chief  pro- 
prietor of  the  "  North  American  Review,"  by  a  Baltimore 
publisher,  Mr.  Edward  J.  Coale,  who,  in  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Sparks,  September  25,  1817,  acknowledged  himself  mis- 
taken. Mr.  Coale  was  the  first  American  publisher  of 
"  Tooke's  Pantheon  of  the  Heathen  Gods  and  Illustrious 
Heroes,"  a  book  which  Mr.  Sparks  generously  introduced 
to  Northern  educators  through  the  "  North  American  Re- 
view," September,  1817.     Through  Sparks'  recommenda- 

1  Upon  "  The  Attack  on  Washington  City  in  1814,"  there  is  a  paper 
by  Major-General  George  W.  Cullum  in  the  "  Papers  of  the  Ameri- 
can Historical  Association,"  voL  ii.,  64-68. 


68       HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE. 

tion  "Tooke's  Pantheon"  first  became  known  to  Dr. 
Abbot,  of  Exeter,  and  other  classical  instructors  in  l\ew 
England. 

LETTERS   FROM    CHARLES   FOLSOM. 

Durin-  Sparks'  sojourn  at  Havre  de  Grace,  he  received 
various  fetters  from  his  college  friends,  which  show  xn 
what  high  esteem  he  continued  to  be  held  in  Cambridge. 
Charles  Folsom,  whom  Sparks  had  known  at  Exeter,  wrote 
Julv  14  1812  :  "  I  regret  exceedingly  that  you  will  not  re- 
turn until  I  graduate.     However,  if  my  present  hopes  do 
not  prove  fallacious,  I  shall  be  employed  as  instructor  in 
some  form,  either  in  public  seminary  or  private  family, 
for  first  year  after  graduation;  after  this  I  shall  reside  a 
graduate  at  Cambridge  during  your    senior  year.    .    .    . 
Let  your  letters,  Sparks,  be  frequent  and  full.     I  promise 
on  my  sacred  honor,  I  bind  myself  by  the  obligates  of 
an  ardent  and  sincere  friend,  to  sustain  a  correspondence 
with  him  whose  intrinsic  worth  first  gained  my  esteem, 
and  whose  goodness  of  heart  and  indescribable  excellen- 
cies of  character  soon  ripened  esteem  into  a  friendship  so 
pure  and  warm  that  I  esteem  it  one  of  my  greatest  and 
most  refined  sources  of  pleasure."  .  .  . 

Again  writing  to  Sparks,  November  18,  1812.  Tohm 
said  "  Briggs  and  Palfrey  say  you  speak  as  if  doubtful 
whether  you  return  at  all,  at  least  for  the  present  I  hope 
von  will  take  it  into  due  consideration,  upon  which  1  think 
you  must  conclude  to  return.  You  are  still  held  in  pre- 
cious and  lively  remembrance  by  all  who  knew  you  here, 
and,  by  returning,  would  gratify  their  wishes.  .  .  .  Col- 
lege thrives  nobly.  Corporation  is  busy,  improving  and 
beautifying  the  grounds.  ...  By  a  most  excellent  reg- 
ulation; they  keep  the  library  open  six  hours  every  day 
for  graduates,  and,  I  believe,  for  undergraduates,  too. 


HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE.       69 

Librarian's 2  salary  is  increased  to  one  thousand  dollars, 
being  a  perfect  sinecure  to  a  single  man.  You  may  easily 
conceive  with  what  solid  satisfaction  I  have  ranged  un- 
controlled through  the  alcoves,  sought  and  examined  what- 
ever books  I  pleased,  books  which  before  I  had  only 
known  by  description,  but  now  by  toiling  hands  and  ad- 
miring eyes.  .  .  .  Dr.  Ware  is  delivering  on  Saturdays, 
to  the  two  upper  classes,  a  course  of  Biblical  lectures, 
which  (to  me)  are  uncommonly  interesting.  Mr.  Chan- 
ning  in  the  spring  is  to  deliver  a  course  of  lectures  on 
Biblical  criticism,  instead  of  Mr.  Buckminster.  .  .  .  All 
your  friends  are  well.  Palfrey  and  Davis  [Sparks'  "  lit- 
tle chum  "  2J  are  steady,  studious,  promising  lads.  The 
former  is  accounted  one  of  the  first  in  his  class,  and  John 
is  very  respectable  indeed,  and  as  ambitious  as  you  can 
well  conceive.  In  mathematics  they  have  persevered  un- 
derstandingly." 

Folsom  proceeds  to  inform  Sparks  that  he  had  been 
elected  to  membership  in  a  very  ancient  and  honorable 
secret  society,  or  club,  founded  as  early  as  1770  at  Har- 
vard College.  Sparks  was  assured  that  this  club  had 
numbered  among  its  members  almost  all  the  first  char- 
acters in  New  England.  "  You  were  the  first  admitted 
from  your  class,  and  others  in  proper  order.  Davis 
was  last  admitted,  being  the  fifteenth.  ...  I  was  ap- 
pointed to  invite  you  to  become  a  member."      Sparks 

1  Charles  Folsom  was  the  librarian  of  Harvard  College  from  1823 
to  1826. 

2  Palfrey  wrote  to  Sparks,  July  12,  1812,  "  Your  little  chum  is 
quite  dejected  that  you  do  not  write  to  him,  and  says  he  does  not 
know  what  to  make  of  it."  October  18,  1812,  Palfrey  says  :  "  Your 
little  chum  and  I  live  along  finely  together,  and  study  pretty  tol- 
erably hard,  for  the  studies  of  this  year  require  almost  all  our  time." 
Sparks'  chum,  whom  Palfrey  adopted,  was  John  Brazer  Davis  (H. 
U.  1815).  He  was  only  eleven  years  old  when  he  came  to  Exeter  in 
1810,  and  Sparks  appears  to  have  been  a  kind  of  elder  brother  to  him. 


70      HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE. 

must  have  been  highly  gratified  at  this  mark  of  signal 
favor  shown  him  by  upper-classmen  at  Harvard.  In 
the  estimation  of  a  man's  real  worth,  the  judgment  of 
students  is  oftentimes  quite  as  correct  and  impartial  as 
that  of  the  faculty.  In  Sparks'  case,  professors  and  stu- 
dents at  Harvard  College  were  of  one  mind. 

LETTERS   FROM   J.    G.    PALFREY. 
It  is  very  interesting  to  read  the  student  letters  of  John 
Gorham  Palfrey,  the  future  historian  of  New  England,  to 
the  coming  biographer  of  Washington.      Among  other  en- 
tertaining bits  of  college  news,  Palfrey  writes  the  following, 
July  7,  1812  :  "  Randolph,  a  nephew  and  heir  of  the  cel- 
ebrated John  Randolph,  has  just  come  here  from  Virginia 
and  is  studying  with  Mr.  Everett.     He  did  mean  to  enter 
our  class,  but  Everett  has  advised  him,  and  I  believe  he 
now  intends,  to  enter  Junior  next  commencement.     He  is 
a  very  smart  fellow,  very  studious,  and  has  read  almost 
all  the  Greek  and  Latin  that  was  ever  written.      He  has 
been  here  only  a  week,  and  in  that  time  has  been  over 
Minora  and  the  Testament,  which  he  never  studied  be- 
fore.    He  has  been  over  none  of  the  Freshmen  or  Sopho- 
more studies,  Livy  and  Horace,  except  part  of  the  mathe- 
matics, some  of  the  authors  from  which  there  are  selec- 
tions in  Excerpta  and  Graeca  Majora,  and  four  books  of 
Euclid.     He  intends  to  review  all  the  studies  required  to 
enter,  and  has  apportioned  his  time   so  as  to  allow  only 
eight  days  to  Locke  and  Logic!     I  hope,  however,  he 
will  be  discouraged  and  enter  our  class,  for  he  would  be 
an  honor  to  it." 

This  brilliant  Southerner,  who  made  such  a  decided 
impression  upon  young  Palfrey,  had  been  trained  in  the 
classics  by  John  Randolph  himself,  as  appears  from  a  con- 
versation in  a  stage-coach  between  him  and  Jared  Sparks, 
recorded  by  the  latter  in  his  journal  in  the  year  1827. 


HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE   DE  GRACE.        71 

The  youth  lost  his  health,  left  college,  and  died  abroad.1 
In  the  above  letter,  Palfrey  speaks  of  Mr.  Channing's 
visit  to  Havre  de  Grace :  "  I  was  very  glad  indeed  that 
you  met  with  Mr.  Channing  on  his  way  ;  he  gave  me  a 
particular  account  of  your  situation,  and  expressed  a  good 
deal  of  satisfaction  at  having  seen  you  ;  but  he  said  it 
appeared  to  him  you  had  a  dejected  look  ;  he  feared  you 
were  discontented.  I  endeavoured  to  convince  him  that 
he  was  in  a  mistake,  for  that  where  there  were  books  and 
time  to  study,  you  could  scarcely  be  unhappy.  I  beg  you 
will  tell  me  in  your  next  whether  you  are  as  happy  as  I 
hope  you  are,  or  not,  for  I  am  anxious  to  know  particu- 
larly, and  whether  you  intend  to  enter  our  class  again,  as 
the  whole  class  hope  you  will."  .  .  . 

Palfrey's  letter  to  Sparks,  dated  October  18,  1812,  con- 
tains the  following  loyal  allusions  to  the  birthplace  and 
old  home  of  his  school  and  college  friend :  "  I  went  to 

1 "  Freeman  .  .  .  saw  your  classmate  Randolph  in  London,  very 
much  emaciated,  pale,  and  enfeebled  in  body  and  voice.  He  had  just 
returned  from  Cheltenham  Springs,  from  which  he  thought  he  had 
derived  some  benefit ;  but  Freeman  speaks  of  him  as  manifestly  past 
recovery,  connected  to  this  world  only  by  hope."  (Charles  Folsom  to 
Jared  Sparks,  October  20,  1815.)  "  You  have  heard,  doubtless,  of 
Randolph's  death.  He  was  never  very  friendly  to  me,  but  the  grave 
should  conceal  the  failings  as  soon  as  it  buries  the  virtues  of  our 
associates  in  oblivion.  His  character  was  very  peculiar,  but  we  have 
every  reason  to  believe  that  he  would  have  been  a  great  man."  (William 
H.  Eliot  to  Jared  Sparks,  November  15,  1815.)  "You  have  doubt- 
less heard  of  the  death  of  poor  Randolph.  He  died  in  London,  Au- 
gust 5,  and  his  name  consequently,  as  I  am  told,  will  not  appear 
again  on  the  catalogue.  His  death  has  not  been  noticed  in  the 
public  papers,  because  the  president  undertook  to  do  it  himself  as 
soon  as  he  should  obtain  some  additional  particulars,  and  as  usual 
has  neglected  it.  It  took  place  after  a  gradual  and  I  believe  uninter- 
mitted  decline.  He  received  some  trifling  benefit  from  the  springs, 
but  not  so  much  that  Dana,  who  saw  him  soon  after  his  return  from 
there,  thought  there  was  any  room  for  hope."  (J.  G.  Palfrey  to  Jared 
Sparks,  November  19,  1815.) 


72       HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE. 

Middletown  last  vacation  to  spend  some  time  with  an  aunt 
of  mine ;  as  I  passed  through  Willington,  I  looked  out 
very  sharp  to  see  if  I  could  see  anybody  who  looked  like 
you,  but  it  was  early  in  the  morning,  and  I  could  see 
no  one  who  bore  sufficient  resemblance  to  you  for  me  to 
imagine  them  to  be  your  relations  ;  but  my  emotions,  as  I 
passed  over  the  ground  between  Tolland  and  Willington, 
which  I  imagined  you  in  your  younger  days  had  so  often 
trod,  were  the  strangest  I  ever  felt.  I  could  .  .  .  admire 
every  tree,  and  imagine  you  had  admired  it  before  me,  that 
it  might,  perhaps,  at  some  time,  have  shaded  you  in  the 
heat,  or  sheltered  you  in  the  shower." 

The  last  of  Palfrey's  letters  belonging  to  this  chapter 
of  Sparks'  life,  and*dated  December  11,  1812,  brings  the 
Harvard  boy  of  that  time  very  near  to  the  hearts  of  the 
present  generation  of  football  players:  "I  have  been 
confined  almost  to  my  bed  for  this  week  past  by  a  bruise 
received  in  kicking  football.  A  whole  gang  of  my  class- 
mates have  been  keeping  me  from  writing  all  the  after- 
noon. I  can  scarcely  yet  sit  up  to  a  table,  so  that  I  can  only 
write  till  my  leg  pains  me  too  much,  or  till  Tayloe  comes 
in  about  fifteen  minutes.  I  received  your  affectionate  let- 
ter. Shall  send  Mr.  Channing's  sermon  if  I  can  get  it  — 
very  hard  to  procure  —  lost  mine." 

Tayloe  1  was  a  Virginian  who  was  going  home  to  Rich- 
mond to  spend  Christmas.  He  took  Palfrey's  letter  and 
stopped  at  Havre  de  Grace,  both  going  and  returning,  to 
see  Sparks,  the  good  friend  he  had  known  so  well  at 
Exeter  and  Cambridge.  Thus  the  house  tutor  in  the 
family  of  Mark  Pringle  was  not  absolutely  isolated  from 
either  academic  connections  or  from  the  world  at  large. 
He  was  kept  in  touch  with  college  affairs  by  the  visits  and 

1  Benjamin  Ogle  Tayloe  (Harvard  University,  1815),  of  Richmond, 
Virginia,  afterwards  of  Washington,  D.  C,  where  Sparks  visited  him 
in  1819.     Many  boys  from  the  South  were  trained  in  New  England. 


HARVARD   STUDENT  AT  HAVRE  DE  GRACE.       73 

letters  of  Cambridge  men  ;  he  saw  every  day  the  great 
current  of  travel  to  and  from  the  capital  of  these  United 
States,  and  the  War  of  1812  was  brought  before  his  very 
door. 

Sparks'  successor  as  tutor  in  the  Pringle  family,  Wil- 
liam W.  Fuller,  wrote  March  16,  1814,  from  Havre  de 
Grace,  saying,  "  I  believe  your  administration  gave  perfect 
satisfaction  both  to  Mr.  Pringle  and  to  the  pupils.  When 
I  go  to  make  any  innovation  they  frequently  appeal  to 
what  Mr.  Sparks  used  to  do.  The  family  often  speak  of 
you,  and  ask  when  I  have  heard  from  you,  and  Mrs.  Prin- 
gle expresses  great  regard  for  you." *  Fuller  was  drafted 
into  the  local  militia  to  repel  British  depredations  along 
the  shore  of  Chesapeake  Bay,  but  Mr.  Pringle  arranged 
for  his  return  to  Massachusetts. 

1  Letter  of  Mark  Pringle  to  Jared  Sparks,  August  6,  1814. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

HARVARD   STUDENT  IN   BOLTON  AND   LANCASTER. 

1813-1816. 

SCHOOL-TEACHING   IN   BOLTON,    MASSACHUSETTS. 

Sparks  returned  to  college  in  June,  1813,  and  diligently 
resumed  academic  work.      We  find  him  pursuing  philos- 
ophy,  chemistry,  conic    sections,  fluxions,    Chaucer,  and 
Italian.      On  the  30th  of  November  he  was  off  again  to 
Bolton,  Massachusetts,  to  keep  school,  in  which  he  had 
about  thirty  scholars.     His  excellent  habit  of  improving 
his  spare  time  in  the  reading  of  good  books  was  cultivated 
wherever    he  went.      This  was  the  self -education  of  the 
man.     His  commonplace  books  were  his  only  journal,  and 
they  contain  but  few  items  of  biographical  interest  beyond 
a  brief  running  comment  on  things  read  and  done.     The 
following  extracts  are  suggestive  touches  for  a  sketch  of 
the  schoolmaster's  life  at  Bolton,  and  are  doubtless  typical 
of  similar  work  elsewhere:  "  Dec.  3.    Condorcet's  Progress 
of  the   Human  Mind,   70  pages.  .  .  .     Dec.  7.     School 
visited  by  the  Minister  and   Selectmen  of  Bolton.  .  .  . 
Dec.  11.     Sat.     No  school  —  visited  friend  Briggs  at  his 
boarding-house,   3  miles  distant  —  read  part  of  Burke's 
Essay  on  Taste.  .  .  .  Dec.  25.    Alison  (on  Taste).    Com- 
position —  Rode  to  the  Post-office,  2  miles  —  friend   B. 
called  on  me  at  sunset  and  tarried  through  the  night.  .  .  . 
Jan.  6,  1814.     Newspaper  —  visit  in  the  evening  in  com- 
pany with  five  schoolmasters  at  Gen.  Gardner's.  —  ball. 
.  .  .  Jan.  16.    Sund.     At  meeting  forenoon  —  snow  very 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN   BOLTON,   ETC.  75 

fast  all  day  — Bible,  10  chap.  II  Kings  — De  Officiis,  3d 
book,  47  p.  (in  translation).  .  .  .  Jan.  18.  College 
studies  —  Mathematics  —  Enfield  on  Mechanics.  .  .  . 
Jan.  19.  College  studies  —  Locke  —  Quintilian  —  on  a 
visit  in  the  evening  at  Dea.  Nurse's.  Jan.  20.  College 
studies  —  Locke  on  Language.  .  .  .  visited  B.  —  staid 
all  night  —  at  home  J  past  8  next  morning.  .  .  .  Jan.  23. 
Sund.  At  meeting  —  Bible,  5  chap.  II  Kings  —  Millot's 
History,  4  chap,  of  3d  Epoch,  Mod.  Hist.  .  .  .  Jan.  30. 
Sund.  At  meeting  —  Mr.  Thayer  of  Lancaster  preached. 
Bible,  10  chap.  I  Chron.  —  Blair  on  Taste  —  figures  of 
speech  —  evening,  Webber's  Mathematics  —  one  half  of 
surveying — visit  at  Mr.  C.  Nurse's.  Feb.  1.  Company 
in  the  evening.  Quintilian.  .  .  .  Feb.  3.  Plato,  Death  of 
Socrates  —  Aristotle's  Ethics :  concerning  the  humble 
and  the  vain  man,  and  also  concerning  friendship.  .  .  . 
Feb.  5.  Went  to  Mr.  Mellen's  school  in  the  morning, 
then  with  him  to  Harvard  —  called  at  Carlton's  school  — 
and  went  together  to  Groton  —  called  on  Wood  and  Dal- 
ton  —  returned  to  Harvard,  where  M.  and  myself  staid  all 
night  —  read  nothing.  .  .  .  Feb.  7.  Preparing  composi- 
tions of  my  scholars  for  examination  —  visit  in  the  eve. 
.  .  Feb.  8.  School  examined  in  the  forenoon  —  very 
good  satisfaction  appeared  to  be  given.  Visit  in  the  eve. 
at  Maj.  Nurse's.  —  staid  all  night  at  Mr.  C.  Nurse's. — 
Two  newspapers.  .  .  .  Feb.  12.  Dine  with  Mr.  S.  Hol- 
man  —  brought  my  trunk,  etc.,  to  Mr.  A.  Holman's,  ex- 
pecting to  take  the  stage  to-morrow.  —  Locke.  .  .  .  Feb. 
14.  Locke  —  called  at  Mr.  Weatherstay's  to  engage  a 
horse  and  sleigh  —  visit  in  the  eve.  at  Mr.  A.  Holman's. 
Feb.  15.  Sleigh-ride  to  Sterling  with  Mellen  .  .  .  Miss 
B.  and  Miss  W.  —  started  from  Bolton  at  2  P.  M.  — 
Sterling  at  sunset  —  supper  at  Lancaster  —  back  at  10 
h.  eve.  Feb.  16.  Went  to  Mr.  H.  in  the  morning  ex- 
pecting to  start  in  the  stage  for  Cambridge  —  no  stage 


76  HARVARD  STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,  ETC. 

—  returned  to  my  former  boarding-house  —  visit  in  the 
evening  at  Mr.  Blood's  —  Goldsmith's  Animated  Nature. 
Feb.  18.  Started  at  12  h.  noon  in  the  stage  for  Cam- 
bridge —  arrive  at  sunset.  —  Three  numbers  of  Specta- 
tor.—  Dine  at  Concord.     Feb.  19.     Paid  my  bills." 

From  these  passages,  taken  almost  at  random  from  the 
winter's  journal  of  Jared  Sparks,  we  perceive  that  this 
studious  young  schoolmaster  was  no  mere  recluse  at  Bol- 
ton. Other  Harvard  fellows  were  teaching  school  in  the 
neighboring  villages,  and  evidently  cultivated  village 
society  and  the  spirit  of  good  fellowship  among  them- 
selves. This  sociable,  companionable  young  man  at  Bol- 
ton, who  went  to  church  regularly,  read  Old  Testament 
History,  De  Officiis,  and  Modern  History  on  Sunday 
afternoon,  like  a  liberal  Christian,  was  equally  capable  of 
enjoying  a  country  sleigh-ride  and  of  paying  his  way 
through  college  by  honest  work.  It  will  give  Young 
Harvard  a  fellow-feeling  for  Jared  Sparks  to  know  that 
he  and  Briggs  and  Mellen  celebrated  their  return  to  col- 
lege by  going  into  Boston  to  attend  the  theatre,  where 
they  saw  Cooper  in  "  Rule  a  Wife  and  Have  a  Wife." 

COLLEGE  STUDIES  AND   PRIVATE   READING. 

A  student  of  American  educational  history  would  find 
Jared  Sparks'  notes  on  his  college  work  at  Harvard  of 
some  practical  interest,  for  Sparks'  time  was  before  the 
days  of  college  catalogues  and  published  tabular  views  at 
Cambridge.  The  academic  curriculum  of  study,  and  even 
the  text-books  employed  in  the  various  arts  and  sciences, 
will  be  matters  of  growing  interest,  as  gradually  the  spirit 
of  historical  inquiry  approaches  the  real  educational  life 
of  the  college  and  its  various  departments  of  instruction. 

Under  the  date  of  May  5,  1814,  Sparks  mentions  his 
daily  routine  of  college  exercises.  Prayers  came  at  six 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  there  was  a  recitation  in  Greek 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,   ETC.  77 

immediately  afterwards.  At  eleven  o'clock  a.  m.  there 
was  a  lecture  in  natural  philosophy,  on  mechanical  power ; 
at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  came  a  lecture  on  botany ; 
and  at  five,  Latin.  Evening  prayers  occurred  at  six  o'clock, 
and  a  class  exercise  in  fluxions  1  immediately  followed. 
Later  in  the  evening  there  was  a  lesson  in  Millot's  His- 
tory. This  amount  of  class-work  would  impress  a  modern 
collegian  as  excessive.  It  was  doubtless  a  survival  of  that 
ancient  scholastic  curriculum  described  in  the  early  his- 
tory 2  of  Harvard  College,  a  curriculum  from  which  modern 
Harvard  and  our  English  cousins  at  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge have  widely  departed. 

Sparks  was  now  finishing  his  Junior  year  at  Harvard, 
but  he  was  by  no  means  taking  the  ease  which  belongs 
traditionally  to  that  class.  He  was  pursuing  with  ardor 
his  regular  college  studies,  Aristotle's  Poetics,  Dionysius 
of  Halicarnassus,  Longinus,  Quintilian,  Enfield's  Natural 
Philosophy,  Butler's  Analogy,  John  Locke,  and  Millot's 
History  ;  he  was  attending  college  lectures  on  various  sub- 
jects for  general  culture  ;  writing  themes  for  the  profes- 
sor of  rhetoric ;  and  translating  into  Latin  a  scene  from 
Thompson's  Coriolanus  for  the  Junior  Exhibition  (in 
which  he  performed,  April  26,  1814,  in  a  Latin  dialogue 
with  his  classmates,  Pickman  and  Fuller).  On  Sundays 
he  went  regularly  to  meeting,  read  various  good  books, 
generally  his  Testament  in  the  original  Greek,  and  wrote 

1  Journal,  March  10,  1814  :  "  Lessons  in  fluxions  three  times  a 
week  between  six  and  eight  in  the  evening.  Vince's  ■  Fluxions '  our 
text-book."  This  course  was  perhaps  extra  or  optional.  The  jour- 
nal for  March  1  records  this  fact :  "  Began  to  study  fluxions  under 
Mr.  Brosius.     Lesson  in  the  evening." 

2  See  "  New  England  First  Fruits,"  originally  published  in  1643. 
For  the  first  "  Tabular  View  "  of  the  original  course  of  study  at 
Harvard  College  in  1643,  see  H.  B.  Adams'  "  Study  of  History  in 
American  Colleges  and  Universities,"  p.  3,  Bureau  of  Education, 
Circular  of  Information,  No.  2,  1887. 


78  HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,   ETC. 

to  his  mother.  The  very  best  idea  of  the  actual  work  ac- 
complished at  this  period  by  Jared  Sparks  may  be  derived 
from  the  following  summary  of  his  studies  for  six  months, 
from  December  1,  1813,  to  June  1,  1814 :  — 

Natural  Philosophy.  —  Kiel's  Philosophy  on  Matter  ; 
Euler's  Letters,  300  pages ;  Enfield's  Philosophy,  Matter 
and  Mechanics;  Newton's  Principia,  40  pages;  Hauy's 
Philosophy,  —  articles,  Crystallization  and  Caloric  ;  Fon- 
tenelle's  Plurality  of  Worlds. 

Moral  Philosophy  and  Metaphysics.  —  Guthrie's 
Translation  of  Cicero's  De  Officiis  ;  Cicero's  Paradoxes ; 
Locke,  2d  vol.,  and  one  half  of  the  3d ;  Stewart's  Philoso- 
phy of  the  Human  Mind,  100  pages. 

Mathematics.  —  Webber's  Surveying,  Superficies  and 
Solids  ;  Flint's  Surveying ;  Vince's  Fluxions,  half  through ; 
Simpson's  Algebra,  occasionally. 

Theology.  —  Bible,  I  and  II  Kings  ;  I  Chronicles ; 
nearly  all  the  Gospels,  besides  occasional  readings  in  vari- 
ous places ;  Butler's  Analogy ;  a  few  of  Clark's  and  Blair's 
Sermons  ;  Abernethy's  Sermons,  a  few. 

History.  Millot's  History,  half  the  2d  vol.  and  the 
3d  vol. ;  Condorcefs  Progress  of  the  Human  Mind ;  Ana- 
charsis,  1st  voL  ;  Indians  in  America. 

Poetry.  —  Savage's  Poems;  Akenside's  Pleasures  of 
the  Imagination ;  Ossian,  1st  vol.,  and  Dr.  Blair's  Dis- 
sertation on  Ossian  ;  Thomson's  Winter  and  Spring  ;  4 
of  Shakespeare's  Plays ;  Byron's  Giaour,  and  Bride  of 
Abydos;  Dante's  Inferno,  in  30  cantos,  translated  by 
Boyd  ;  J.  H.  Beattie's  Latin  Poems ;  W  aller. 

Taste. —  Kaime's  On  Taste  ;  Stewart's  Essays  on  Taste, 
the  Beautiful  and  Sublime  ;  Burke's  Essay  on  Taste ;  Ali- 
son on  Taste,  100  pages  ;  Blair's  Chapter  on  Taste. 
Oratory.  —  Burke's  Speeches  and  Letters,  1  vol. 
Biography.  —  Life  and   Character  of   Chief   Justice 
Parsons,  by  Judge  Parker ;  four  of  Plutarch's  Lives ;  Life 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,  ETC.  79 

of  Nelson,  by  Southey,  2  vols. ;  Condorcet's  Life  of  Vol- 
taire ;  Voltaire's  Charles  XII. ;  Life  of  J.  H.  Beattie,  by 
his  father. 

Latin.  —  Cicero  De  Officiis  ;  Cicero's  Paradoxes ;  Ci- 
ceronis  Oratio  pro  Archia  Poeta  ;  Quinctiliani  Institutio- 
ns Oratoriae,  100  pages  ;  First  Book  of  the  iEneid. 

Greek.  —  Nearly  all  the  Gospels,  Griesbach's  text ; 
Graeca  Majora  (Aristotle,  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  and 
Longinus.) 

Voyages  and  Travels.  —  La  Perouse,  Voyage  Around 
the  World,  1st  and  2d  vols.  ;  Barrow's  Travels  in  South 
Africa,  1  vol.  4to. 

Botany.  —  Smith's  Botany,  130  pages ;  Wakefield's 
Botany  ;  article  on  Botany  in  Brewster's  Encyclopaedia. 

Mineralogy.  —  Cronstedt  on  the  Calcareous,  Siliceous, 
and  Argillaceous  Orders  of  Minerals  ;  Thirwan's  Mineral- 
ogy, Parts  I  and  II.  ;  Jameson's  Mineralogy,  1st  vol. 

Miscellaneous.  —  Spectator,  Tatler,  Rambler,  Sterne, 
Kaime's  Elements,  Goldsmith's  Animated  Nature,  Mon- 
boddo,  Shaftesbury,  Edinburgh  and  Quarterly  Reviews, 
Portfolio,  Analectic  Magazine,  General  Repository,  Hume's 
Essays,  British  Spy,  King's  Origin  of  Evil,  Tiddes'  Exist- 
ence of  a  Deity,  and  a  great  variety  of  articles  in  the 
Encyclopaedia. 

Lectures.  —  On  Theology,  Rhetoric,  Natural  Philoso- 
phy, Natural  History,  English  and  other  Languages. 

Composition.  —  Oration  on  the  Origin  and  Progress  of 
Taste,  five  Themes,  five  Forensics,  Remarks  on  Different 
Subjects. 

This  authentic  summary  of  Sparks'  studies  during  a 
single  half  year  is  a  perfectly  fair  specimen  of  what  he 
was  doing  throughout  his  entire  college  course.  The  list 
reveals  at  a  glance  what  he  did  in  the  line  of  regular 
class-work,  and  what  he  did  upon  his  own  responsibility. 
It  is  safe  to  say  that   in  amount   his  voluntary  literary 


80  HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,   ETC. 

work  far  exceeded  that  which  was  required,  and  yet  this 
was  a  long  time  before  elective  studies,  a  system  which  he 
strongly  opposed  when  he  became  President  of  Harvard 
College.  He  believed  in  definite  and  required  courses, 
with  as  much  private  elective  work  as  a  student  was  able 
to  carry. 

COMMODORE  PERRY  AT  HARVARD. 

Passing  glimpses  of  contemporary  life  appear  in  Jared 
Sparks'  journal  of  daily  work,  May  6,  1814 :  "  Commo- 
dore Perry  visited  this  place  to-day.  He  dined  at  Dr. 
Waterhouse's,  where  the  students  convened  at  four  P.  M. 
and  escorted  him  to  the  Colleges.  He  was  received  in 
the  Library  by  the  President  and  Professors.  After  ex- 
amining the  Lib.  and  Phil.  Ap.  &c,  he  was  again  escorted 
back  to  Dr.  W.'s  by  the  students."  This  stately  recep- 
tion of  the  hero  of  the  War  of  1812  by  the  faculty  and 
students  of  Harvard  College  was  probably  quite  as  stiff 
and  ceremonious  as  Sparks'  description  of  it ;  but  it  is 
interesting  to  see  this  academic  recognition  of  patriotic 
service,  and  to  reflect  that  the  great  current  of  contempo- 
rary history  1  always  flows  within   the   sight  of   college 

1  On  the  15th  of  June,  1814,  Sparks  noted  in  his  commonplace 
book:  "Great  festival  to-day  in  Boston  in  commemoration  of  the 
downfall  of  tyranny  in  Europe.  Grand  fireworks  in  the  evening." 
That  popular  jubilee,  in  which  Harvard  boys  doubtless  participated, 
was  occasioned  by  the  news  of  the  liberation  of  Europe  by  the  Allied 
Powers  and  the  abdication  of  Napoleon,  April  11,  1814. 

William  H.  Eliot,  a  classmate  of  Sparks,  wrote  to  him  at  Lancas- 
ter, August  1, 1815  :  "  What  an  eventful  period  the  present  is  !  You 
have  doubtless  heard  ere  this  the  glorious  news  from  Europe  of  the 
success  of  the  allies.  I  had  introduced  two  or  three  lines  in  my  part 
on  the  strength  of  the  report  that  Bonaparte  was  in  prison,  when,  lo  ! 
it  appears  that  he  has  never  been  arrested.  Now,  if  the  Parisians- do 
not  put  him  in  the  Temple  before  the  Commencement,  it  will  be  as 
sad  a  catastrophe  literally  to  me  as  to  the  French  nation.  So,  my 
dear  friend,  do  besiege  the  ears  of  Jupiter  ultor,  and  not  let  him 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,   ETC.  81 

men,  and  sometimes  lingers  like  an  eddy  near  the  quiet 
shores  of  scholastic  life.  • 

In  this  connection  may  be  quoted  a  graphic  extract 
from  a  letter  written  at  Harvard  College  by  Jared  Sparks 
to  his  old  friend  Davis  Hurd,  March  9,  1815,  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent :  u  I  suppose  you  have 
been  rejoicing  with  all  the  rest  of  the  world  for  peace. 
We  were  in  as  much  confusion  here  for  a  week  or  two 
after  the  news  as  we  were  last  fall  when  it  was  expected 
every  day  the  British  would  make  an  attempt  on  Boston. 
But  with  this  pleasing  difference  :  instead  of  having  our 
ears  stunned  with  the  clangor  of  drums,  bugles,  and  trum- 
pets, we  heard  nothing  for  several  days  but  the  ringing  of 
bells  and  the  roar  of  cannon.  .  .  .  During  one  week  all 
business  seemed  suspended,  and  every  one  joined  in  a 
universal  shout  of  joy.  All  our  colleges  were  splendidly 
illuminated  two  nights.  .  .  .  Boston  was  illuminated  in  the 
most  superb  manner,  and  almost  every  gentleman's  house 
within  ten  miles.  It  is  pleasing  to  see  the  wonderful 
change  that  has  already  taken  place  in  Boston.  Streets 
which  for  three  years  past  seem  to  have  been  almost  en- 
tirely deserted  are  now  crowded  with  merchants  and  car- 
men. Vessels  are  seen  sailing  out  and  coming  into  the 
harbor,  and  the  most  cheering  prospect  appears  on  every 
side." 

AGAIN   AT   BOLTON. 

During  ten  weeks  of  his  senior  year,  from  December  6, 
1814,  to  February,  1815,  Sparks  taught  school  at  Bolton, 
Massachusetts.  In  the  six  months  previous  to  this  third 
experience  at  Bolton  he  had  done  an  extraordinary 
amount  of  private  reading,  although  he  confesses,  Novem- 
ber 1,  1814,  that  ill -health  had  prevented  him  from  pre- 
paring his  part  for  the  exhibition  held  on  that  day  for 
the  first  time  in  the  new  chapel  in  University  Hall.  He 
had  evidently  injured  himself  by  hard  study  and  over- 
6 


82  HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,  ETC. 

work  at  a  still  earlier  period,  for  in  the  previous  summer 
vacation,  spent  partly  with  old  friends  at  Arlington,1  Ver- 
mont, he  had  complained  of  ill-health  and  pain  in  the 
chest.  Now,  however,  at  Bolton  he  endeavored  to  spare 
himself  in  some  degree.  At  the  end  of  the  school-term 
he  wrote :  u  During  the  ten  weeks'  school-keeping  this 
winter,  my  reading  has  been  confined  almost  entirely  to 
the  c  Edinburgh  Review.'  .  .  .  My  exercises  in  composition 
have  been  (about  sixty  pages)  respecting  the  present  age, 
considered  principally  in  a  political  point  of  view,  — the 
French  Revolution,  its  effect,  the  causes  which  produced 
it ;  what  benefits,  amidst  the  multitudes  of  evils,  are  likely 
to  result  from  it ;  the  political  state  of  Europe,  compared 
with  that  which  existed  before  the  Revolution  ;  inquisition, 
slave  trade,  missionary  labors,  efforts  which  have  been 
made  to  civilize  and  Christianize  the  savages  ;  and,  on  the 
whole,  to  show  that  there  has  been  a  gradual  advancement 

1  In  after  years  Mr.  Sparks  repeatedly  referred,  in  his  letters  to 
Davis  Hnrd,  to  that  summer  vacation  in  Vermont,  where  he  was  res- 
cued from  apparent  decline.  May  12,  1837,  he  writes  :  "  I  have  not 
forgotten,  and  never  shall  forget,  her  kindness  [Mrs.  Hurd's]  in  the 
summer  of  1814.  In  fact,  the  scenes  of  Arlington  are  as  fresh  in 
my  memory  as  if  they  were  but  of  yesterday."  Again,  November 
18,  1848,  he  recalls  the  experience  :  "  The  little  valley  between  two 
lofty  mountains  is  first  in  my  memory,  but  not  more  so  than  the 
generous  hospitality  of  yourself  and  Mrs.  Hurd,  when  your  kindness 
was  a  solace  to  a  spirit  saddened  by  ill- health  and  the  dark  clouds 
which  seemed  to  overshadow  the  future.  These  clouds  were  after- 
wards dispersed  by  the  smiles  of  Providence." 

In  his  journal  kept  at  Arlington,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote,  July  7,  1814  : 
"  My  books  are  spread  out  before  me  in  a  commodious  and  pleasant 
room.  I  am  retired  as  I  choose,  and  have  every  accommodation  for 
pursuing  my  favorite  object."  He  remarks,  July  20,  that  he  is  taking 
a  good  deal  of  exercise  and  is  refraining  from  too  close  application  : 
"I  seldom  study  more  than  twelve,  sometimes  not  more  than  ten 
hours  a  day,  which  is  less  than  what  I  have  usually  been  accustomed 
to." 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,   ETC.  83 

in  political  science,  and  a  gradual  increase  of  the  means 
for  promoting  the  happiness  of  man."  l 

ASTRONOMY   AT   HARVARD. 

Sparks  returned  to  Harvard  on  the  7th  of  February, 
and  devoted  himself  uninterruptedly  to  his  college  studies. 
In  this  closing  period  of  his  academic  course  he  was  par- 
ticularly interested  in  lectures  on  astronomy,  anatomy, 
theory  and  practice  of  physics,  chemistry,  mineralogy,  and 
botany.  On  the  9th  of  March,  1815,  he  wrote  to  Davis 
Hurd :  "  I  am  now  attending  an  elegant  course  of  lec- 
tures on  astronomy,  with  the  advantage  of  orreries,  tele- 
scopes, and  other  apparatus.  Our  medical  and  chemical 
lectures  commence  in  three  weeks.  In  short,  I  have  noth- 
ing to  do  but  study  and  attend  to  lectures,  and  must  be 
stupid  indeed  if  I  don't  learn  something."  How  evident 
is  his  joy  at  this  return  to  the  astronomical  studies  of  his 
boyhood,  with  such  a  collection  of  apparatus  as  Harvard 
College  then  afforded  1  His  enthusiasm  would  have  been 
greater  if  he  could  have  lived  to  see  the  present  superb 
equipment  and  advanced  scientific  work  at  the  observa- 
tory in  Cambridge,  with  branch  observatories  in  Southern 
California  and  in  South  America,  under  the  direction  of 
his  own  son-in-law. 

PRIZE   DISSERTATION   ON   NEWTON. 

About  the  middle  of  March,  1815,  Jared  Sparks  began 
the  best  piece  of  work  that  he  had  ever  attempted.  It 
was  a  prize  dissertation  on  "  The  Character  of  Newton, 
and  the  Influence  and  Importance  of  his  Discoveries." 
Already  when  a  Junior  he  had  begun  to  read  the  "  Prin- 
cipia,"  and,  feeling  prepared  to  grapple  with  mathematical 
subjects,  he  now  threw  his  gathered  scientific  knowledge 

1  This  study  is  preserved  among  Mr.  Sparks'  "  Miscellaneous  Pa- 
pers," vol.  ii. 


84  HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,  ETC. 

and  accumulated  energy  of  mind  and  body  into  this  the 
final  work  of  his  college  course.  The  corporation  of  Har- 
vard had  given  out  certain  prize  questions,  to  be  written 
upon  by  either  graduates  or  undergraduates.  Sparks 
took  the  first  prize.  Dr.  Ellis  says  :  "  The  dissertation 
was,  at  the  time,  regarded  as  exhibiting  extraordinary 
ability  and  powers  of  apprehending  and  judging.  It  was 
long  referred  to  as  a  college  exercise  which,  while  it  won 
high  honor  for  its  writer,  set  a  high  mark  for  subsequent 
competitors."  Sparks  in  his  commonplace  book  noted  the 
five  divisions  of  his  subject :  1.  Some  Eemarks  on  the 
State  of  Philosophy  before  the  Time  of  Newton.  2.  Dis- 
covery of  the  Laws  of  Gravitation.  3.  Invention  of  the 
Fluxional  Analysis.  4.  Discoveries  in  Optics.  5.  Re- 
marks on  the  Life  and  Character  of  Newton.1 

1  A  copy  of  this  dissertation  is  probably  preserved  in  the  Harvard 
College  Library,  for  Charles  Folsom  wrote  to  Jared  Sparks,  Novem- 
ber 23,  1815  :  "I  wish  you  to  send  by  the  earliest  opportunity  .  .  . 
your  dissertation.  I  must  insist  on  this  being  done  immediately, 
as  it  is  high  time  a  correct  copy  were  deposited  in  the  library."  The 
original  may  be  found  in  his  "  Miscellaneous  Papers,"  vol.  ii. 

There  is  an  interesting  biographical  sketch  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton, 
with  a  good  account  of  his  various  scientific  discoveries,  by  Jared 
Sparks,  in  his  "  Theological  Essays  and  Tracts,"  vol.  ii.,  193-234. 
Among  the  mathematical  theses  preserved  in  the  Library  of  Har- 
vard University,  and  prepared  by  members  of  the  junior  and  senior 
classes  from  1782  to  1839,  is  one  by  Jared  Sparks,  April  25,  1815, 
numbered  202  in  the  "  Bibliographical  Contributions  "  (No.  32,  pre- 
pared by  Henry  C.  Badger,  curator  of  maps),  edited  by  Justin 
Winsor,  librarian.  The  thesis  is  entitled  "  Orbit  of  a  Comet.  Ele- 
mentary Calculation  from  Physical  Principles,  together  with  a  Graph- 
ical Representation  of  the  Orbit  of  the  Comet  of  MDCCCXL." 

This  collection  of  four  hundred  and  six  theses  is  very  remarkable, 
for  it  illustrates  topics  of  original  research  among  Harvard  under- 
graduates during  a  period  of  more  than  fifty  years.  Indeed,  this 
custom  of  preparing  theses  at  Harvard  was  a  survival  of  an  ancient 
usage  inherited  from  the  English  universities  and  from  the  scholastic 
system  of  the  Middle  Ages.     Many  of  these  Harvard  theses  have  a 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,    ETC.  85 


SCHOOL-TEACHING   AT   LANCASTER. 

During  the  spring  vacation  of  his  senior  year,  Sparks 
went  to  Lancaster  and  engaged  a  school,  so  that  he  might 
have  something  to  do  after  graduating  from  college.  The 
summer  term  at  Harvard  began  at  that  period  in  early 
June,  and,  agreeably  to  the  good  old  college  custom,  the 
senior  class  was  dismissed  six  weeks  before  Commence- 
ment, in  order  that  they  might  prepare  their  pieces  for 
graduation.  Sparks  makes  the  following  entries  in  his 
commonplace  book :  "  My  class  left  college  July  18, 
1815.  I  went  to  Lancaster  and  commenced  my  school 
July  23.  School  consisted  at  that  time  of  nineteen  boys. 
My  salary  is  to  be  8500  for  twenty  scholars,  and  if  I  can 
obtain  four  more,  I  am  to  have  $600.  About  half  the 
boys  fitting  for  college. 

"  Resided  in  Mr.  Pickman's  family,  by  particular  invi- 
tation, till  Commencement,  and  took  my  degree  of  A.  B. 
August  30,  1815.  My  performance  on  the  occasion  was 
on  4  The  Reciprocal  Influence  of  Literature  and  Morals. 
By  reason  of  ill-health  and  pecuniary  embarrassment,  I 
have  not  been  in  college  but  about  two  years  out  of  the 
four  since  I  entered.  Attended  <1»BK  oration  and  poem 
August  31  ;  dined  with  Mellen.  September  1.  In  Bos- 
ton ;  called  on  Mrs.  Head  ;  dined  in  company  with  friend 
P[alfrey]  at  Mr.  Eliot's.     September  2.    At  Boston  and 

peculiar  local  character,  and  a  certain  antiquarian  or  historical  as 
well  as  mathematical  interest.  We  find-  among  the  mathematical 
theses  that  of  Sparks'  classmate,  John  G.  Palfrey,  "  Problem  Relat- 
ing to  New  Planets,"  and  that  of  Sparks'  contemporary,  George 
Bancroft,  class  of  1817,  now  (1890)  the  oldest  living  graduate  of 
Harvard  College.  Bancroft's  thesis  was  in  Latin  :  "  Invenire  Motum 
Verum  Nodorum  Lunae"  In  the  class  of  1831  we  note  the  name  of 
Wendell  Phillips,  whose  thesis  is  entitled  "  Some  Beautiful  Results  to 
which  we  are  led  by  the  Differential  Calculus  in  the  Development  of 
Functions." 


86  HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,  ETC. 

Quincy ;    dined  with    Hon.  Josiah  Quincy.      September 

4.  Dispatched    such    recommendations    to    Columbia,1 

5.  C,  from  the  Government  of  Harvard  University  as 
were  thought  proper  for  the  occasion ;  left  Cambridge 
at  l1-  p.m.,  and  walked  to  Bolton,  26  miles,  before  8 
o'clock.  September  5.  Arrived  at  Lancaster  at  9  o'clock 
A.  m  ;  began  to  board  at  Mr.  Maynard's.     November  26. 

1  South  Carolina  College,  at  Columbia,  was  opened  to  students  in 
1804,  and  became  the  best  collegiate  institution  in  the  South  until 
the  opening  of  the  University  of  Virginia.  Jefferson  had  great  ad- 
miration for  South  Carolina  College,  and  sent  his  young  kinsmen 
there  to  be  under  the  instruction  of  the  famous  Dr.  Thomas  Cooper, 
the  predecessor  of  Francis  Lieber.  It  is  a  proof  of  Jared  Sparks' 
liberal  and  enterprising  spirit  that  he  should  have  so  early  thought  of 
an  academic  career  in  the  South.  About  this  time  the  trustees  of 
South  Carolina  College  were  talking  of  new  professorships,  but  it 
finally  proved  that  funds  were  lacking.  See  Merewether's  "  History 
of  Higher  Education  in  South  Carolina,"  Contributions  to  American 
Educational  History,  No.  4,  p.  138. 

Edward  Hinkley,  a  Harvard  man,  had  written  to  his  friend 
Sparks  from  Dover,  Delaware,  April  2,  1815  :  "  I  have  been  looking 
for  situations  hereabouts.  Notice  was  given  in  the  ■  National  Intelli- 
gencer '  of  21  of  February  and  last  of  March  that  a  person  qualified 
would  find  employment  in  South  Carolina  College,  at  Columbia,  as 
tutor  of  mathematics,  etc.,  from  the  first  of  October  next,  at  the  time 
when  a  professor  would  be  elected.  Persons  were  invited  to  send  in 
their  credentials  for  each  office.  I  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  trustees 
to  ascertain  the  compensation  of  tutor.  I  received  for  the  answer 
$600,  but  that  a  tutor,  would  be  wanted  only  three  months  from  Oc- 
tober next,  after  which  a  professor  would  supersede  the  need  of  him. 
This  professor  is  to  be  chosen  first  of  October,  to  enter  upon  the 
duties  of  office  first  of  December  next.  I  have  no  doubt  you  might 
obtain  the  situation,  should  you  be  inclined."  See  also  Hinkley's  let- 
ter of  further  explanation,  April  28,  1815. 

Charles  Folsom  wrote  to  Sparks,  October  3,  1815  :  "  The  president 
told  Palfrey  the  other  day  that  he  hoped  you  would  not  be  successful, 
for  he  thought  that,  though  it  might  be  for  your  present  advantage, 
it  would  not  be  for  your  ultimate  good."  Charles  Folsom  was  a  con- 
stant correspondent  of  Sparks  when  he  was  at  Lancaster,  and  kept 
him  supplied  with  books  and  information  from  Cambridge. 


HARVARD  STUDENT  IN   BOLTON,   ETC.  87 

Began  to  board  with  Major  Carter,  which  is  more  than 
1|  miles  from  my  school.  I  walk  this  distance  every  day 
and  home  to  dinner.  In  addition  to  this,  to  exercise  as 
much  as  possible,  I  rise  every  morning  an  hour  before 
sunrise  and  ride  five  or  six  miles  on  horseback  before 
breakfast.  This  practice  I  intend  to  follow  all  winter. 
My  school  engages  me  six  hours  each  day  ;  and,  in  addi- 
tion to  this  and  walking  and  riding,  I  have  formed  a 
resolution,  to  which  I  very  rigidly  adhere,  of  studying  six 
hours  in  every  twenty-four." 

THEOLOGICAL   STUDY   WITH    DR.  THAYER. 

Amid  such  vigorous  exercises  of  mind  and  body  at 
Lancaster,  Jared  Sparks  turned  his  attention  to  theologi- 
cal studies.  For  many  generations,  in  New  England  as 
well  as  in  our  mother  country,  the  scholastic  tendency  of 
college  graduates,  with  or  without  academic  aspirations, 
was  towards  divinity.  The  clerical  spirit,  which  is  still 
potent  in  the  boards  of  management  and  even  in  the  fac- 
ulties of  our  American  colleges,  is  an  interesting  historic 
survival,  and  by  no  means  an  unmixed  evil.  It  represents 
a  moral  and  religious  element  in  college  training  which 
our  non-sectarian  and  state  universities  are  in  danger  of 
neglecting.  First  trained  in  his  classics  by  a  scholarly 
minister  in  Connecticut,  like  those  earlier  pupils  of  the 
clergy  in  the  towns  about  Boston,  Jared  Sparks  had 
grown  up  in  the  moral  and  religious  atmosphere  of  Exeter 
and  Cambridge.  Accustomed  from  his  youth  to  Bible 
studies  and  to  serious  reading,  he  naturally  developed 
into  the  theological  student  type,  after  his  graduation  from 
Harvard  and  his  return  to  the  more  or  less  secluded  life 
which  every  teacher  and  scholar  must  almost  of  necessity 
lead  in  a  New  England  village.  The  influences  of  such 
an  environment  are  as  powerful  upon  Puritan  natures  as 
were  ever  cloistered  walks  and  Benedictine  rules  upon  our 
academic  forefathers. 


88  HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,  ETC. 

Dr.  Ellis  has  given  us  a  charming  picture  of  Sparks' 
life  "  in  the  beautiful  town  of  Lancaster,1  Mass.,  planted 
in  one  of  the  loveliest  curves  of  the  valley  of  the  Nashua, 
and  shading  with  its  graceful  elms  the  homes  of  many 
refined,  intelligent,  and  prosperous  families.  With  the 
honored  and  revered  Nathaniel  Thayer,  D.  D.,  for  nearly 
half  a  century  the  sole  pastor  of  the  only  church  there,  a 
divine  of  the  old-school  graces  of  true  piety,  urbanity,  and 
dignity,  Mr.  Sparks  found  most  hearty  companionship. 
Dr.  Thayer  also  directed  the  student's  inquiries  in  his 
theological  culture." 

In  his  commonplace  book,  Sparks  notes  at  this  period 
that  his  studies  were  confined  almost  entirely  to  theo- 
logical books,  such  as  Josephus,  Michaelis,  Locke's  "  Rea- 
sonableness of  Christianity,"  Bell  on  the  Lord's  Supper, 
Hare's  u  Difficulties  Attending  the  Study  of  the  Scrip- 
tures," Dr.  Taylor  on  the  Dispensations,  theological  contro- 
versy, Claude  "  On  the  Composition  of  a  Sermon,"  sermons 
by  various  authors,  Chateaubriand's  "  Beauties  of  Chris- 
tianity," Cowper,  etc.  In  this  solemn  company  it  is  pleas- 
ant to  see  the  Greek  Anacreon,  and  also  iEsop,  Sallust,  and 
Caesar,  who  prove  that  Sparks'  love  of  the  classics  still 
survived,  as  truly  as  Virgil  was  cherished  by  the  monks  in 
the  Middle  Ages.  The  mention  by  Sparks  of  Campbell's 
"  Travels  in  Southern  Africa"  and  Mungo  Park's  "  Life 
and  Last  Travels,"  indicates  that  the  love  of  adventure 
and  exploration  was  by  no  means  yet  extinct.  Indeed,  it 
was  never  so  much  alive  as  now.  Curiously  suggestive  of 
the  historical  spirit  deeply  flowing  underneath  the  surface 
of  his  theological  culture,  and  destined  one  day  to  break 
forth,  is  the  record  of  his  writing  one  hundred  pages  of 

1  In  a  letter  written  from  Cambridge  in  the  spring  term  of  1817, 
to  Mrs.  Higginson,  Sparks  says  whenever  he  heard  the  birds  sing  he 
thought  of  Lancaster  and  Bolton  :  "  There  is  no  need  of  concealing 
it,  I  was  happy  enough  there." 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,  ETC.  89 

Jewish  history,  and  of  his  copying  an  essay  on  the  pres- 
ent age,  written  a  year  before  at  Bolton.  He  also  men- 
tions several  contributions  to  newspapers  on  the  proposed 
theological  institution  at  Cambridge. 

C.  T.  THAYER   ON    SPARKS   AT   LANCASTER. 

The  best  account  of  Sparks'  work  and  influence  as  a 
teacher  in  Lancaster  is  in  a  letter  written  from  Bolton,  June 
14, 1867,  to  Dr.  Ellis,  by  the  Kev.  Christopher  T.  Thayer, 
formerly  pastor  of  the  First  Church  in  Beverly,  Mass.,  a 
son  of  Dr.  Thayer  who  first  trained  Sparks  in  theology, 
and  one  of  Sparks'  own  pupils  :  "  I  am  happy  to  comply 
with  your  request  that  I  would  furnish  you  with  my  own 
or  others'  recollections  of  the  connections  and  associations 
of  the  revered  and  beloved  President  Sparks  with  my 
native  place,  Lancaster,  Mass.  It  is,  nevertheless,  a  mel- 
ancholy pleasure  I  take  in  so  doing;  for  I  have  never 
known  the  man  toward  whom,  next  to  my  real  father,  I 
have  cherished  more  of  filial  feeling  than  toward  him.  I 
miss  more  and  more  the  sight  of  his  serene,  cheerful, 
earnest,  intellectual,  and  spiritual  countenance,  and  the 
genial,  cordial,  almost  parental  greetings  which,  from  my 
early  youth,  he  ever  gave  me  as  a  pupil  and  friend. 

"  In  the  year  1815,  several  gentlemen  of  Lancaster  and 
of  the  neighboring  town  of  Bolton,  where  Mr.  Sparks  had 
previously  taught,  with  much  acceptance,  a  district  school, 
engaged  him  to  conduct  a  private  one  for  boys,  which  he 
entered  upon  a  few  months  before  his  graduating,  and 
continued  in  till  called  to  a  tutorship  at  Cambridge. 
From  his  first  entrance  to  the  schoolroom,  his  command- 
ing presence  secured  for  him  the  respect  of  his  pupils, 
and  he  soon  won  their  confidence  and  affection.  His 
discipline  was  truly  paternal.  He  governed  well,  yet  with 
a  happy  faculty  of  not  seeming  to  govern.  Without  any 
particular  fondness  for  the  duties  of  instruction,  being  in 


90  HARVARD   STUDENT  IN   BOLTON,   ETC. 

fact  too  much  possessed  with  a  desire  of  acquiring  know- 
ledge to  be  quite  content  with  imparting  its  earlier  and 
simpler  lessons,  still  he  was  decidedly  successful  as  a 
teacher.  Especially  did  he,  by  both  precept  and  his  own 
bright  example,  impress  the  youths  under  his  charge  with 
the  love  of  study  for  itself  and  its  fruits,  and  animate 
them  to  the  diligent  and  conscientious  use  of  their  talents 
and  privileges.  Though  but  a  year  and  a  quarter  in  the 
school,  he  placed  it  on  a  foundation  which,  built  upon  by 
such  masters  and  scholars,  successively,  as  Proctor,  Emer- 
son,1 Miles,  Wood,  and  Fletcher,  has  made  it  a  rich  means 
of  early  training  to  many  who,  in  church  and  state,  in 
the  professions,  in  art,  and  in  the  walks  of  business,  have 
attained  distinction  and  usefulness. 

"  Then,  as  always,  he  was  remarkable  for  improvement 
of  time,  gathering  up  the  fragments  of   it  which  are  so 
frequently  wasted.     During  school  hours,  in  the  intervals 
between  recitations,  or  the  times  of  recess,  or  any  unoccu- 
pied space,  he  would  usually  be  engaged  with  book  or 
pen,  or  in  deep  meditation.     At  that  period  he  was  not 
only  occupied  much  in  merely  literary  pursuits  and  con- 
tributing to  periodicals  of  the  day,  but  took  strong  inter- 
est  in  theological  subjects.      I   remember  being  deeply 
interested  in  consultations  and  discussions  at  my  home, 
respecting  them,  in  which  he  bore  an  active  part,  though 
myself  at  that  time  too  young  to  appreciate  or  compre- 
hend them.     Notwithstanding  he  was  then  engrossed  by 
labor  and  study,  he  yet  found  opportunity  to  mingle  in 
scenes  gay  as  well  as  grave.     He  joined  the  village  assem- 
blies ;  and  while  he  associated  in  the  evening  with  some 
who  came  under  his  rule  by  day,  such  was  his  discretion 
and  propriety  of  demeanor  that  he  made  no  compromise 
of  his  dignity  or  influence.     With  several  families,  consti- 
tuting a  very  intelligent,  refined,  and  delightful  society, 
1  G.  B.  Emerson. 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,   ETC.  91 

he  was  on  intimate  terms,  and  had  much  social  enjoyment, 
preserving  with  them  a  lifelong  intimacy  that  was  mutu- 
ally and  highly  valued.  His  associations  with  Lancaster, 
with  its  people  and  scenery,  and  with  those  who  had  been 
his  pupils  (whom  he  familiarly  called  the  boys),  were 
topics  he  recurred  to  often  and  with  evident  gratification. 
Like  Dr.  Channing,  with  whose  name  his,  ever  since  the 
great  Baltimore  sermon  was  delivered,  has  been  indissolu- 
bly  connected,  and  who  also,  in  his  college  days,  was  a 
teacher  at  Lancaster,  he  delighted  to  revisit  that  charm- 
ing valley,  and  find  refreshment,  in  its  quiet  air  and  beau- 
tiful scenes,  for  both  body  and  mind.  The  last  summer 
of  his  life,  he  visited  my  brother's  family  there,  and,  dur- 
ing his  visit,  never  tired  of  going  over  the  old  walks  and 
drives,  conversing  of  friends  living  and  gone,  looking  up 
former  acquaintances  and  pupils  in  that  and  the  neighbor- 
ing towns  ;  and  he  pointed,  as  he  stood  in  his  antiquated 
schoolroom,  which  he  was  much  pleased  with  finding  in 
existence,  though  now  converted  to  other  uses,  to  the  places 
where  several  of  his  scholars  were  seated,  as  being  freshly 
remembered.  He  repeatedly  alluded  afterwards  to  the 
days  he  thus  passed,  as  having  afforded  him  great  enjoy- 
ment. 

44  When  I  first  came  under  the  instruction  of  Mr. 
Sparks  I  was  only  in  my  tenth  year,  and  therefore  could 
claim  small  title  to  just  judgment  of  men  and  things.  Yet 
I  confess  that,  after  the  long  time  that  has  since  elapsed, 
I  have  known  no  person  respecting  whom  my  first  impres- 
sions and  anticipations  less  required  to  be  revised  or 
altered.  Little  precocity,  even  then,  was  requisite  to  rec- 
ognize that  majestic  presence,  that  manly  bearing,  those 
noble  features  showing  the  unmistakable  stamp  of  Nature's 
nobility,  that  aspect  at  once  intelligent  and  benignant ; 
the  soul,  frank,  generous,  upright,  and  true  ;  simplicity 
and  singleness  of   mind,  feeling,  and  purpose ;  genuine 


92    HARVARD  STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,  ETC. 

consistency  that  might  be  expected  to,  as  it  did,  pervade 
his  entire  life,  —  the  consistency  of  unswerving  loyalty  to 
principle  and  right ;  a  balance,  moreover,  of  powers  and 
qualities  by  which  he  was  formed  to  be  one  of  the  pillars 
on  which  the  best  interests  of  human  society  might  safely 
rest,  and  which  peculiarly  fitted  him  for  his  chief  work  of 
apprehending  and  illustrating  the  life  and  character  of 
Washington,  making  it,  in  a  degree,  a  reflection  of  his 
own  consciousness,  and  more,  what  it  really  was,  a  labor 
of  love." 

CAROLINE   LEE   HENTZ   AND   JARED   SPARKS. 

Among  the  letters  written  by  former  pupils  to  Jared 
Sparks,  years  after  his  experience  as  a  schoolmaster  in 
Lancaster,  is  one  dated  Chapel  Hill,  University  of  North 
Carolina,  November   7,   1830,    from  Mrs.  Caroline   Lee 
Hentz,  the  well-known  novelist,  whose  husband  had  been 
recommended  to  the  above  institution  by  George  Ticknor, 
of  Boston,  and  Mr.  Duponceau,  of  Philadelphia.     Hentz 
was  one  of  the  first  professors  of  modern  languages  in  the 
South.    Mrs.  Hentz  felt  a  strong  attachment  to  her  native 
New  England,  and  cherished  great  respect  and  esteem  for 
Mr.    Sparks,  as   the    following   extract   from   her   letter 
clearly  shows :  "  Perhaps  the  name  at  the  close  will  hardly 
be  familiar  to  your  ear,  but  I  still  cherish  a  lively  remem- 
brance of  the  time  when,  in  the  valley  of  Lancaster,  —  a 
spot,  I  believe,  much  endeared  to  you  by  many  delight- 
ful associations,  —  as  Caroline   Whiting,  I  felt  grateful 
for  the  kind  interest  you  occasionally  manifested  in  my 
juvenile   studies.     Since  then,  you  have  been  constantly 
engaged  in  high  and  public  literature  in  our  own  and  for- 
eign lands,  and  I  can  hardly  presume  that  the  acquaint- 
ance on  your  side  is  still  recollected.     But  I  have  never 
seen  your  name  in  the  literary  records  of  the  day  without 
a  glow  of  pleasure,  and  since  I  have  been  in  this  Southern 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN   BOLTON,  ETC.  93 

country  some  of  the  most  hospitable  attentions  I  have  re- 
ceived were  owing  to  this  early  acquaintanceship.  I  refer 
to  your  warm  friends,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Gales."  The  Gales 
family,  resident  in  Raleigh,  N.  C,  were  valued  correspond- 
ents of  Mr.  Sparks  after  his  settlement  in  Baltimore  and 
first  visits  to  the  South.  One  of  this  family  was  of  the 
well-known  firm  of  Gales  &  Seaton,  editors  and  propri- 
etors of  the  "  National  Intelligencer,"  in  Washington, 
D.  C,  to  which  paper  Mr.  Sparks  became  a  contributor. 

8PARKS'    AFRICAN   FEVER. 

An  interesting  episode  in  Jared  Sparks'  pedagogical 
and  theological  career  at  Lancaster  was  his  attempt  to 
break  away  from  this  quiet  life,  and  to  betake  himself  to 
the  wilds  of  Africa,1  on  an  exploring  expedition.  He  had 
been  intensely  interested  in  African  travels  ever  since  the 
summer  of  1812,  at  Havre  de  Grace,  where,  having  learned 
from  Priestley's  "  Lectures  on  History "  that  Park's 
"  Travels  in  Africa  "  were  the  best  of  their  kind,  he  first 
plunged  with  him  into  the  Dark  Continent.  After  that 
first  experiment  he  returned  again  and  again,  in  his  pri- 
vate reading,  to  the  fascinating  subject  of  African  travel. 
He  early  conceived  a  great  admiration  for  the  African 
explorer,  Ledyard,  a  brief  note  of  whose  career  in  Sparks' 
commonplace  book,  circa  1813,  gives  the  key  to  his  own 

1  From  a  letter  of  J.  G.  Palfrey  to  Jared  Sparks,  November  19, 
1815  :  "I  think  you  are  perfectly  right  not  to  give  up  your  African 
scheme.  I  know  no  reason  why  you  should  despair  of  being  able  to 
make  the  attempt,  and  it  is  certainly  an  undertaking  which  furnishes 
the  greatest  scope  and  promises  the  highest  rewards  of  any,  in  the 
present  situation  of  the  world,  to  enterprise  and  courage.  The  suc- 
cess of  it  must,  in  ordinary  calculation,  immortalize  some  individual 
of  the  present  century.  If  you  succeed,  you  are  sure  of  being  always 
remembered  among  the  noblest  benefactors  of  mankind  ,  and  if  you 
fail,  the  reputation  of  the  attempt  alone  is  enough  '  to  fill  the  ambi- 
tion of  a  common  man.' " 


94  HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,   ETC. 

ambition  :  "  Ledyard,  the  traveler  ;  born  in  Connecticut ; 
sailed  to  London  in  1781,  at  the  age  of  nineteen  ;  accom- 
panied Captain  Cook  in  his  third  voyage  of  discovery ; 
traveled  through  almost  every  part  of  Europe  ;  died  at 
Cairo  in  1789,  while  on  a  journey,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  African  Association,  to  explore  the  interior  parts  of 
Africa.  In  1781,  he  published  an  account  of  Cook's  voy- 
age, and  his  pilgrimage  through  various  regions  of  the 
globe  may  be  traced  in  his  communications  to  the  Afri- 
can Association,  at  London."  1 

Following  the  scientific  example  of  his  enterprising 
countryman  from  Connecticut,  who  died  the  year  Sparks 
was  born,  the  latter,  while  living  in  Lancaster,  in  1816, 
put  himself  into  communication  with  the  African  Society, 
in  London,  and  offered  to  enter  the  field  of  African  ex- 
ploration under  their  auspices.  He  was  very  much  in 
earnest,  as  is  shown  by  the  following  letter  to  his  old 
friend  and  college  tutor,  James  G.  Cogswell :  "  My  plan 
is,  under  the  auspices  of  the  African  Society,  to  go  into 
Africa  at  Tetuan,  or  Mogadore,  to  spend  some  little  time 
in  Morocco,  and  to  start  with  a  caravan  at  Tafilet,  or 
some  other  place,  to  cross  the  Great  Desert  to  Tombuctoo  ; 
to  remain  a  year  in  Tombuctoo,2  if  this  is  the  Great  City  ; 
to  learn  as  much  as  possible  of  its  manners,  customs,  polit- 
ical institutions,  etc.,  and  also  of  the  trade  which  is  car- 
ried on  with  it  from  various  parts,  and  such  other  infor- 
mation as  can  be  obtained  from  the  respective  countries. 
This  will  not  be  difficult,  as  these  traders  will  generally 
understand  Arabic.   From  Tombuctoo  to  go  down  the  river 

1  How  early  the  African  fever  came  upon  the  young  schoolmas- 
ter is  shown  by  this  extract  from  his  journal  at  Havre  de  Grace, 
March  13,  1813  :  "  I  was  wholly  occupied  on  Thursday  upon  an  Afri- 
can tour.  My  plan  was  to  proceed  immediately  to  London  and 
engage  under  the  direction  of  the  African  Institution." 

2  Tombuctou  was  the  form  of  spelling  employed  by  Ledyard.  See 
Sparks'  "  Life  of  Ledyard,"  319. 


HARVARD   STUDENT  IN  BOLTON,  ETC.  95 

Niger  to  its  vnouth,  wherever  it  may  be,  and  which  is 
probably  a  large  lake  in  the  interior.  To  call  at  Houssa 
by  the  way.  After  leaving  the  Niger,  to  proceed  if  pos- 
sible to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  otherwise  to  Abyssinia, 
or  through  Darfur  to  Egypt,  or  through  Fezzan  to  the 
Mediterranean,  or  to  Benin,  or  Loango  and  Congo,  or  to 
the  southeastern  coast  of  Africa,  or  to  any  place,  in  fact, 
which  may  be  thought  expedient  and  practicable.  To  as- 
certain as  many  points  in  geography,  and  gain  as  much 
knowledge  of  natural  history  as  possible." 

In  this  ambitious  and  comprehensive  plan  we  see  the 
first  fruit  of  those  liberal  studies  in  geography  and  travel 
pursued  with  youthful  ardor  at  Havre  de  Grace,  and  per- 
haps strongly  quickened  by  personal  contact  with  General 
Clarke  and  representatives  of  the  ten  tribes  of  Indians 
from  the  far  Northwest.  Sparks'  plan  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  duly  encouraged  by  the  African  Society.  Under 
the  more  favorable  auspices  of  a  modern  missionary  board, 
Sparks  might,  perhaps,  have  successfully  combined  theol- 
ogy, medicine,  and  exploration,  as  did  the  heroic  David 
Livingstone,  whose  first  interest  in  Africa  appears  to  have 
been  aroused  by  Campbell's  l  "  Travels,"  one  of  the  very 
books  that  Sparks  read  in  Lancaster,  three  years  after 
Livingstone  was  born.  There  was  the  making  of  a  good 
geographer  and  a  scientific  explorer  in  Jared  Sparks.  He 
had  all  the  instincts  of  a  discoverer.  If  he  had  been 
encouraged,  America  might  not  have  waited  for  Stanley 
and  the  "  New  York  Herald  "  to  win  glory  in  the  track  of 
Livingstone.  Sparks,  taking  up  the  pioneer  work  of  Led- 
yard,  might  have  carried  the  American  torch  of  African 
discovery  across  the  Dark  Continent. 

1  See  Thomas  Hughes'  "David  Livingstone"  (English  Men  of 
Action),  p.  2. 


CHAPTER  V. 

HARVARD    TUTOR,    EDITOR,    AND    UNITARIAN 
PREACHER. 

1817-1818. 

TUTOR  AT  HARVARD. 
The  fame  of  Sparks'  prize  dissertation  on  the  character 
and  influence  of  Sir  Isaac  Newton  had  lingered  in  Har 
vard  College.  Sparks'  reputation  as  a  preparatory  teacher 
of  boys  who  were  fitting  for  that  institution  was  grow- 
ing in  academic  circles.  Old  associations,  continuously 
maintained  by  reason  of  the  nearness  of  Lancaster  to 
Cambridge,  were  not  without  their  influence  upon  the 
destiny  of  the  young  theologue.  In  the  year  1817,  at  the 
age  of  twenty-eight,  after  he  had  been  an  alumnus  of  the 
college  for  two  years,  he  was  called  back  to  Harvard  as 
tutor  *  in  geometry,  astronomy,  and  natural  philosophy,  a 
position  for  which  he  was  singularly  fitted  by  reason  of  his 
real  love  for  mathematics  and  his  recognized  attainments. 
He  had  been  first  in  his  class  in  these  subjects,  in  spite  of 
two  years'  absence  from  the  four  years'  course.  There  is, 
on  the  whole,  no  better  test  of  genuine  ability  in  a  college 
man  than  the  mastery  of  mathematics.  It  is  better  evi- 
dence of  real  mental  strength,  of  inherent  power  to  grap- 
ple with  other  difficult  subjects,  especially  with  the  prob- 
lems of  life,  than  is  mere  acquaintance  with  language,  or 
the  delicate  appreciation  of  literature  and  art.  Without 
any  disparagement  of  the  graces  of  learning,  it  may  be 
said  that  Jared  Sparks  was  strong  where  most  college 
1  At  a  salary  of  $850,  as  appears  from  his  cash  account. 


HARVARD  TUTOR,   EDITOR,  ETC.  97 

men  even  now  are  weak.  If  circumstances  had  impelled 
him  towards  specialization  in  mathematics,  he  might  have 
become  famous  in  that  field  of  exploration  which  is  wider 
than  all  discovered  continents.  The  obstacle  in  his  way, 
as  in  the  case  of  most  college  teachers  in  America,  was  an 
inherited  system  of  tutorial  duties  whose  name  is  legion, 
and  a  divided  allegiance  in  his  own  specialties.  In  his 
case,  mathematics  fell  between  the  two  stools  of  theology 
and  editorial  work. 

A  striking  and  rather  refreshing  illustration  of  his  tuto- 
rial duties  is  given  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Mrs.  Higginson, 
of  Bolton,  written  in  a  college  room,  No.  21  Stonghton,1 
and  dated  July  28, 1817  :  "  I  have  been  obliged  to  stop  at 
the  end  of  the  last  sentence  to  go  down  and  quell  a  carou- 
sal in  a  Freshman's  room,  where  I  found  wine  and  cherries, 
and  nuts  and  divers  other  articles,  such  as  broken  tum- 
blers, chairs  upside  down,  and  a  dozen  fellows  in  a  very 
merry  mood  ;  yet  I  put  forth  all  the  dignity  of  a  tutor, 
and  of  a  man  of  power,  who  is  conscious  of  his  absolute 
authority  over  his  own  domains,  and  commanded  them,  as 
King  George's  men  used  to  command  us  rebels  in  war- 
times, to  disperse.  Then  the  poor,  trembling  occupants 
received  a  stern  lecture  from  the  ill-natured  tutor  for  their 
social  feelings  and  liberality,  and  all  is  quiet  again.  To- 
morrow I  am  going  with  the  president  to  dine  at  Quincy. 
I  anticipate  a  good  deal  of  pleasure  ;  but  these  anticipa- 
tions would  be  greatly  heightened,  I  assure  you,  were  I  to 
meet  the  same  company  which  I  found  there  in  the  spring. 
I  suppose  we  shall  see  the  famous  cow  and  the  sowing  ma- 
chine, and  the  wheat  which  you  recollect  was  springing 
from  the  ground;  but  everything  there  is  pleasant." 

1  "  I  live  in  Stoughton,  where  Phillips  used  to  live.  Palfrey  is  made 
proctor  in  Massachusetts.  Resident  graduates  will  probably  receive 
in  all  about  $250  a  year."  From  a  letter,  March  12,  1817,  to  his 
classmate,  Charles  Briggs,  tutor  in  Bowdoin  College,  Brunswick, 
Maine. 


98  HARVARD  TUTOR,   EDITOR,  ETC. 

THE    "  NORTH   AMERICAN    REVIEW." 

Turning  from  this  bucolic  vision,  after  seeing  the  tutor 
reluctantly  disperse  the  noisy  and  callow  brood  of  Fresh- 
men from  their  midnight  spread  of  wine  and  cherries,  let 
us  view  this   same   genial   tutor  in  another    responsible 
capacity,  as  working  editor  of  the  "  North  American  Re- 
view."    This  magazine  was  the  historical  outgrowth  of  a 
Boston  publication  called  "  The  Anthology,"  the  literary 
organ   of  the  Anthology  Club,  composed,  says  Dr.  Ellis, 
of  a  "  little  circle  of  highly  cultivated  and  zealous  schol- 
ars in  Boston  and  Cambridge."     Several  volumes  of  orig- 
inal articles,  marking  the  development  if  not  the  advent 
of  independent  scholarship  and  literary  criticism  in  this 
country,  had  been  issued  by  this  local  coterie,  which  fur- 
nished not  only  the  brains  but  the  capital  for  the  thank- 
less enterprise.     The  "  North  American  Review  "  was  de- 
signed to  be  a  more  popular  and  more  attractive  magazine 
than  "  The  Anthology,"  which  had  a  very  limited  patron- 
age ;  but  the  same  literary  and  editorial  talent  which  had 
guided  the  old  review  was  generously  and  gratuitously 
contributed  to  the  new.    The  "  North  American  Review  "  1 
was,  from  the  start,  a  public-spirited  literary  enterprise, 
supported  by  a  few  gentlemen  in  and  about  Boston,  for 
the  intellectual  good  of  the  country,  and  for  no  mercenary 
considerations.     But  the  editorial  management  of  such  a 
benevolent  enterprise  always  becomes  tiresome  with  expe- 
rience, and  the  burden  of  responsibility  is  usually  shifted 
upon  shoulders  that  are  young  and  strong.     Jared  Sparks 
was  the  man  selected  to  carry  the  heavy  load.    He  served 
his  apprenticeship  as  editor  from  May,  1817,  to  March, 
1818,  when  he  resigned  for  a  season  to  take  the  theologi- 
cal yoke,  but  with  no  thought  of  finding  it  easier  to  bear. 

1  A  more  detailed  account  of  the  origin  and  development  of  the 
"  North  American  Review  "  will  be  given  in  a  later  chapter. 


HARVARD  TUTOR,  EDITOR,  ETC.  99 

A  naive  account  of  Sparks'  hopeful  view  of  his  duties 
as  editor,  in  addition  to  his  laborious  work  as  college 
tutor,  appears  in  a  letter  written  February  21,  1817,  to 
his  life-long  friend,  Miss  Storrow,  of  Bolton :  "  Since  I 
saw  you  I  have  put  on  the  dignity  of  a  tutor,  and  with  it 
I  find  a  multiplicity  of  cares  which  are  neither  small  nor 
few.  But  occupation  increases  habits  of  activity,  keeps 
awake  the  energies  of  the  mind,  and  finally  promotes  the 
happiness  of  existence ;  more  especially  if  we  are  con- 
scious of  being  occupied  in  advancing  good  and  useful 
purposes.  It  will  doubtless  be  strange  news  to  you  to 
hear  that  I  have  engaged  to  take  charge  of  the  4  North 
American  Review  '  after  the  next  number,  when  Mr.  Tu- 
dor resigns.  I  was  desired  to  do  this  by  several  gentle- 
men, and  by  the  particular  advice  of  the  president.  Mr. 
Phillips  declines,  as  it  interferes  too  much  with  his  profes- 
sion. After  the  next  number,  the  4  Review'  will  be  printed 
at  Cambridge,  and  published  by  Cummings  &  Hilliard, 
Boston.  A  certain  number  of  our  most  distinguished  lit- 
erary gentlemen  have  associated  themselves,  and  have 
agreed  to  furnish  articles  in  their  turn,  and  it  is  on  this 
condition  only  that  I  would  engage  at  all  in  the  affair.  I 
will  send  you  a  list  of  the  writers'  names  as  soon  as  the 
arrangement  is  properly  made  out.  I  have  my  fears  that 
it  will  be  imposing  on  me  a  greater  responsibility  than  I 
shall  be  willing  to  bear,  and  demand  too  much  of  my 
time  ;  but  the  president  advised  if  he  did  not  suggest  it, 
and  I  supposed  that  ought  to  decide  the  business,  and 
I  therefore  made  the  engagement.  I  think  I  shall  pro- 
pose to  be  associated  with  some  of  my  friends,  perhaps 
Palfrey.  You  see  by  the  conditions  that,  if  I  am  active 
and  prompt  in  the  management,  I  shall  not  often  be 
obliged  to  write,  unless  I  choose ;  and  you  see  also,  if 
these  writers  will  supply  as  they  agree,  there  is  every 
reason  to  think  the  book  will  be  good." 


100  HARVARD  TUTOR,  EDITOR,  ETC. 

In  another  letter  to  Miss  Storrow,  March  5,  1817, 
Sparks  further  recognizes  the  growing  demand  upon  his 
time  and  energy  :  "  This  ■  Review'  and  my  tutorial  duties, 
in  addition  to  my  theology,  which  I  do  not  intend  to  neg- 
lect for  anything,  are  a  thorough  preventive  of  indolence, 
and  keep  me  in  a  state  of  action  which,  although  it  is 
more  constant  than  violent,  is  about  as  much,  I  find,  as  I 
can  bear.  It  is  a  maxim,  you  know,  that  a  man  can  do 
what  he  thinks  he  can  do  ;  and  in  confirmation  of  this  I 
would  quote  you  a  fine  sentence  of  Latin  which  just  now 
comes  into  my  head,  were  you  not  a  lady ;  but  I  will  for- 
bear, although  I  know  a  very  fashionable  gentleman  who 
quotes  Latin  in  conversation  with  the  ladies.  But  I  make 
no  pretensions  to  the  character  of  a  fashionable  gentle- 


man 


The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  getting  good  articles  for  the 
"Review,"  and  of  holding  up  benevolent  contributors  to 
their  own  good  intentions,  began  to  dawn  upon  the  young 
editor  before  his  first  number  was  ready.  On  the  19th  of 
March,  1817,  he  warns  his  friend  Miss  Storrow  against 
expecting  too  much  from  the  new  management:  "You 
have  no  just  expectations  that  the  4  Review '  will  be  much 
better  than  it  has  been,  and  if  you  have  formed  any  such 
you  will  be  disappointed.  ...  I  did  not  much  like  your 
telling  me  I  was  born  for  a  college.  I  really  think  of 
nothing  but  preaching.1    I  dream  of  preaching,  and  talk  of 

i  Sparks  was  pursuing  theological  studies  all  the  time  after  his 
return  to  Harvard  as  a  tutor.  In  his  cash  account,  under  the  date 
May  16,  1817,  he  enters  this  item  :  -Received  from  the  Theological 
Institution  at  Cambridge,  as  a  student  of  the  institution,  from  Octo- 
ber 1  1816,  till  February  17,  1817,  one  hundred  dollars. 

To'his  classmate  Briggs,  tutor  at  Bowdoin  College,  Sparks  wrote, 
July  16  1817  :  "lam  glad  to  hear  that  you  are  to  be  with  us  soon, 
for  1  do  not  believe  you  are  in  a  way  to  learn  much  theology  m 
Maine,  except  what  you  are  taught  by  the  light  of  nature.  Here  we 
have  lecture  upon  lecture,  as  well  as  line  upon  line,  etc.,  and  he  must 


HARVARD  TUTOR,   EDITOR,   ETC.  101 

preaching,  and  write  of  preaching  ;  and  I  hope  in  the  full- 
ness of  time  to  realize  my  dreams.  .  .  .  You  may  like  to 
know  that  I  made  out  the  article  about  Italian  literature  l 
in  the  last  4  North  American.'  I  am  not  connected  with 
any  other  person  as  editor  ;  ...  on  further  consideration, 
I  thought  this  would  only  be  adding  new  difficulties  with- 
out diminishing  the  old  ones." 

Sparks'  letters  at  this  period  are  full  of  allusions  to 
articles  designed  for  the  "  North  American  Review."  It  is 
particularly  interesting  to  note  the  influence  of  his  own 
special  knowledge  upon  his  first  contributions  to  the  mag- 
azine. Having  failed  in  his  attempt  to  become  an  ex- 
plorer of  the  Dark  Continent,  he  did  the  next  best  thing : 
he  used  the  columns  of  his  " Review"  to  throw  critical  light 
upon  the  explorations  of  others.  Illustrations  of  this  kind 
of  writing  may  be  seen  in  the  article  entitled  "  Interior  of 
Africa,"  May,  1817,  and  in  Sparks'  review  of  the  "  Nar- 
rative of  Robert  Adams,"  2  July,  1817,  and  Riley's  "  Nar- 

be  a  dunce  indeed  who  cannot  learn  to  preach  with  such  advantages. 
Dr.  Holmes'  lectures  are  good,  and  none  more  fully  attended.  He 
has  a  critical  business  of  it,  as  his  subject  leads  him  almost  perpetu- 
ally to  some  Calvinistic  tenet,  yet  he  seems  sedulously  to  avoid  every- 
thing like  party  religion.  .  .  .  Liberal  parishes  are  not  very  abundant. 
Country  clergymen  should  ride  in  sulkies,  and  of  course  not  be  mar- 
ried. You  may  begin  to  eat  turkeys  and  drink  toddy  when  you  exam- 
ine schools  in  short  a  in  hat,  which  should  be  in  about  two  or  three 
years.  You  may  begin  to  limp  in  five  years,  and  get  quite  lame  in 
ten,  but  you  must  soon  begin  to  wear  your  boot-straps  hanging  out, 
and  talk  about  hogs  and  geese,  cornfields,  etc." 

1  "  The  Augustan  Age  of  Italian  Literature,"  North  American  Re- 
view, March,  1817.  This  was  Jared  Sparks'  first  contribution  before 
he  assumed  the  editorship.  The  May  issue  was  the  first  under  his 
management.     The  "  Review  "  then  appeared  every  two  months. 

2  "  The  Narrative  of  Robert  Adams,"  a  sailor  who  was  wrecked  on 
the  western  coast  of  Africa  in  the  year  1810,  was  detained  three  years 
in  slavery  by  the  Arabs  of  the  Great  Desert,  and  resided   several 


102  HARVARD  TUTOR,   EDITOR,   ETC. 

rative,"  all  in  the  fifth  volume  of  the  "  North  American." 
He  warns  Miss  Storrow,  "  You  are  not  allowed  to  say  a 
word  against  travelers.  I  like  travelers'  stories.  .  .  .  All 
travelers  get  comfortably  home,  somehow  or  other,  to  tell 
their  stories."  His  own  personal  experience  and  observa- 
tion became  tributary  to  the  July  number,  1817,  of  the 
"  North  American,"  in  his  account  of  the  conflagration  of 
Havre  de  Grace,  as  we  have  already  seen.1 

months  in  the  city  of  Tombuctoo.  With  a  map,  etc.  Boston  :  Wells 
&  Lilly,  1817. 

Mr.  Samuel  A.  Storrow,  the  brother  of  Miss  Storrow,  had  seen  this 
American  sailor  in  Cadiz,  and  had  written  a  good  account  of  the  man's 
remarkable  experience  before  the  above  narrative  appeared.  Sparks 
published  Storrow's  version  of  the  sailor's  story,  under  the  title  "  Inte- 
rior of  Africa,"  and  afterwards  a  review  of  the  book,  which  first  ap- 
peared in  England,  and  there  attracted  considerable  attention.  The 
young  editor  of  the  "  North  American  "  was  able  to  show  that  the 
whole  narrative  was  a  tissue  of  falsehoods. 

We  may  safely  assume  that  all  the  reviews  and  notices  of  African 
exploration  published  at  this  period  in  the  "  North  American  "  were 
from  the  pen  of  Jared  Sparks,  the  young  enthusiast  in  this  field  of 
geographical  knowledge.  There  is  in  the  May  number,  1817,  an  ac- 
count of  two  British  expeditions  sent  in  1816  to  explore  the  interior 
of  Africa.  In  January,  1818,  he  printed  accounts  of  a  British  expe- 
dition to  the  Niger  that  were  sent  from  Senegal  to  William  S.  Shaw, 
of  Boston. 

It  brings  Sparks  strangely  near  the  present  current  of  scientific 
and  humanitarian  interest  in  the  Dark  Continent  to  read  a  sentence 
like  this  in  an  old  "  North  American  Review  "  for  July,  1817,  p.  206  : 
"  Several  individuals,  within  a  few  years,  have  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  the 
ardour  of  their  zeal  in  attempting  to  prosecute  discoveries  into  those 
unknown  and  inhospitable  regions.  Among  them  we  have  to  lament 
our  unfortunate  countryman,  Ledyard,  who,  in  native  love  of  adven- 
ture and  persevering  energy  of  character,  has  probably  never  been 
surpassed.  But  the  world  has  seldom  united  in  stronger  feelings  of 
sympathy  for  the  fate  of  any  individual  than  that  of  Park,  'the 
flower  of  modern  chivalry,'  and  the  most  enthusiastic  advocate  for 
African  emancipation." 

1  See  p.  65. 


HARVARD  TUTOR,  EDITOR,  ETC.      103 
A  HARVARD  COMMENCEMENT. 

The  last  week  in  August,  1817,  Sparks  wrote  Miss  Stor- 
row  the  following  graphic  account  of  the  excitement  and 
confusion  attending  an  old-fashioned  college  commence- 
ment :  "  I  steal  away  a  few  moments  .  .  .  from  the  bustle, 
the  noise,  and  the  dust  of  commencement,  to  thank  you 
for  your  kind  note  by  Mr.  H.  .  .  .  But  I  have  not  time 
amidst  all  this  confusion  to  say  but  a  word.  These  tedi- 
ous great  dinners  are  too  much.  .  .  .  Tuesday  I  was 
obliged  to  preside  over  a  class  dinner,  because  I  have  the 
misfortune  to  be  president,  and  you  know  what  awkward 
work  I  must  make,  of  course,  of  these  things.  ...  I  was 
obliged  to  smoke  segars,  and  call  for  toasts,  and  all  that ; 
much  to  my  annoyance  and  discomfiture.  Wednesday 
was  the  crowd  and  crush  of  commencement,  ...  a  great 
dinner  in  the  halls,  and  everybody  must  call  at  everybody's 
dinner  afterwards,  and  be  enveloped  in  dust  and  stunned 
with  the  cries  of  the  rabble.  To-day  is  Phi  Beta,  .  .  . 
confusion  enough  .  .  .  and  another  dinner,  wine,  segars, 
toasts,  etc.  .  .  .  and  to-morrow  examination  from  six 
o'clock  in  the  morning  till  six  at  night.  I  tell  you  what, 
...  I  don't  believe  I  shall  be  often  tempted  this  way 
after  I  am  fairly  settled  in  a  snug  country  parish ;  at 
least,  that  is  my  impression  at  this  moment.  ...  I  may 
alter  my  opinion  after  listening  a  twelvemonth  to  the 
brooks,  the  breezes,  and  the  crickets,  but  just  now  I  am 
tired,  and  would  be  gladly  sitting  in  quiet  composure 
under  my  own  vine  and  fig-tree." 

UNITARIAN   MOVEMENT   AT   HARVARD. 

Sparks  took  a  more  cheerful  view  of  tutorial  life  after 
a  pleasant  summer  vacation  spent  with  his  friends  in 
Bolton.1     In  the  above  commencement  letter,  however,  is 

1  On  the  16th  of  October,  1817,  Sparks  wrote  to  Miss  Storrow  : 


104  HARVARD   TUTOR,  EDITOR,  ETC. 

clearly  expressed  his  inclination  to  enter  the  ministry. 
With  this  profession  in  mind,  he  had  continued  at  Cam- 
bridge theological  studies  begun  at  Lancaster  under  Dr. 
Thayer.  Besides  the  inherited  tendency  of  college  men 
to  study  theology,  there  was  at  this  time  a  peculiarly  favor- 
ing influence  in  the  renaissance  of  religious  studies,  and 
in  the  Unitarian  movement  towards  a  more  liberal  Chris- 
tianity. Of  the  relation  of  this  movement  to  Harvard 
College,  which  became  the  academic  exponent  of  the  lib- 
eral faith,  Dr.  Ellis  thus  speaks :  "  Mr.  Sparks,  while  at 
Cambridge  and  in  its  neighborhood,  belonged  to  quite  a 
considerable  group  or  fellowship  of  young  men  of  the 
highest  intellectual  and  scholarly  qualities,  and  with  the 
noblest  impulses  caught  from  a  new  element  of  religious 
influence  then  working  with  great  intensity  in  this  imme- 
diate community.  They  were  devoting  themselves  to  the 
studies  of  the  sacred  profession,  with  new  helps  of  clas- 
sical culture  and  the  quickening  inspiration  of  a  serious 
modification  of  the  prevailing  Christian  creed.  There  was 
then  a  fashion  —  it  would  be  more  true  to  say  a  passion 
—  among  the  young  men  of  genius,  ambition,  and  high 
aims,  who  had  been  drawn  into  intimate  friendship  in  the 
college,  to  prepare  themselves  for  the  ministry.  The  zeal 
of  the  gifted  Buckminster  in  promoting  a  new  interest  in 
Biblical  studies,  and  in  classical  scholarship  as  helping 
thereto,  and  the  establishment  of  Mr.  Dexter's  lecture- 
ship foundation  in  the  college  for  fostering  Scripture  crit- 
icism, so  ably  filled  by  Professor  Norton,  were  promptings 
whose  inspiration  was  felt  by  many  of  the  most  cultivated 

"  The  review  business  is  all  upon  me  at  once,  quarter  day,  college, 
etc.  My  conscience,  however,  will  not  allow  me  to  omit  telling  you 
how  much  I  feel  indebted  to  my  kind  friends  at  Bolton  for  the  hap- 
piness I  was  made  to  enjoy  among  them  during  the  vacation.  It  was 
an  era  in  my  happy  impressions  ;  as  a  certain  man  said,  after  hearing 
one  of  Ogilvie's  orations,  ■  it  was  an  era  in  his  sensations.'  " 


HARVARD   TUTOR,   EDITOR,   ETC.  105 

laymen  of  the  period.     Buckminster,  Charming,  and  oth- 
ers had  introduced  also  a  new  style  and  method  of  ser- 
monizing.    Pulpit  services  in  the  neighborhood  had  be- 
come vitalized.     The  lethargic  and  unresponsive  state  of 
feeling,  under  which  the  ministrations  of  the  clergy  had  for 
half  a  century  been  received,  had  yielded  to  a  state  of  high- 
raised  interest,  often    amounting   to  enthusiasm.     Those 
who  soon,  as  a  class,  came  to  be  designated  as  preach- 
ers of  Unitarian  ism,  or  liberal  views  of   the  religion  of 
Christ,  were  in  general  disposed,  without  provoking  con- 
troversy, to  take  for  granted  a  modification  of  the  belief 
and  convictions  of    the    community,  and    to  adapt   their 
ministrations  to  a  readjusted  creed.     But  they  were  soon 
made  aware   that  this  quiet   proceeding  of  theirs  would 
appear  to  some,  not  in  sympathy  with  them,  as  disingenu- 
ous and  treacherous.    They  had  therefore  to  furnish  them- 
selves for  the  needful  work  of  vindicating  their  own  sin- 
cerity, for  expounding  and  maintaining  their  own  opinions, 
and  for  certifying,  if  they  could  do  so,  their  loyalty  and 
consistency  as  Protestant  Christians.     Those  friends  have 
been  widely  parted,  both  in  life  and  death,  but  those  who 
are  gone  were  never  alienated  while  they  lived ;  the  bond 
of  intellectual  and  religious  sympathy  between  them  was 
never  severed  ;  nor  did  a  single  one  of  those  friends  ever 
part  with  that  distinctive  belief,  so  far  as  it  was  distinc- 
tive, which  they  had  once  adopted,  as  scholars  and  Chris- 
tians.      That    company    embraced    the    Eliots,    Norton, 
Sparks,  Palfrey,  Gilman,  the  Wares,  Bancroft,  and  many 
whoseTiames  have  not  since  been  so  publicly  famed  and 
honored  as  theirs.     All  of  them  pursued  a  course  of  theo- 
logical study  under  aims  and  methods  which  then  had  nov- 
elty as  well  as  definiteness  of  purpose.      Some  of  them 
filled  the  pulpit  and  pastoral  relations  in  positions  of  the 
highest  distinction,  so  eminently,  too,  as  to  set  a  standard 
not  maintained  or  reached  by  the  majority  of  those  who 


106  HARVARD  TUTOR,  EDITOR,   ETC. 

have  followed  them.  Those  of  them  who  stopped  short  of 
actual  consecration,  by  form  or  vow,  to  the  sacred  office, 
and  turned  aside  to  other  pursuits,  kept  the  spirit  and  the 
sympathy  of  their  early  purpose,  and  have  done  work, 
perhaps,  of  a  less  professional  and  a  more  diffusive  good 
than  has  been  effected  by  the  pulpit  in  these  later  years. 
But  many  of  that  circle,  including  those  who  still  live  as 
well  as  those  who  have  gone,  did  sooner  or  later  turn 
aside  from  their  first  professional  purpose  or  work.  With- 
out abandoning  the  scholar's  field  or  zeal,  or  falling  short 
of  the  elevation  or  sanctity  associated  with  the  ministerial 
profession,  they  left  the  pulpit  to  act  upon  their  age  in 
other  walks  of  lettered  or  political  life,  and  to  perform 
conspicuous  services. 

"  A  memorial  of  Mr.  Sparks  which  did  not  allow  some 
such  reference  as  has  been  made  to  the  aims  and  the  com- 
panionship which  influenced  his  first  choice  of  a  profes- 
sion would  fail  in  the  direction  of  fair  appreciation,  not 
only  of  a  period  and  a  state  of  feeling  in  the  course  of  his 
life  which  was  of  itself  marked  with  a  profoundly  devout 
and  serious  earnestness  of  purpose,  but  also  of  the  convic- 
tions which  he  held  through  the  remainder  of  his  career. 
Without  entering  into  details,  which  would  be  out  of  place 
here,  it  may  be  said  in  general  that  the  enthusiasm  and  the 
sober  earnestness  of  that  group  of  scholarly  friends  which 
included  Mr.  Sparks  were  quickened  by  an  ardent  and 
intelligent  conviction  that  Christian  studies  pursued  with 
a  large  freedom,  a  broader  range,  and  a  more  practical 
aim,  with  some  new  aids  from  an  approved  apparatus  of 
text-books,  would  result  in  modifying  the  tenets  of  the 
Christian  creed  as  then  traditionally  and  popularly  re- 
ceived, though  with  but  a  languid  assent  and  an  indiffer- 
ent feeling,  by  large  classes  of  the  community  ;  would  win 
minds  alienated  from  existing  beliefs,  and  prompt  to  new 
zeal  in  works  and  objects  congenial  with  the  spirit  of  the 


HARVARD  TUTOR,  EDITOR,  ETC.  107 

Christian  religion.  Of  Mr.  Sparks'  special  relation  to, 
and  cooperative  labor  in,  his  religious  fellowship,  this 
remark  is  to  be  made  with  emphasis,  that  no  man  ever 
engaged  in  the  irritating  strife  of  religious  controversy 
with  less  of  the  spirit  of  mere  sectarianism,  or  more  reso- 
lutely or  successfully  held  that  spirit  in  check  by  charity, 
magnanimity,  and  Christian  gentleness.  The  conviction 
which  he  held  most  ardently  and  intelligently,  and  in 
illustration  of  which  he  planned  a  series  of  publications, 
was,  that  what  stood  to  him  as  signified  by  the  term  '  Lib- 
eral Christianity  '  represented  in  spirit  and  substance  the 
belief  and  actual  opinions  of  a  line  of  the  most  devout 
and  thoroughly  cultivated  Christian  men  whom  incidental 
circumstances  had  classed  in  several  Christian  commun- 
ions, in  which,  with  various  mental  reserves  and  allowed 
modifications  and  abatements  of  formulated  beliefs,  they 
had  been  content  to  remain." 

DR.  W.  E.  CHANNING. 

One  of  the  most  influential  characters  in  shaping  the 
ministerial  destiny  of  Jared  Sparks  was  Dr.  William  El- 
lery  Channing,  perhaps  the  most  distinguished  American 
leader  in  the  Unitarian  movement.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  Sparks  had  accidentally  encountered  him  at 
Havre  de  Grace,  and  there  first  felt  the  quickening  force 
of  Channing's  personal  sympathy  and  experience.  At  an- 
other critical  time  in  his  life  Sparks  received  a  powerful 
impulse  from  conversations  with  the  great  preacher,  who 
again  encouraged  the  young  man  to  pursue  the  difficult 
path  which  he  had  chosen.  On  the  14th  of  February, 
1818,  he  wrote  from  Boston,  probably  in  Dr.  Channing's 
own  house,  the  following  letter  to  his  friend  Miss  Stor- 
row  :  "  I  have  only  time  to  write  a  line  while  the  tea-table 
is  setting,  and  inclose  a  letter,  which  I  suppose  is  from 
Miss  Buckminster.     You  told  me  to  deliver  the  letter  to 


108  HARVARD   TUTOR,   EDITOR,  ETC. 

Miss  B.  herself  ;  but  as  I  could  not  do  it  for  several  days, 
I  gave  it  to  her  brother,  which  I  hope  was  right.  I  ac- 
cepted Mr.  Channing's  invitation,  according  to  the  advice 
I  received  at  Bolton,  and  I  assure  you  I  have  seldom  — 
very  seldom  —  spent  a  more  delightful  week.  Mr.  C.  has 
talked  a  great  deal.  I  shall  certainly  be  a  minister,  — 
not  a  very  good  one,  but  as  good  as  I  can.  I  have  been 
charmed  with  Mrs.  C.  She  is  so  kind,  and  makes  me 
so  much  at  home  !  To-morrow  I  go  back  to  Cambridge, 
and  resume  again  my  arduous  duties,  .  .  .  but  the  happy 
fortnight  I  have  passed  [in  Bolton  and  Boston]  will 
afford  me  many  reflections  upon  which  I  shall  love  to 
dwell." 

SPARKS   GIVES   UP   THE    "NORTH    AMERICAN." 

Sparks  had  now  clearly  and  positively  determined  to 
become  a  Unitarian  preacher.  With  this  career  in  pros- 
pect, the  sooner  he  could  free  himself  from  editorial  and 
tutorial  cares  the  better.  From  his  visit  to  the  Chan- 
nings,  hardly  more  than  a  fortnight  elapsed  before  he 
threw  off  one  of  his  two  burdens.  On  March  2,  1818,  he 
writes  to  Miss  Storrow :  "  This  day  I  take  a  final  adieu 
of  the  *  North  American,'  and  I  feel  relieved.  I  feel 
like  a  bird  escaped  from  his  cage  ;  not  as  though  I  could 
take  very  elevated  flights,  but  I  look  around  me  and  re- 
joice at  my  liberty,  and  the  fair  expanse  of  heaven.  This 
business  has  been  a  task  to  me,  but  it  has  been  a  useful 
one.  I  assure  you,  however,  it  gives  me  no  little  pleasure 
to  find  everybody  so  well  satisfied.  I  have  heard  no  com- 
plaints, but  general  approbation.  I  leave  it  in  a  vastly 
better  state  than  when  I  took  it.  ...  It  is  doing  extremely 
well  now  and  promises  to  do  so."  After  Sparks'  resigna- 
tion, the  management  of  the  "  Review  "  was  intrusted  to 
Edward  Channing,  under  whom  it  continued  until  Edward 
Everett  took  the  editorship.      The   "  North  American " 


HARVARD  TUTOR,  EDITOR,  ETC.  109 

became  a  quarterly  in  1819.  From  the  time  when  his 
connection  with  this  magazine  was  first  severed,  Sparks 
gave  all  the  energy  lie  had  remaining  from  college  work 
to  the  study  of  theology  and  to  preparation  for  preaching. 
In  a  letter  dated  at  Cambridge,  August  8,  1818,  he  says : 
"  I  have  finally  determined  on  a  time  to  preach.  My 
present  intention  is  to  begin  on  the  first  Sunday  in  Sep- 
tember and  preach  in  Lancaster  the  second  Sunday."  1 

UNITARIAN   PREACHER. 

Evidently  he  did  not  find  his  first  experience  in  this 
new  field  altogether  agreeable.  On  the  2d  of  October, 
1818,  he  wrote  Miss  Storrow  from  Cambridge  :  "  I  assure 
you  this  preaching  is  a  great  trial  to  me.  I  speak  in 
sober  sincerity  when  I  tell  you  that  it  is  one  I  should 
hardly  go  through  with  again,  could  I  foresee  the  anxiety 
and  pain  it  would  cost  me.  But  it  is  too  late  to  talk  in 
this  way,  and  I  acknowledge  it  is  childish.  I  have  begun, 
and  I  have  only  to  press  forward.  I  will  do  it  as  well  as 
I  can.  My  success  thus  far  (as  far  as  it  has  come  in  my 
way  to  learn)  has  certainly  been  much  better  than  I  ex- 
pected, or  had  any  reason  to  expect.  It  never  entered  my 
mind  that  I  was  qualified,  or  ever  would  be  qualified,  to 
make  anything  more  than  a  very  ordinary  preacher.  Some 
of  my  friends  formed  higher  expectations  than  they  had 
reason  for,  and  they  are  disappointed.  I  am  very  sorry 
Mr.  H.2  is  so  much  interested,  although  I  cannot  but  feel 

1  Sparks'  interest  in  African  exploration  survived  his  determina- 
tion to  begin  preaching.  In  this  same  letter  to  Miss  Storrow  he 
says  :  "  I  have  just  received  Captain  Tuckey's  journal  up  the  Congo, 
and  shall  write  a  long  review  about  Africa  for  November,  in  which  I 
shall  talk  more  about  Tombuctoo,  etc.,  much  I  fear  to  your  annoy- 
ance ;  but  I  really  have  a  great  deal  of  fellow-feeling  for  these  poor 
Africans,  and  while  I  actually  keep  out  of  the  desert,  and  suffer  my 
zeal  to  evaporate  in  reviews,  I  am  sure  you  will  pardon  me." 

2  Mr.  Higginson,  who  had  married  Miss  Storrow's  sister. 


110  HARVARD  TUTOR,   EDITOR,   ETC. 

the  warmest  thanks  and  gratitude  for  his  kind  feelings 
and  friendship.  He  thinks,  and  says  others  think,  that 
my  sermons  are  not  sufficiently  clear,  and  is  much  trou- 
bled at  the  discovery  that  they  are'  not  interlined  and 
erased  as  Dr.  K.'s  [Kirkland's]  and  Mr.  Thacher's  were, 
and  says  they  can  never  be  good  till  they  are.  This  is 
certainly  true,  but  I  am  sorry  it  should  have  given  him 
trouble.  He  talks  with  Mr.  Cabot,  Dr.  J.,  and  all  the 
great  men  about  it ;  he  finds  out  all  the  objections,  and 
tells  me  very  kindly.  .  .  .  The  sermon  which  I  read  be- 
fore the  association,  he  has  heard,  was  obscure ;  the  fact 
is,  I  was  particularly  complimented  by  the  whole  mass  of 
ministers  for  its  perspicuity.  But  it  is  unnecessary  for 
me  to  write  this ;  he  will  tell  it  to  you  and  much  more. 

"  The  deacons  from  the  South  End  called  on  me  soon 
after  I  returned  from  Bolton,  and  I  engaged  to  supply 
after  Mr.  Holly,  till  I  go  to  Baltimore,  and  it  was  agreed 
on  all  sides  that  there  is  no  interference.  They  said  to 
me,  '  We  know  you  are  engaged  to  go  to  Baltimore  ;  yet 
we  wish  to  be  plain  with  you,  and  tell  you  that  our  people 
will  hear  you  under  favorable  prepossessions,  and  with  a 
strong  interest ;  with  a  view,  indeed,  to  your  being  settled 
with  us,  should  things  prove  favorable  to  such  an  event.' 
From  this  I  have  good  reason  to  suppose  that,  if  I  am 
tolerably  successful  there,  I  may  remain.  Even  in  this 
case,  however,  my  impression  is  that  I  shall  go  to  Balti- 
more if  I  give  satisfaction.  This  is  contrary  to  the  gen- 
eral impression  of  my  friends,  and  it  depends  on  reasons 
which  I  have  not  time  to  explain  now ;  some  of  which, 
indeed,  and  those  not  the  least  weighty,  I  cannot  explain 
to  anybody.  .  .  . 

"  By  the  way,  I  have  a  scheme  to  take  Bolton  in  my 
way  to  Baltimore.  I  hope  it  will  meet  with  approbation, 
and  have  no  doubt  it  will.  I  shall  go  the  first  part  of  No- 
vember.     Will   you  write   me   before  long,   and  let  me 


HAKVARD  TUTOR,  EDITOR,  ETC.  HI 

know  the  result  of  your  opinions  at  Bolton  in  regard  to 
my  concerns,  for  this  is  an  important  period  to  me,  and  I 
am  sure  it  is  not  entirely  without  interest  to  those  friends 
whom  I  have  reason  to  hold  so  dear  ?  " 

BOSTON   OR   BALTIMORE. 

Sparks  was  soon  to  make  one  of  the  most  important 
decisions  of  his  life,  whether  to  go  South  among  strangers 
as  a  pioneer  preacher  of  a  liberal  faith,  or  to  remain  North 
among  congenial  associates  in  the  ministry,  in  a  favoring 
climate  of  religious  opinion,  amid  pleasant  society  and 
familiar  scenes.  If  he  had  been  so  disposed,  says  Dr. 
Ellis,  "  he  might  have  found  an  entrance  into  the  ministry 
in  a  much  easier  position,  as  pastor  of  the  Hollis  Street 2 
Society,  in  Boston."  But,  contrary  to  the  expectation  of 
his  friends,  he  deliberately  chose  the  more  difficult  and 
more  aggressive  work  of  carrying  the  Unitarian  banner 
beyond  the  Southern  frontier.  This  bold  decision  was 
characteristic  of  the  man,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  had  a 
spirit  of  enterprise  and  adventure  in  his  very  constitution. 
He  had  shown  something  of  this  spirit  in  his  first  depar- 
ture for  Maryland  while  he  was  but  a  college  Freshman. 
And  now  he  was  to  leave  fair  Harvard  again  upon  another 
expedition  to  the  Southern  country. 

TEACHING   OR   PREACHING. 

There  is  a  story2  told  of  Jared  Sparks  by  his  old  and 

1  In  his  cash  account  Sparks  notes,  November  18,  1818  :  "  Re- 
ceived of  Mr.  West,  for  preaching  five  Sabbaths  in  Hollis  Street,  Bos- 
ton, at  $15  a  Sabbath,  $75." 

2  Possibly  the  original  fact  underlying  this  oft-told  tale  may  be 
seen  in  the  following  extract  from  Sparks'  letter  to  Briggs,  March 
12, 1817  :  "Your  corporation,  or  trustees,  or  whatever  it  is  that  man- 
ages your  college  [Bowdoin],  have  applied  to  me,  through  Mr. 
Vaughan,  to  succeed  ex-Professor  Abbot,  with  a  salary  of  $1,000  a 
year.  This  is  a  good  offer,  but  I  don't  believe  I  should  be  happy  in 
Brunswick.     I  think  a  parish  with  $600  is  better." 


112  HARVARD   TUTOR,   EDITOR,   ETC. 

admiring  friend  Ansel  Young,  which  probably  belongs  to 
this  period  of  withdrawal  from  the  mathematical  tutor- 
ship at  Cambridge,  rather  than  to  the  time  of  graduation, 
as  alleged:  "When  his  time  came  to  a  close  in  college, 
...  he  came  to  me  and  said,  4  Well,  my  time  is  out  in 
college,  and  I  have  been  offered  sixteen  hundred  dollars  a 
year  to  be  a  professor  in  college,  and  declined.'  I  said  to 
him,  '  Why  do  you  let  so  good  an  offer  pass  by  you  with- 
out enjoying  it?  Are  you  not  trifling  with  their  esteem, 
and  the  high  opinion  they  have  of  your  merit  ?  '  He  looked 
at  me  earnestly  and  said,  '  The  world  has  done  much  for 
me,  and  I  must  do  something  to  repay  it.  There  are  hun- 
dreds of  students  there  who  can  fill  that  chair  as  well  as  1 
can,  but  they  can't  go  out  into  the  world  and  do  what  I 
can.'  " 

Sparks'  early  resolve  to  serve  his  generation  in  a  large 
and  helpful  way,  and  to  advance  the  borders  of  Unitarian 
Christianity,  was  the  primary  cause  of  all  his  subsequent 
and  peculiar  success  in  life,  not  only  as  a  champion  of  the 
liberal  faith,  but  as  an  historical  scholar,  as  professor  of 
history,  and  as  president  of  Harvard  College.  This  tem- 
porary change  of  base  from  Cambridge  to  Baltimore 
brought  him  into  contact  with  new  forces,  which  were  to 
bring  out  his  best  energies,  and  then  restore  him  to  his 
alma  mater. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

1819-1820. 

ORIGIN   OF   UNITARIANISM. 

The  beginnings  of  the  modern  Unitarian  movement,  if 
carefully  and  fully  studied,  would  form  one  of  the  most 
interesting  chapters  in  the  history *  of  religious  thought. 

1  After  the  substantial  completion  of  the  present  chapter,  the 
writer  fortunately  learned  of  an  excellent  work  on  "  Unitarianism  : 
Its  Origin  and  History.  A  Course  of  Sixteen  Lectures  delivered  in 
Channing  Hall,  Boston,  1888-89,"  published  by  the  American  Unita- 
rian Association,  Boston,  1890.  These  lectures  by  prominent  Unita- 
rian clergymen  are  among  the  most  valuable  contributions  to  the  sub- 
ject that  have  appeared  in  American  literature.  They  are  vistas  of 
intellectual  interest  in  a  great  wilderness  of  religious  history.  The 
accounts  of  "  Unitarianism  in  England,"  by  the  Rev.  Brooke  Herford, 
and  of  "  Early  New  England  Unitarians,"  by  Dr.  A.  P.  Peabody, 
are  very  instructive. 

Since  the  appearance  of  the  above  work,  that  of  Octavius  Brooks 
Frothingham  on  "Boston  Unitarianism,  1820-1850  :  A  Study  of  the 
Life  and  Work  of  Nathaniel  Langdon  Frothingham,"  has  been  pub- 
lished. The  author  has  interwoven  the  biography  of  his  father  with 
the  history  of  the  larger  social  and  intellectual  forces  of  his  time 
(1793-1870).  Jared  Sparks,  like  N.  L.  Frothingham,  Edward  Ev- 
erett, J.  G.  Palfrey,  James  Walker,  Alexander  Young,  and  many 
others  of  that  generation,  represents  what  the  author  calls  "literary 
Unitarianism."  Such  men  formed  the  great  central  party,  and  stood 
midway  between  the  extremely  spiritual  Christianity  of  Dr.  W.  E. 
Channing  and  the  extremely  natural  Christianity  of  Theodore  Parker. 
Renan,  in  his  "  Etudes  d'Histoire  Religieuse,"  has  a  searching  cri- 
tique of  "Channing  and  the  Unitarian  Movement  in  the  United 
8 


114        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE. 

Unitarian  ideas  are  as  old  as  Semitic  monotheism  and 
Egyptian  henotheism.  They  have  been  historically  trans- 
mitted to  the  modern  world  through  Judaism,  Greek  Chris- 
tianity, Arianism,  Mohammedanism,  and  various  Protes- 
tant forms  of  religious  faith.  The  modern  Unitarian 
movement  proceeded  from  Italy,  the  historic  source  of 
many  currents  of  liberal  thought.  Italian  Protestants, 
persecuted  at  home,  sought  refuge  in  Switzerland  and  Po- 
land. In  the  latter  country,  as  in  Italy,  the  Reformation 
had  developed  a  somewhat  rational  faith,  with  anti-trinita- 
rian  doctrines.  A  kind  of  intellectual  leaven  in  the  midst 
of  the  unlearned  Polish  Brethren  were  the  cultivated  Ital- 
ian refugees,  among  them,  Fausto  Sozzini,  better  known 
as  Socinus  (1539-1604),  a  native  of  Siena,  whose  doc- 
trinal influence  was  reconstructive  rather  than  destructive 
of  Christian  forms  of  worship.  Although  adoring  Christ, 
Socinus  believed  the  Son  of  Man  the  representative  of  the 
Father  rather  than  essential  deity.  Driven  out  of  Poland, 
these  extreme  Protestants  found  shelter  in  Transylvania, 
Prussia,  Holland,  and  England. 

The  "  Unitarian  "  sect  originated  in  Transylvania,  to 
this  day  a  stronghold  of  that  faith.  Although  the  name 
was  not  used  in  England  until  the  latter  part  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century,  Unitarian  sentiments  were  entertained  at 
a  much  earlier  period  by  John  Milton,  John  Locke,  Sir 
Isaac  Newton,  and  Dr.  Isaac  Watts.  Very  remarkable 
are  the  Unitarian  views  of  William  Penn  (1644-1718)  in 
his  tract  called  "The  Sandy  Foundation  Shaken,"  of 
which  the  following  is  the  first  thesis :  "  The  Trinity  of 

States."  The  modern  and  advanced  Unitarian  position  is  well  de- 
fined by  Dr.  Orville  Dewey,  in  his  article  written  for  Johnson's  En- 
cyclopaedia in  1877  :  "  In  short,  the  stand  taken  by  Unitarianism  is 
for  nature,  for  human  nature,  for  everything  that  God  has  made, 
as  the  manifestation  of  his  will  as  truly  as  anything  written  in  the 
Bible." 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE.        115 

distinct  and  separate  Persons  in  the  Unity  of  Essence 
refuted  from  Scripture."  1  In  the  words  of  Jared  Sparks, 
in  his  biographical  notice  of  Penn,  "  his  scheme  approaches 
nearly  to  that  of  Dr.  Watts,  which  takes  the  divinity  of 
Christ  to  be  a  sort  of  indwelling  of  the  Father  constitut- 

1  It  is  maintained  by  English  and  American  members  of  the  Soci- 
ety of  Friends,  whom  the  writer  has  consulted  in  Baltimore,  that 
William  Penn  was  not  a  Unitarian,  or  Socinian,  in  his  mature  years 
and  later  writings.     In  one  of  his  later  works,  "The  Key,"  he  says 
distinctly  concerning  the  Quakers  :  "  They  believe  in  the  Holy  three, 
or  Trinity  of  Father,  Word  and  Spirit,  according  to  Scripture,  and 
that  these  three  are  truly  and  properly  one  :  of  one  nature  as  well  as 
will  ;  but  they  are  very  tender  of  quitting  Scripture  terms  for  school- 
men's ;  such  as  'distinct  and  separate  persons,'  and  subsistences,  &c, 
are  ;  from  whence  people  are  apt  to  entertain  gross  ideas  and  notions 
of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost."     Penn  also  says  of  the  Qua- 
kers :  "  Their  great  characteristic  principle   being  this,  that  Christ, 
as  the  divine  word,  lighteth  the  souls  of  all  men  that  come  into  the 
world,  with  a  spiritual  and  saving  light,  according  to  John  i.  9  ;  viii. 
12  (which  nothing  but  the  Creator  of  souls  can  do),  it  does  sufficiently 
shew  they  believe  him  to  be  God,  for  they  truly  and  expressly  own 
him  to  be  so."     The  Hicksites  regard  Penn  as  holding  Unitarian 
views,  and  yet  believing,  as  they  do,  in  the  divinity  of  Christ.     An 
interesting  document  illustrating  the  points  at  issue  between  the  Or- 
thodox Friends  and  the  Hicksites,  or  Unitarian  party,  is  that  called 
"  The  Society  of  Friends  Vindicated  :  Being  the  Arguments  of  the 
counsel  of  Joseph  Hendrickson,  in  a  cause  decided  in  the  Court  of 
Chancery  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  between  Thomas  L.  Shotwell, 
Complainant  and  Joseph  Hendrickson  and  Stacy  Decon,  Defendants. 
To  which  is  appended  the  Decision  of  the  Court."     Trenton,  N.  J., 
1832.     This  case  concerned  certain  school-funds  which  the  Hicksite 
party  endeavored  to  control,  and  reminds  us  of  those  legal  controver- 
sies in  Massachusetts  between  Congregationalists  and  Unitarians  for 
the  control  of  parish  property.     The  Hicksite  party  originated  in 
Philadelphia  in  1827-28,  and  represents  much  the  same  tendencies  in 
the  Society  of  Friends  as  the  Unitarian  movement  represented  among 
the  Orthodox  churches  of  New  England.     "  An  Examination  of  the 
Causes  which  led  to  the  Separation  of  the  Religious  Society  of  Friends 
in  America"  may  be  found  at  the  end  of  Janney's  "History  of  the 
Religious  Society  of  Friends,"  vol.  iv. 


116        UNITARIAN   MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

ing  a  union  so  close,  that  the  name  of  the  Deity  may  prop- 
erly be  applied  to  the  Son."  * 

ENGLISH   UNITAKIANISM. 

A  good  library  for  an  historical  study  of  the  evolution 
of  English  Unitarianism  was  collected  by  Jared  Sparks. 
His  "  Essays  and  Tracts  in  Theology  from  Various  Au- 
thors," an  extensive  work  in  six  volumes,  begun  in  Balti- 
more in  1823,  will  be  noticed  more  particularly  in  the 
next  chapter.  In  this  connection  let  us  observe  that  the 
English  Unitarian  movement,  beginning  in  the  advanced 
individual  opinions  of  men  born  and  bred,  like  Penn  and 
Locke,  Newton  and  Watts,  in  the  Established  Church, 
proceeded  largely  through  Presbyterian  and  Independent 
channels.  The  first  avowedly  Unitarian  society  in  our 
mother  country  was  that  of  Theophilus  Lindsey  2  (1723- 
1808),  who  had  given  up  a  valuable  living  in  Yorkshire 
for  conscience'  sake,  and  in  1774  3  began  to  gather  a  Uni- 
tarian congregation  in  a  room  in  Essex  Street,  Strand, 
London.  Four  years  later  a  chapel 4  was  built  for  him  in 
the  same  street,  where  he  continued  to  preach  until  1793. 

1  Sparks'  "  Collection  of  Essays  and  Tracts  in  Theology,"  vol.  iv., 
21. 

2  Lindsey  published  in  1783  "  An  Historical  View  of  the  State  of 
Unitarian  Doctrines  and  Worship  from  the  Reformation  to  our  own 
Times,"  in  which  he  represented  as  Unitarians  Burnet,  Samuel 
Clark,  Bishop  Hoadly,  and  Sir  Isaac  Newton.  In  1789  he  published 
"  An  Examination  of  Robinson's  Plea."  In  1790  appeared  his  "  List 
of  False  Readings  of  the  Scriptures  with  Mistranslations  of  the  Eng- 
lish Bible." 

8  "  The  Apology  of  Theophilus  Lindsey  for  resigning  the  Vicarage 
of  Catterick,  1774."     "  Sequel  to  the  Apology,  1776." 

4  Lindsey 's  "  Sermon  preached  at  the  Opening  of  the  New  Chapel 
at  Essex  Street,  March  25,  1778."  Sparks  owned  all  of  these  val- 
uable tracts.  His  genius  for  collecting  historical  materials  is  first 
seen  in  connection  with  Unitarianism.  Probably  there  was  no  private 
library  in  the  country  superior  to  his  in  Baltimore  in  matters  per- 
taining to  the  history  of  religious  opinions. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE.        117 

PRIESTLEY  AND   UNITARIANISM   IN   AMERICA. 

Very  influential  in  the  development  of  Lindsey's  Uni- 
tarian views  was  his  acquaintance,  dating  from  1769,  with 
Dr.  Joseph  Priestley  (1733-1804).  Brought  up  a  Non- 
conformist, in  the  straitest  Calvinistic  sect  called  the  In- 
dependents, Priestley  early  developed  liberal  Presbyterian 
and  Unitarian  views  through  philosophical,  linguistic,  and 
scientific  studies.  He  was  a  teacher  and  a  preacher,  a 
chemist,  a  physicist,  an  historian,  a  philosopher,  and  the 
friend  of  some  of  the  most  enlightened  scholars  of  his  time, 
—  George  Benson  (1699-1763),  Andrew  Kippis  (1725- 
1795),  Richard  Price  (1723-1791),  Nathaniel  Lardner 
(1684-1768),  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  Thomas  Jefferson. 
Priestley,  the  philosopher,  deserves  to  be  recognized  as  one 
of  the  historical  founders  of  English  and  American  Unita- 
rianism.  His  great  work  on  the  "  Institutes  of  National 
and  Revealed  Religion,"  his  "  History  of  the  Corruptions 
of  Christianity,"  four  volumes,  Birmingham,  1793,  and  his 
"  History  of  Early  Opinions  concerning  Jesus  Christ,"  two 
volumes,  Birmingham,  1786,  together  with  Lardner's  more 
famous  work  called  u  The  Credibility  of  Gospel  History  " 
(1727),  are  to  be  viewed  as  English  beginnings  of  mod- 
ern critical  scholarship  in  the  field  of  primitive  Christian- 
ity. Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  his  friend  John  Adams, 
August  22,  1813,  said  of  Priestley,  "I  have  read  his 
4  Corruptions  of  Christianity '  and  1  Early  Opinions  of 
Jesus '  over  and  over  again,  and  I  rest  on  them  and  on 
Middleton's  writings,  as  the  basis  of  my  own  faith."  1 

1  For  further  details  on  Jefferson's  relation  to  Dr.  Priestley,  see 
H.  B.  Adams  on  "  Thomas  Jefferson  and  the  University  of  Virginia," 
pp.  46-49.  There  has  been  much  doubt  as  to  Jefferson's  religious  faith. 
He  was  probably  a  Unitarian.  He  wrote  to  Timothy  Pickering,  Feb- 
ruary 25,  1821  :  "  I  have  little  doubt  that  the  whole  of  our  country 
will  soon  be  rallied  to  the  unity  of  the  Creator,  and,  I  hope,  to  the 
pure  doctrine  of  Jesus  also."     He  said  to  John  Adams,  April  11, 


118        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

Priestley  is  a  connecting  personal  link  between  English 
and  American  Unitarianism,  broadly  viewed  as  an  histor- 
ical movement  affecting  this  country  in  a  central  rather 
than  in  a  local  way.  He  was  driven  out  of  Birmingham 
in  1791,  on  account  of  his  dissenting  views  and  his  sym- 
pathy with  the  French  Revolution,  by  a  mob  who  burned 
down  his  chapel  and  his  house  after  wading  knee-deep 
through  his  torn  and  scattered  manuscripts.  Soon  after 
1794,  with  his  scholarly  son-in-law,  Dr.  Thomas  Cooper, 
he  sought  refuge  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Through 
their  extraordinary  activity  in  writing  and  teaching,  Eng- 
lish Unitarianism  was  established  independently  of  New 
England's  influence  in  Philadelphia,1  the  city  of  William 

1823,  of  Calvin's  prayer,  Mon  Dieu,  jusqu'a  quand,  "When  addressed 
to  the  God  of  Jesus  and  our  God,  I  join  you  cordially  and  await  his 
time  and  will  with  more  readiness  than  reluctance.  May  we  meet 
there  again  in  congress  with  our  ancient  colleagues,  and  receive  with 
them  the  seal  of  approbation,  Well  done,  good  and  faithful  servants." 
Dr.  Priestley,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Lindsey,  Northumberland,  Novem- 
ber 4,  1803,  said  :  "  As  you  were  pleased  with  my  comparison  of  Soc- 
.  rates  and  Jesus,  I  have  begun  to  carry  the  same  comparison  to  all 
the  heathen  moralists,  and  I  have  all  the  books  that  I  want  for  the 
purpose  except  Simplicius  and  Arrian  on  Epictetus,  and  them  I  hope 
to  get  from  a  library  in  Philadelphia.  Lest,  however,  I  should  fail 
there,  I  wish  you  or  Mr.  Belsham  would  procure  and  send  them  from 
London.  While  I  am  capable  of  anything  I  cannot  be  idle,  and  I  do 
not  know  that  I  can  do  anything  better.  This,  too,  is  an  undertaking 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  recommends  to  me." 

Priestley's  success  in  the  original  investigation  of  morals  and  reli- 
gion caused  John  Adams  to  say  of  him  to  Jefferson,  July  18,  1813  : 
"  This  great,  excellent,  and  extraordinary  man,  whom  I  sincerely 
loved,  esteemed,  and  respected,  was  really  a  phenomenon,  a  comet  in 
the  system,  like  Voltaire,  Bolingbroke,  and  Hume."  And  again, 
December  3, 1813,  Adams  exclaimed  to  Jefferson  :  "  Oh,  that  Priest- 
ley could  live  again  and  have  leisure  and  means  !  " 

1  On  Priestley's  influence  upon  English  and  American  thought,  see 
Huxley's  address  on  the  occasion  of  the  unveiling  of  the  Priestley 
statue  in  Birmingham  (Humboldt  Library,  No.  66,  "  Technical  Edu- 
cation and  other  Essays  ; "  Essay  on  Joseph  Priestley)  ;  and  the  B,ev. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER   IN   BALTIMORE.         119 

Perm,  who  is  by  some  regarded  as  himself  a  Unitarian 
Quaker  and  a  father  of  the  Hicksites,  who  still  flourish 
most  strongly  in  the  Keystone  State.  The  nature  of 
Priestley's  teachings  in  Pennsylvania  may  be  seen  in  the 
"  Controversy  between  Dr.  Priestley  and  the  Rev.  J.  B. 
Linn  of  Philadelphia,"  published  in  1803.  Priestley's  dis- 
courses were  published  at  Northumberland,  1805.  Unita- 
rian influences  crept  southwards  from  Pennsylvania,  partly 
through  the  teachings  of  Dr.  Cooper,  whom  Jefferson 
called  "  the  greatest  man  in  America  in  the  powers  of  his 
mind  and  in  acquired  information."  An  eminent  chemist 
and  physicist  like  his  father-in-law,  the  first  political  econ- 
omist and  Roman  lawyer  'that  this  country  ever  saw,  the 
first  appointed  professor  in  the  University  of  Virginia, 
and  the  predecessor  of  Francis  Lieber  as  professor  of  his- 
tory and  politics  in  South  Carolina  College,  Judge  Cooper 
was  a  universal  scholar,  the  Priestley  of  the  South.  He 
was,  moreover,  like  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  one  of 
the  early  advocates  of  higher  Biblical  criticism *  in  Amer- 

Charles  Carroll  Everett's  address  delivered  at  the  Priestley  memorial 
celebration,  Philadelphia,  Mareh  13,  1889,  "  Joseph  Priestley.  The 
Old  Unitarianism  and  the  New."  Mr.  O.  B.  Frothingham,  in  his 
"  Boston  Unitarianism  "  (p.  249),  says  :  "  The  Boston  Unitarians  fol- 
lowed in  the  footsteps  of  Priestley." 

Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Waterhouse,  July  19,  1822,  said  : 
"  When  I  lived  in  Philadelphia  there  was  a  respectable  congregation 
of  that  sect  [Unitarian]  with  a  meeting-house  and  regular  services 
which  I  attended,  and  in  which  Dr.  Priestley  officiated  to  numerous 
audiences."  J.  G.  Palfrey  wrote  to  Sparks  from  Washington,  Sep- 
tember 5,  1816  :  "  When  I  was  in  the  city  of  the  Quakers  Dr.  Priest- 
ley's library  was  exposed  for  sale  at  Dobson's.  A  committee  of  Con- 
gress had  gleaned  all  the  best  books.  I  bought  a  few,  not  because 
they  were  valuable,  but  because  they  were  Dr.  Priestley's." 

1  Thomas  Cooper  and  John  Adams  were  much  more  radical  than 
was  ever  Dr.  Priestley.  Among  the  early  academic  representatives 
of  Biblical  criticism  in  their  lectures  at  Harvard  were  Messrs.  Buck- 
minster,  Ware,  Channing,  and  Norton. 


120        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

ica,  in  days  before  the  English  world  had  heard  of  the 
writings  of  Colenso,  the  learned  bishop  of  Natal. 

JONATHAN   EDWARDS. 

In  New  England,  the  same  theological  influences  were 
working  in  the  eighteenth  century  as  in  the  mother  coun- 
try, but  they  did  not  so  early  find  expression  in  avowedly 
Unitarian  doctrines.  Jonathan  Edwards  (1703-1758), 
who  has  recently  been  described  as  "  the  forerunner  of  the 
later  New  England  transcendentalism  quite  as  truly  as  the 
author  of  a  modified  Calvinism,"  J  was  a  defender  of  the 
doctrines  of  the  trinity  upon  a  priori  grounds.  There 
was  no  Arianism  or  Socinianism'in  his  writings.  As  early 
as  1734  there  began,  he  says,  "  great  noise  in  this  part  of 
the  country  [Northampton,  Massachusetts]  about  Armin- 
ianism."  Although  the  fascinating  heresy  of  Arminius 
(1560-1609)  concerned  more  especially  the  freedom  of 
the  human  will,  his  name  was  made  to  cover  a  multitude 
of  theological  sins  touching  divine  sovereignty,  decrees, 
eternal  punishment,  the  trinity,  etc.,  and  Jonathan  Ed- 
wards made  it  his  scholastic  life-work  to  reconstruct  the 
walls  of  Calvinistic  Zion.  The  writings  of  English  liber- 
als in  theology,  Samuel  Clarke,  Thomas  Emlyn,  Daniel 
Whitby,  Archbishop  Tillotson,  and  Jeremy  Taylor,  had 
their  natural  effect  in  New  England  as  well  as  in  the 
mother  country.  Some  of  these  writers  Jonathan  Ed- 
wards endeavored  to  controvert. 

A  recent  writer2  on  the  intellectual  Awakening  of  New 

1  American  Religious  Leaders,  "  Jonathan  Edwards,"  by  Alexander 
V.  G.  Allen,  D.  D.,  Professor  in  the  Episcopal  Theological  School  in 
Cambridge,  Mass.,  328.  This  appreciative  and  critical  life  of  Amer- 
ica's most  original  theologian  is  a  work  of  historical  scholarship  worthy 
to  rank  with  Dr.  Allen's  earlier  volume  on  "  The  Continuity  of  Chris- 
tian Thought." 

2  Francis  H.  Underwood,  LL.  D.,  "The  Awakening  of  New  Eng- 
land," "  Contemporary  Review,"  August,  1888,  a  very  suggestive  arti- 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE.        121 

England  has  described  the  theological  movement  as  "  a 
change  from  Calvinism  to  Unitarianism,  coming  down,  as 
one  might  say,  by  easy  stages  through  Hopkinsianism,1 
Arminianism,  and  other  modifications."  Towards  the 
close  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  white  light  of  Puritan 
theology  appeared  to  be  broken  into  three  colors,  by  no 
means  sharply  separated,  but  yet  clearly  defined  like  the 
three  principal  colors  of  the  spectrum :  the  Calvinists,  the 
Hopkinsians,  and  the  Arminians.  "  Unitarianism  draws 
its  direct  lineage,"  says  Dr.  George  E.  Ellis  in  his  "  Half 
Century  of  the  Unitarian  Controversy  "  (p.  440),  "  through 
Arminianism,  though  probably  there  were  hundreds  of 
Unitarians  who  could  not  have  defined  Arminianism  any 
more  than  they  could  have  talked  Chinese." 

UNITARIANISM   IN   NEW   ENGLAND. 

Unitarianism  in  New  England,  as  in  Old  England,  was 
long  latent  in  the  minds  of  theologians  and  evolved  very 
gradually  into  public  consciousness.  Long  before  either 
the  name  or  the  faith  was  publicly  professed  by  church 
societies,  there  were  individual  converts  to  Unitarian  ideas. 
John  Adams,  writing  concerning  Unitarianism  to  Eev.  Dr. 
Morse,  May  15,  1815,  said:  "1  can  testify  as  a  witness 
to  its  old  age.     Sixty-five  years  ago,  my  own  minister,  the 

cle  to  a  student  who  would  investigate  the  process  of  intellectual  devel- 
opment among  the  descendants  of  the  Pilgrims  and  Puritans.  "  The 
Rise  of  Unitarianism  in  New  England  "  and  "The  Transcendental 
Movement  "  are  well  presented  in  William  C.  Gannett's  memoir  of 
his  father,  "  Ezra  Stiles  Gannett,  Unitarian  Minister  in  Boston,',  col- 
league and  successor  of  Dr.  Channing  in  the  old  Federal  Street 
Church. 

1  So  called  from  Samuel  Hopkins  (1721-1803),  a  pupil  of  Jona- 
than Edwards,  and  the  author  of  a  less  exacting  Calvinism  in  a  "  Sys- 
tem of  Theology  "  published  in  1791.  Hopkinsianism  was  often  called 
"  The  New  Divinity."  It  was  the  "  Progressive  Orthodoxy  n  of  that 
period. 


122        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

Rev.  Lemuel  Bryant ;  Dr.  Jonathan  Mayhew,  of  the  West 
Church  in  Boston  ;  the  Rev.  Mr.  Shute,  of  Hingham  ;  the 
Rev.  John  Brown,  of  Cohasset ;  and  perhaps  equal  to  all, 
if  not  above  all,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Gay,  of  Hingham,  were  Uni- 
tarians. Among  the  laity  how  many  could  I  name,  —  law- 
yers, physicians,  tradesmen,  farmers !  But  at  present  I 
will  name  only  one,  Richard  Cranch,  a  man  who  had  stud- 
ied divinity  and  Jewish  and  Christian  antiquities,  more 
than  any  clergyman  now  existing  in  New  England.  More 
than  fifty  years  ago  I  read  Dr.  Clarke,  Emlyn,  and  Dr. 
Waterland." 1  In  John  Adams'  correspondence  with 
Thomas  Jefferson  there  are  repeated  allusions  to  this  class 
of  theological  writings,  some  of  them  read  when  Adams 
was  a  college  student  at  Harvard. 

KEV.    JAMES   FKEEMAN. 

The  first  distinctively  Unitarian  Church  in  America 
was  that  of  the  Rev.  James  Freeman,  a  graduate  of  Har- 
vard College  in  1777,  who  in  October,  1782,  became  a 
Reader  in  King's  Chapel,  Boston,  and  in  April,  1783,  took 
full  charge  of  this  the  oldest  Episcopal  society  in  New 
England.  Through  the  influence  of  English  theological 
writings,  particularly  those  of  Lindsey  and  Priestley,  this 
minister  and  his  congregation  adopted  in  1785  a  "  Chapel 
Liturgy  "  modeled  upon  the  Unitarian  plan  of  Lindsey's 
Essex  Street  Chapel  in  London.  This  fact  was  commu- 
nicated to  Mr.  Lindsey  in  1786  by  the  Rev.  Isaac  Smith, 
afterward  Librarian  of  Harvard  College.  From  that  date 
there  was  close  connection  between  the  London  and  Bos- 
ton centres  of  Unitarian  propaganda.  Mr.  Lindsey  pre- 
sented a  set  of  his  theological  writings,  with  those  of  Dr. 

1  Jared  Sparks'  "  Unitarian  Miscellany,"  vol.  i.,  190,  quoted  from 
the  "Christian  Disciple,"  which  reprinted  it  from  the  third  edition 
of  Dr.  Freeman's  sermons. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE.  123 

Priestley,  to  the  Harvard  College  a  library,  and   received 
the  thanks  of  the  President  and  Fellows. 

Mr.  Freeman  was  never  regularly  ordained.  Bishop 
Seabury,  of  Connecticut,  who  had  been  consecrated  by  the 
non-juring  bishops  of  Scotland,  had  scruples  against  lay- 
ing holy  hands  on  the  heterodox  rector  of  King's  Chapel. 
Governor  Bowdoin  then  suggested  an  independent  form  2 
of  ordination,  which  was  performed  November  18,  1787. 

belsham's  memoirs. 

The  story  of  this  first  establishment  of  Unitarianism  in 
Boston,  and  of  its  gradual  extension  to  Portland  and  Saco, 
Maine ;  to  the  counties  of  Plymouth  and  Barnstable  in 
Massachusetts ;  to  Connecticut  and  New  York,  is  told  at 
length  in  Thomas  Belsham's  "  Memoirs  of  Theophilus  Lind- 
sey,"  —  an  epoch-making  book,  first  published  in  London, 
1812,  and  again  in  1873,  the  centenary  of  Lindsey's  vol- 
untary resignation  of  his  comfortable  living  in  the  Church 
of  England  to  enter  upon  the  English  Unitarian  move- 
ment. This  book  of  Belsham's  caused  great  excitement 
in  New  England  ecclesiastical  circles.  Many  sympathiz- 
ers with  the  new  school  of  theology  declared  that  they 
were  not  "Unitarians  in  Mr.  Belsham's  sense  of  the 
word."  Certain  champions  of  orthodox  ideas  republished 
portions  of  Belsham's  Memoirs  in  a  pamphlet  called 
"  American  Unitarianism,"  for  the  purpose  of  calling  pub- 
lic attention  to  the  radical  tendencies  of  the  liberal  party. 
American  Unitarians  were  at  first  very  reluctant  to  ac- 
knowledge kinship  with  their  advanced  English  cousins, 

1  Dr.  George  E.  Ellis,  in  his  "  Half  Century  of  the  Unitarian  Con- 
troversy," p.  407,  dates  the  beginning  from  1806,  or  from  the  dis- 
cussion growing  out  of  the  appointment  of  Dr.  Ware  to  the  Hollis 
Professorship  of  Divinity  in  Harvard  College. 

2  This  form  was  published  by  Mr.  Lindsey  in  his  "  Vindiciae  Priest- 
leianae,"  an  address  to  the  students  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge.  Lon- 
don, 1788. 


124        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

who  were  extremely  unpopular  at  home  as  well  as  abroad. 
John  Adams  wrote  to  Jefferson  from  Quincy,  July  9, 
1813  :  "  The  truth  is,  the  dissenters  of  all  denominations 
in  England,  and  especially  the  Unitarians,  are  cowed,  as 
we  used  to  say  at  college.  They  are  ridiculed,  insulted, 
persecuted.  They  can  scarcely  hold  their  heads  above 
water.  They  catch  at  straws  and  shadows  to  avoid  drown- 
ing. Priestley  sent  your  letter  1  to  Lindsey,  and  Belsham 
printed  it  from  the  same  motive,  i.  e.,  to  derive  some  coun- 
tenance from  the  name  of  Jefferson.  Nor  has  it  done 
harm  here." 

Belsham's  book  helped  to  clear  the  way  for  more  vigor- 
ous Unitarian  propaganda  in  the  established  Congrega- 
tional churches  of  New  England,  although  Belsham  was 
strongly  condemned  by  the  leading  reformers.  "  The  word 
Unitarianism,  as  denoting  opposition  to  Trinitarianism," 
said  Mr.  W.  E.  Channing  to  Mr.  S.  C.  Thacher  in  1815, 
"  undoubtedly  expresses  the  character  of  a  considerable 
part  of  the  ministers  of  this  town  [Boston]  and  its  vicin- 
ity, and  the  commonwealth.  But  we  both  of  us  know 
that  their  Unitarianism  is  of  a  very  different  kind  from 
that  of  Mr.  Belsham.  As  to  myself,  I  have  ever  been 
inclined  to  cherish  the  most  exalted  views  of  Jesus  Christ 
which  are  consistent  with  the  supremacy  of  the  Father  ; 
and  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  depart  from  Mr.  Belsham  in 
perhaps  every  sentiment  which  is  peculiar  to  him  on  this 
subject.  1  have  always  been  pleased  with  some  of  the 
sentiments  of  Dr.  Watts  on  the  intimate  and  peculiar 
union  between  the  Father  and  Son."  2 

1  See  two  letters  from  Jefferson  to  Priestley  in  Belsham's  "  Me- 
moirs of  Lindsey,"  pp.  371,  375  (edition  of  1873).  This  volume  con- 
tains also  Priestley's  letters  to  Lindsey  written  after  his  emigration  to 
America,  pp.  367-381.  In  his  last  letter,  written  January  16,  1804, 
Priestley  says  :  '"  Winter  keeps  me  from  my  laboratory,  so  that  read- 
ing and  composing  are  my  sole  occupation  and  amusement." 

2  "Memoir  of  William  Ellery  Channing,"  vol.  i.,  383,  385. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTERS  IN  BALTIMORE.        125 


CUJUS   REGIO,   EJUS   RELIGIO. 

From  the  year  1815,  when  charges  of  heresy,  insincer- 
ity, and  concealment  were  made  with  increasing  boldness, 
—  from  this  time  forward,  Unitarians  were  compelled  to 
defend  themselves.  Then  began  the  struggle  for  mastery 
in  the  parish  churches  along  the  New  England  coast.  It 
was  a  struggle  for  ecclesiastical  existence  in  many  of  the 
older  towns  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire.  A 
majority  of  votes  in  town  or  parish  meeting  sometimes 
determined  local  theology.  Cvjus  regio,  ejus  religio,  was 
once  more  the  principle  of  reformation.  Not  a  few  an- 
cient Puritan  meeting-houses,  with  all  their  sacred  belong- 
ings, were  reluctantly  surrendered  by  the  orthodox  to  the 
popular  party ;  the  faithful  were  forced  to  accept  the  new 
situation  or  to  withdraw  to  a  conventicle.  It  was  the  old 
story  of  reformation,  confiscation,  new  establishment,  and 
dissent ;  but  it  is  a  most  interesting  story,  involving  the 
whole  process  of  differentiation  between  Church  and  State 
in  the  local  life  of  New  England. 

Joseph  Henry  Allen,  in  his  study  of  the  "  Liberal  Move- 
ment in  Theology  "  (p.  33),  says  of  New  England  Unitari- 
anism,  "Historically,  it  is  the  liberal  wing  of  the  great  Con- 
gregational body  which  founded  the  first  colonies  in  New 
England,  and  gave  the  law  to  Church  and  State  for  more 
than  two  hundred  years.  Of  a  list  of  three  hundred  and 
sixty-six  Unitarian  churches,  one  hundred  and  twenty  or 
more  (including  a  large  majority  of  those  in  Massachu- 
setts) were  original  local  parishes  formed  under  the  first 
ecclesiastical  polity  of  the  Puritan  Congregationalists." 

DR.   FREEMAN   IN   BALTIMORE. 

With  a  clear  understanding  of  the  historic  background 
of  New  England  Unitarianism,  we  are  now  ready  to  follow 
its  remarkable  movement  southward  under  the  leadership 


126  UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

of  Jared  Sparks,  a  pioneer,  first  in  the  extension  of  a  lib- 
eral faith,  and  afterwards  in  the  advancement  of  Ameri- 
can history.  On  the  12th  of  October,  1816,  the  very  first 
year  after  Unitarianism  had  entered  the  field  of  religious 
conflict,  we  find  the  Rev.  Dr.  Freeman,  of  King's  Chapel, 
Boston,  the  Lindsey  of  New  England,  advertised  to  con- 
duct religious  services  in  Gibney's  hall  in  South  Charles 
Street,  Baltimore,  the  following  Sunday  at  11  A.  M.  and 
at  half-past  3  P.  M.  The  experiment  was  so  successful 
that  it  was  repeated  the  next  Sabbath,  "  Nothing  could 
have  been  more  appropriate  than  that  the  patriarch  of 
Unitarianism  in  America  should  have  been  the  founder 
of  Unitarianism  in  Maryland."  * 

The  effect  of  Mr.  Freeman's  preaching  in  Baltimore 
is  described  in  a  letter  from  that  city  to  Jared  Sparks, 
December  20,  1816,  by  his  Harvard  classmate,  Edward 
Hinkley:  "For  some  time  past  the  theological  doctors 
here  have  been  making  a  great  outcry  against  Unitarians 
and  Unitarianism,  that  i  star  in  the  North  of  ill  omen,'  as 
I  heard  Duncan  call  it.  Dr.  Freeman  preached  three 
Sundays  in  this  city.  Though  he  was  obliged  to  preach 
in  a  ball-room,  he  had  a  large  and  respectable  audience. 
.  .  .  One  minister  threatened  to  excommunicate  from  his 
church  any  member  who  should  presume  to  hear  Freeman. 

.  .  .  The  old  Scotch  lady  Mrs. said  one  evening  in 

company  of  many,  that  the  boys  ought  to  have  broken 
Freeman's  windows  while  he  was  preaching,  and  to  have 
stoned  him  through  the  streets.  .  .  .  Ground  is  laid  out 
for  a  Unitarian  meeting-house,  and  I  understand  a  sub- 
scription is  on  foot.  Dr.  Revere  told  me  they  have  an 
idea  of  getting  Andrews  Norton  to  come  here  and  preach." 

1  A  Discourse  delivered  at  the  Re-opening  of  the  First  Independent 
Church  of  Baltimore,  January  23,  1848,  by  its  pastor,  George  W. 
Burnap.     Baltimore,  1848. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE.        127 


GROWTH    OF   A   NEW   SOCIETY. 

The  following  letter,  written  on  the  19th  of  April,  1817, 
by  Hinkley  to  Sparks,  is  a  graphic  and  naive  account 
of  the  progress  of  the  new  society,  and  contains  the  very 
first  intimation  of  a  "  call "  that  Sparks  ever  received  from 
Baltimore :  — 

"  Most  cheerfully  do  I  hasten  to  answer  the  inquiries 
contained  in  your  letter  of  13th  inst.  I  have  been  in- 
formed by  Nathaniel  Williams,  Esq.,  who  is  greatly  inter- 
ested in  establishing  the  new  Unitarian  Church  in  this 
city,  that  the  whole  cost  of  the  building  is  estimated  at 
$40,000,  that  27  persons  have  subscribed  117,000,  and 
that  the  remainder  will  be  raised  from  the  sale  of  the  pews. 
The  meeting-house  will  be  situated  in  the  most  elevated 
and  pleasant  part  of  the  city.  It  will  be  large  and  com- 
modious, and,  as  the  architect,  Mr.  Godfroy,  is  celebrated 
for  his  skill  and  taste,  it  will  doubtless  be  a  beautiful  spe- 
cimen of  architecture,  the  most  beautiful,  it  is  said,  of 
any  in  Baltimore. 

"  The  parish  will,  I  think,  be  large,  and  will,  I  know, 
be  rich  and  respectable.  There  are  already  united  in  the 
society  160  persons,  and  100  more  are  immediately  ex- 
pected. Several  of  the  old  standards  not  yet  united  have 
expressed  their  approbation  of  the  church,  and  have  actu- 
ally requested  the  society  to  make  the  building  large. 
Without  doubt,  in  my  mind,  the  society  is,  and  will  be, 
composed  of  men  of  the  highest  standing  in  wealth,  man- 
ners, and  influence. 

"  Mr.  Williams  tells  me  that  as  to  the  salary,  $1,500  is 
the  least  sum  that  will  be  at  first  offered,  that  in  case  the 
minister  should  marry  $2,000,  with  a  dwelling,  will  be 
given.  In  this  respect  I  believe  every  want  will  be  sup- 
plied and  every  reasonable  wish  gratified.  Perhaps  the 
salary  for  a  short  time  will  be  rather  less  than  that  of  two 


128        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

or  three  ministers  in  Baltimore,  but  it  cannot  be  long  infe- 
rior to  the  best. 

"  You  ask  if  there  is  a  chance  of  doing  much  good. 
This  is  a  curious  question  and  difficult  for  me  to  answer. 
.  .  .  You  know  the  character  of  Yankees  may  be  im- 
proved, and  I  believe  that  of  the  Baltimoreans  ought  to 
be.  Why  should  not  the  people  in  our  latitude  have 
hearts  as  tender,  and  susceptible,  as  those  have  who  in- 
habit the  chill  regions  of  the  North  ?  You  need  have  no 
scruples  of  conscience,  no  fearful  apprehensions  that  your 
labors  will  not  be  fruitful. 

"  In  regard  to  opposition  or  persecution,  nothing  is  to 
be  apprehended.  The  variety  of  people,  opinions,  and  doc- 
trines here  does  not  admit  of  any  formidable  alliance.  No 
single  sect  or  party  has  the  power  to  make  strong  opposi- 
tion, and,  consulting  its  own  interest,  no  one  will  have  the 
inclination  to  persecute,  or  oppose.  Williams  says  he 
would  rather  be  opposed  to  the  whole  city  of  Baltimore 
than  to  a  few  individuals  in  Boston.  This  sentiment  is 
not  without  foundation.  There  is  among  the  common  peo- 
ple in  this  city  a  sort  of  indifference  about  things  new  and 
strange  which  renders  their  introduction  easy,  their  estab- 
lishment undisturbed  and  secure.  A  stranger,  however 
singular  in  his  appearance,  may  walk  our  streets  without 
exciting  the  gaze  of  astonishment,  or  the  look  of  surprise. 
At  first  a  few  of  the  ministers  might  preach  a  sermon  or 
two  to  prove  the  trinity,  &c,  and  some  bigots  might  call 
a  Unitarian  an  infidel,  or  deist,  &c.  But  this  sort  of  talk 
would  be  harmless  to  all  but  its  authors,  and  would  vanish 
4  like  the  morning  cloud  or  the  early  dew.' 

"  I  heard  Dr.  Inglis  not  long  since  deliver  a  sermon  re- 
markable for  liberality  of  sentiment.  Preaching  and  pray- 
ing were  the  strongest  and  the  only  weapons  he  had  a 
right  or  a  wish  to  use.  He  wished  to  enjoy  his  natural 
right  of  thinking  for  himself,  and  of  this  right  he  would 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE.         129 

not  deprive  others.  All  had  an  equal  right  to  hold  the 
sword,  and  consequently  none  should  use  Jt.  These  are 
his  sentiments  expressed  nearly  in  his  language.  Mr. 
Glendy  is  not  less  liberal  than  Dr.  Inglis.  .  .  .  [Dr.  In- 
glis, Mr.  Glendy,  and  Dr.  Duncan]  are  all  the  Presbyte- 
rian ministers  in  this  city.  There  are  three  Episcopalians, 
but  they  are  mild  men,  and  would  have  no  interest  or  in- 
clination to  oppose  the  new  church.  The  rest  are  Metho- 
dists, Romans,  and  Baptists,  &c,  from  whom  no  harm 
can  proceed.  Finally,  all  know  the  church  will  be  estab- 
lished and  supported  by  men  powerful  and  respectable,  to 
oppose  whom  would  be  useless  and  disgraceful." 

hinkley's  call  to  sparks. 
"  In  conversation  a  few  days  ago  with  one  of  the  Apple- 
tons,  a  subscriber  and  powerful  promoter  of  the  church,  I 
accidentally  asked  a  few  questions  about  its  location,  its 
prospects,  &c,  and  among  them  was  this,  whether  Mr.  P. 
was   preparing   himself  for  the   church?      He   said,' as 
nearly  as  I  can  recollect,  there  will  be  a  material  objection 
to  one  not  educated  to  the  profession  of  the  ministry. 
My  inference  was  that  Mr.  P.  ■  if  not  thought  to  be  ex- 
actly the  man.'     In  a  word,  I  have  long  entertained  the 
secret  opinion,  now  for  the  first  time  expressed,  that  my 
friend  Sparks  is  exactly  the  man.     Think  not  this  letter 
is  not  true  because  written  the  next  day  after  yours  was 
received.     My   information  as  to  facts   is   from   proper 
authority ;  as  to  opinions,  you  may  judge. 

M  In  my  last  letter  I  mentioned  what  I  had  been  told, 
that  the  spot  had  been  chosen  and  the  work  had  com- 
menced. A  Mr.  Appleton  told  me  this.  Several  places 
have  been  pitched  on  -and  exchanged.  He  told  me  what 
had  been  determined,  by  a  majority  of  one,  but  what  Mr. 
Williams  told  me  would  be  overruled  last  evening.     The 


130        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE. 

location  is  now,  I  suppose,  unalterably  fixed  on  the  best 
spot  in  the  city." 

DESCKIPTION   OF  THE   CHURCH. 

The  following  excellent  description  of  the  Unitarian 
church  building  at  Baltimore  appears  in  a  letter  from  Ed- 
ward Hinkley  to  Jared  Sparks,  December  15, 1817  :  "  The 
new  church  is  nearly  complete  on  the  outside.  The  form 
is  singular  and  grand.  I  thought  of  procuring  for  you  a 
rough  sketch  of  the  building  from  the  architect,  but  under- 
standing from  a  gentleman  here  that  he  had,  when  at  Bos- 
ton on  a  visit,  given  Dr.  Freeman  a  complete  plan,  I  con- 
cluded you  must  have  seen  it,  and  therefore  I  would  not 
procure  one.  The  building  is  about  ninety  feet  square. 
It  has  only  six  windows,  three  on  each  side  or  end. 
Though  these  are  very  large,  nearly  thirty  feet  high  and 
proportionally  wide,  yet  so  high  are  the  walls  that  they 
appear  rather  too  small.  The  tops  of  the  windows  appear 
about  half,  or  a  little  above  half,  the  height  of  the  walls. 
The  block  formed  by  the  walls  resembles  a  cube.  The 
entrance  or  vestibule  is  a  colonnade  or  row  of  four  Doric 
columns  projecting  a  foot  or  two  from  the  plane  of  the 
front  wall,  terminating  above  about  as  high  as  the  win- 
dows, and  supporting  three  arches  in  this  form.  [Here 
follows  a  sketch  of  the  arches.]  On  the  outside  of  the 
back  wall  there  is  a  circular  or  cylindrical  projection, 
forming  a  large  concave  recess  within  for  the  pulpit ;  so 
that  no  part  of  the  audience-room  will  be  so  far  back  as 
the  front  of  the  pulpit.  Four  grand  arches,  whose  ends 
terminate  in  the  corners  within  the  walls,  at  about  the 
height  of  the  tops  of  the  windows,  rise  a  little  above  the 
walls,  and  support,  on  their  backs,  a  large  dome  nearly  of 
a  spherical  form,  producing  a  grand  spectacle  to  the  eyes 
of  the  beholder.  On  the  top  of  the  dome  there  is  a  large 
skylight.     There  are  no  galleries  except  in  front  of  the 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER   IN  BALTIMORE.        131 

pulpit,  and  you  may  imagine  how  spacious  and  grand  it 
must  be  within.  It  is  about  seventy-five  feet  from  the 
centre  of  the  skylight  to  the  floor." 

ORIGINAL   RECORDS. 

The  beginnings  of  a  Unitarian  society  in  Baltimore  are 
fully  described  by  Mr.  Sparks  in  the  Parish  Records  of 
the  First  Independent  Church,  begun  by  him  and  contin- 
ued for  a  time  by  his  successors,  F.  W.  R  Greenwood 
and  George  W.  Burnap.     A  meeting  for  preliminary  or- 
ganization   was  held  February  10,  1817.     Nine  trustees 
were  then  appointed  to  superintend  the  affairs  of  the  soci- 
ety and  the  erection  of  a  building.     The  cornerstone   of 
the  latter  was  laid  June  5,  1817,  in  the  presence  of  the 
trustees,  subscribers,  and  many  others.     In  the  centre  of 
the  stone  a  plate  was  deposited  bearing  a  Greek1  inscrip- 
tion,--^ the  King,  eternal,  immortal,  invisible,  the  ore 
wise  God.     The  recorded  names  of  the  trustees  will  serve 
to  indicate  the  character  of  the  founders  of  Unitarianism 
in   Baltimore:  Henry  Payson,  Ezekiel  Freeman,  Tobias 
VVatkms,    Nathaniel    Williams,    James    W.    McCulloh 
William  Child,  Charles  H.  Appleton,  John  W.  Poor,  and 
Isaac  Philips.     The  building  was  formally  dedicated  on 
the  29th  of  October,  1818,  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Freeman,  of 
Boston,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Column,  of  Hingham,  Massa- 
chusetts.   Dr.  Freeman,  the  original  pioneer  of  Unitarian 
Christianity  in  Baltimore,  preached  the  dedication  sermon 
and  supplied  the  pulpit  for  the  following  Sunday.     Mr. 
Colman  continued  to  supply  the  new  congregation  with 
preaching  for  about  a  mouth,  and  was  then  relieved  by  the 
Rev.  Henry  Ware,  of  Boston,  for  three  Sundays. 

«  T£  |*  Bacrtxr  rS,V  ^,  tyedprc,,,  iopdrc?,  ^,  ff0<p&  &€$.  This  is 
Greek  text,  as  recorded  by  Mr.  Sparks.  The  point  in  favor  of  Uni- 
tarianism is  the  use  of  a  comma  after  ^,  which  word  is  thought  by 
some  to  belong  to  rife  and  to  mean  the  only  wise  God 


132        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

The  following  bit  of  autobiography  is  taken  from  Mr. 
Sparks'  record  of  the  church :  "  I  received  an  invitation 
to  preach  as  a  candidate  in  the  First  Independent  Church, 
by  a  letter  from  the  Trustees,  dated  August  11, 1818. '  At 
this  time  I  was  tutor  [of]  Geometry,  Astronomy,  and  Nat- 
ural Philosophy  in  Harvard  University,  and  had  not  be- 
gun to  preach.  It  was  the  request  of  the  Trustees  that  I 
should  eome  on  with  the  gentlemen  to  the  dedication,  and 
begin  preaching  immediately  after.  I  could  not  comply 
with  this  request,  as  I  did  not  expect  to  begin  preaching 
till  nearly  the  time  appointed  for  the  dedication.  On  in- 
quiry of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Ware,  I  found  it  would  be  agreea- 
ble to  him  to  come  to  Baltimore  and  preach  a  few  Sundays 
after  the  dedication,  by  which  time  I  should  be  prepared 
to  comply  with  the  request  of  the  Trustees.  This  arrange- 
ment was  assented  to  by  the  Trustees,  and  I  did  not  arrive 
in  Baltimore  till  the  middle  of  December.  I  was  engaged 
to  preach  four  Sabbaths." 

SPARKS   IN   NEW   YORK   AND   PHILADELPHIA. 

Mr.  Sparks  left  Boston  for  the  South  soon  after  the 
middle  of  November,  1818.  J.  G.  Palfrey,  in  his  diary 
for  November  16,  notes  :  "  Sparks  was  with  me  in  the  even- 
ing to  take  leave  on  going  to  Baltimore."  Jared  Sparks' 
experiences  en  route  are  described  in  a  letter  to  Miss  S tor- 
row,  dated  Baltimore,  December  12,  1818 :  "I  will  begin 
my  letter  with  Philadelphia,  for  I  staid  but  one  day  in 
New  York,  and  if  I  had  staid  a  month  I  am  sure  I  should 
neither  have  seen  nor  done  anything  worth  relating  to  you. 
This  city,  with  all  its  greatness  and  splendor  and  noise, 
has  no  charms  for  me.  The  day  on  which  I  left  was  evac- 
uation day,  and  there  was  a  great  deal  more  parade  and 
confusion  than  usual.  I  was  glad  with  all  my  heart  to 
imitate  by  way  of  practice  an  event  which  the  New  York- 
ers were  celebrating  with  so  much  glee,  and  to  evacuate 


UNITARIAN   MINISTER   IN   BALTIMORE.         133 

the  city  with  all  possible  speed."  Sparks  afterwards 
showed  a  better  appreciation  of  New  York,  when  he  had 
learned  to  know  people  there,  and  had  found  social  as  well 
as  historical  interests  in  that  great  city.  The  American 
Nineveh  is  sometimes  bewildering  and  depressing  to  stran- 
gers who  visit  it.  The  following  is  a  graphic  account  of 
the  pleasant  and  cultivated  people  Sparks  met  in  the  city 
of  brotherly  love. 

"In  Philadelphia  I  found  nothing  but  friends  and 
friendly  attentions.  Mr.  Vaughan  seemed  to  know  the 
moment  of  my  arrival.  He  called  at  my  lodgings  very 
soon  after  I  had  taken  them,  and  as  I  happened  to  be  out, 
he  left  a  note  to  the  following  import :  '  You  will  dine  at 
Mr.  Astley's  to-day  at  half-past  two ;  in  the  evening  you 
will  go  with  me  to  a  meeting  of  the  Philosophical  Society 
at  their  hall ;  to-morrow  evening  at  7  o'clock  I  shall  ex- 
pect you  will  meet  the  Wistar  Society  at  my  lodgings.' 
As  this  was  Friday  morning,  you  see  my  time  was  very 
well  disposed  of  for  the  remainder  of  the  week.  I  called 
on  Mr.  V.  immediately  after  and  found  him  in  the  char- 
acter of  Portuguese  Consul.  In  addition  to  this  he  is 
merchant  agent  for  Dupont's  famous  powder  factory,  libra- 
rian and  the  most  active  member  of  the  Philosophical  So- 
ciety, cicerone  and,  friend  to  all  the  strangers  who  visit 
the  city,  occasional  preacher  in  the  Unitarian  Church  and 
parish  minister  to  all  the  poor  of  that  society,  .  .  .  recom- 
mender-general  of  all  schoolmasters,  inventors,  young  men 
just  entering  on  their  professions,  and  every  sort  of  per- 
sonage, whose  characters  are  good,  and  who  can  be  bene- 
fited by  his  aid.  In  short,  I  have  never  known  but  one 
man  who  seems  to  me  to  have  so  much  practical  goodness 
as  Mr.  Vaughan.  To  you  I  need  not  mention  the  name. 
I  know  not  when  I  have  been  more  pleased,  than  in  hear- 
ing what  Mr.  Taylor  said  to  me.  ■  After  I  returned  from 
Boston,'  said  he,  4 1  endeavored  to  give  my  friends  some 


134        UNITARIAN  MINISTER   IN  BALTIMORE. 

adequate  idea  of  Mr.  Higginson,  and  I  found  I  could  do 
it  in  no  stronger  terms  than  by  saying  he  was  the  Mr. 
Vaughan  of  Boston.' 

..."  Mr.  Vaughan,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  goodness, 
proposed  a  mathematical  breakfast  at  his  lodgings,  in  con- 
sequence, it  seems,  of  Mr.  H.  writing  him  that  there  was 
nothing  I  loved  so  dearly  as  mathematics,  and  that  he 
must  make  me  acquainted  with  all  gentlemen  who  are  this 
way  inclined.  We  met,  therefore,  at  7  o'clock,  two  hours 
before  anybody  else  was  up,  and  this  because  Mr.  V.  is 
always  engaged  at  9.  I  found  among  others  Prof.  Patter- 
son and  Mr.  Owen  Nulty,  the  Irish  prodigy,  whose  garret 
I  had  visited  the  day  before,  and  found  him  writing  a  com- 
mentary on  La  Place.  Dr.  Jones,"  the  chemist,  made  an- 
other of  the  party.  But  his  head  was  so  full  of  steam  en- 
gines, that  there  was  no  room  for  algebra  or  diagrams.  I 
had  already  the  night  before  had  the  pleasure  of  being  at 
tea  with  Mr.  Whitney,  a  Welsh  mathematical  instrument 
maker,  and  protege  of  Mr.  V.,  with  some  newly  contrived 
instruments  for  my  inspection.  Finally,  to  make  the  mat- 
ter short,  I  had  not  a  moment's  rest  the  whole  week.  I 
was  at  a  society,  or  at  a  dinner,  or  at  tea  every  day  and 
almost  every  hour.  But  I  was  almost  wholly  among  sci- 
entific men  and  artists,  and  I  attribute  this  to  Mr.  H.'s 
long  letter  to  Mr.  V.  setting  forth  my  love  of  these  sub- 
jects, not  recollecting,  perhaps,  that  it  has  been  cooling 
very  rapidly  since  my  new  avocations.  Although  I  did 
not  shine  so  much,  perhaps,  as  Mr.  H.  expected  I  should, 
yet  I  was  several  times  in  company  with  Le  Sueur,  the 
famous  French  artist,  who  went  round  the  world  with  Du 
Peron.  I  also  had  a  long  conversation  with  Mr.  Dupon- 
ceau,  who  studies  all  languages,  and  who  declares  the  In- 
dian to  be  the  most  copious  and  perfectly  formed  language 
which  has  ever  been  spoken,  as  he  shall  make  appear  in 
certain  books,  which  he  proposes  publishing  soon.     He 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE.         135 

has  a  dozen  Indian  grammars,  and  some  curious  manu- 
scripts, which  will  astonish  the  world.  I  also  fell  in  with 
Mr.  Say,  a  most  ardent  entomologist  and  conchologist, 
who  is  preparing  to  publish  a  work  on  these  subjects  in 
regard  to  this  country,  in  the  same  style  as  Wilson's 
Ornithology.  He  is  going  out  in  the  spring  with  the 
expedition  to  the  Northwest  coast.  .  .  . 

"  But  I  have  forgotten  to  tell  you  that  I  found  Mr. 
Ware  and  Mr.  Colman  both  in  Philadelphia.  I  dined 
with  Mr.  C.  at  Mr.  Astley's.  The  plan  at  first  was  that 
I  should  preach  in  the  morning  and  Mr.  C.  in  the  evening, 
Mr.  Ware  having  gone  to  Baltimore.  But  I  declined 
this,  as  I  knew  many  were  expecting  to  hear  Mr.  C,  and 
I  would  not  interfere.  They  would  not  make  any  other 
arrangement,  however,  except  on  condition  that  I  would 
remain  and  preach  the  next  Sabbath,  to  which  I  had  no 
particular  objection,  as  Mr.  C.  had  staid  [in  Baltimore] 
one  Sabbath  longer  than  he  at  first  expected,  and  there- 
fore I  had  one  week  more  than  I  anticipated.  I  preached 
in  the  morning  and  evening,  and  a  Mr.  Haslam  from  Eng- 
land in  the  afternoon.  The  house  was  well  filled  in  the 
morning  and  very  full  in  the  evening,  and  it  gave  me 
pleasure  to  see  present  several  gentlemen  who  did  not  be- 
long to  the  society,  but  whom  I  had  met  during  the  week. 
I  intended  to  write  a  sermon  during  the  week,  but  instead 
of  writing  a  new  one,  I  scarcely  had  time  to  look  at  an  old 
one,  or  to  think  what  I  should  preach  about  till  Sunday 
morning." 

SPARKS   IN    BALTIMORE. 

"  But  I  have  said  enough  about  Philadelphia ;  and  in 
regard  to  Baltimore,  I  have  not  been  here  long  enough  to 
know  much  about  it.  The  church  is,  in  truth,  a  superb 
building.  The  room  within  is  unquestionably  by  far  the 
most  beautiful  and  elegant  in  this  country.  I  have  never 
seen  anything  to  be  compared  with  it.     It  is  finished  with 


136        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE. 

great  simplicity,  without  any  gaudy  or  unnecessary  orna- 
ment. Yet,  after  all,  it  is  acknowledged  to  be  a  very  hard 
room  to  speak  in.  There  is  an  indistinctness  in  the  cen- 
tre arising  from  a  reverberation  of  sound.  From  what  I 
have  seen  of  the  people,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  plain  hos- 
pitality among  them,  and  I  find  them  apparently,  and  I 
believe  sincerely,  glad  to  see  me.  They  called  very  gen- 
erally as  soon  as  they  heard  I  was  in  town,  and  I  have  re- 
turned several  visits.  They  are  pleased  with  Mr.  C. 
[Colman],  but  I  have  no  reason  to  think  that  any  ar- 
rangement has  been  made  with  him. 

"  14th.  I  have  heard  Mr.  Ware  in  the  new  church  since 
writing  the  above,  and  1  have  had  an  opportunity  of  know- 
ing more  of  the  people.  My  impressions  become  more 
favorable  daily.  The  society  is,  or  will  be,  larger  than  I 
expected.  I  say  will  be,  for  there  has  not  as  yet  been  any 
regular  organization.  There  are  many  families  of  the  first 
respectability,  wealth,  and  intelligence ;  and  if  they  unite 
with  harmony,  as  I  have  no  doubt  they  will,  I  see  nothing 
to  prevent  a  man's  being  as  happy  here  as  anywhere,  be- 
sides being  in  a  situation  to  do  more  good  than  in  any 
other  place  in  this  country." 

A  good  insight  into  the  situation  in  Baltimore,  as  re- 
gards people  and  their  prospective  pastor,  both  of  whom 
were  feeling  their  way,  step  by  step,  is  given  in  the  follow- 
ing letter  to  Miss  Storrow,  January  15, 1819  :  "  The  term 
of  my  engagement  expired  last  Sunday,  and  as  the  society 
is  not  yet  organized,  the  Trustees  invited  me  by  a  unani- 
mous vote  to  remain  longer.  I  agreed  for  two 1  Sundays 
more.  As  far  as  I  can  learn,  I  have  given  quite  as  good 
satisfaction  as  I  could  expect.  My  speaking  has  been  se- 
verely criticised  and  found  fault  with,  but  my  sermons,  as 

1  In  his  Parish  Records,  Mr.  Sparks  says  :  "  After  completing  my 
first  engagement  of  four  Sabbaths,  I  agreed  on  invitation  to  continue 
three  Sabbaths  longer." 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER   IN   BALTIMORE.        137 

my  best  friends  tell'  me,  have  given  universal  satisfaction. 
I  preached  last  Sunday  from  the  text,  'Prove  all  things,' 
a  sermon  which  was  very  hastily  written,  but  which  seems 
to  have  taken  mightily.  .  .  . 

"  In  regard  to  the  ultimate  success  of  the  society  there 
cannot  be  the  least  doubt.  It  will  not  be  very  rapid  at 
first,  but  it  will  constantly  increase,  and  will  in  the  end 
(I  don't  mean  the  end  of  all  things,  but  before  long)  be 
large.  There  is  a  vast  deal  of  prejudice  and  ignorance 
here,  but  .there  is  less  than  there  has  been.  People  whose 
curiosity  is  so  ardent  as  to  drive  them  to  the  new  church, 
and  who  go  trembling  for  fear  they  shall  commit  the  un- 
pardonable sin,  go  away  astonished  that  they  have  not 
heard  anything  blasphemous  or  profane,  or  even  wicked, 
and  they  make  a  good  report.  Several  of  the  present  mem- 
bers of  the  society  are  of  the  very  first  respectability  in  the 
city.  .  .  .  Now  in  regard  to  my  settling  here,  I  cannot  say 
anything  definite.  I  am  confident  that  this  is  the  best 
opening  in  this  country  for  a  minister  —  yet  there  are  ob- 
jections. ...  I  should  have  written  before  but  I  have  two 
sermons  a  week  to  write.  It  is  now  Friday  night,  and  I 
have  just  finished  my  second  sermon  for  Sunday,  both  of 
which  I  have  written  since  Monday  noon.  But  it  is  too 
much,  it  would  ruin  my  health  in  a  short  time." 

UNANIMOUS   CALL. 

On  the  21st  of  January,  1819,  the  First  Independent 
Church  of  Baltimore,  through  a  committee  consisting  of 
C.  H.  Appleton  and  Nathaniel  Williams,  extended  a 
unanimous *  call  to  Mr.  Sparks  to  become  their  permanent 

1  The  news  reached  New  England  in  about  a  week's  time.  Pal- 
frey noted  in  his  diary,  February  1,  1819  :  "  Sparks  has  a  call." 
Sparks  wrote  to  his  friend  Briggs,  February  8,  1819  :  "  You  will 
doubtless  learn  before  you  receive  this,  that  I  have  had  a  call  and 
accepted  .  .  .  the  prospects  of  the  society  are  very  favorable  ,  .  . 


138        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

minister.  This  invitation  was  duly  accepted.  Mr.  Sparks 
read  his  answer  publicly  to  the  society  and  recorded  it  in 
the  parish  book.  "  From  this  time,"  he  said,  "  my  inter- 
ests and  my  happiness  are  identified  with  yours.  With 
you  I  am  to  pass  my  life." 

After  this  hearty  acceptance  of  his  call  to  a  Southern 
pulpit,  a  frontier  post  of  the  Unitarian  Church,  Mr. 
Sparks  continued  to  preach  until  the  15th  of  February, 
1819,  when  he  set  out  for  New  England.  His  principal 
object  was  to  make  arrangements  for  his  ordination.  He 
had  been  instructed  by  the  trustees  of  his  society  to  invite 
such  ministers  and  appoint  such  a  time  for  the  installation 
as  he  should  think  proper.  During  his  absence  from  Bal- 
timore, the  Rev.  Dr.  Kirkland,  President  of  Harvard  Uni- 
versity, preached  in  the  First  Independent  Church,  and  the 
pulpit  was  regularly  supplied  by  Mr.  Andrew  Bigelow,  of 
Medford,  Massachusetts. 

Meantime  Mr.  Sparks  made  all  necessary  preparations 
for  final  removal  to  Baltimore,  and  arranged  for  a  proper 
representation  of  the  Unitarian  churches  of  the  North  at 
the  approaching  ordination  of  the  first  Unitarian  minister 
in  Maryland.  His  old  friend,  Mr.  Channing,  who  had 
practically  decided  Sparks'  career  as  a  minister  in  the 
liberal  church,  promised  to  preach  the  ordination  sermon 
of  this  young  apostle,  who  had  been  called  over  the  South- 
ern border  to  help  the  faith  in  Maryland.  Upon  consul- 
tation with  Mr.  Channing  and  Mr.  Palfrey,1  it  was  deter- 
mined to  invite  the  following  Unitarian  clergymen,  with  a 

there  certainly  is  not  in  this  country  a  situation  in  which  so  much  may 
be  done,  according  to  present  appearances,  for  the  cause  of  liberal 
Christianity." 

1  Palfrey  notes  in  his  diary,  March,  1819  :  "  Tuesday  I  gave  a 
little  dinner  to  Sparks  on  his  return  "  (viz.,  to  Boston,  as  Palfrey  him- 
self explains  in  his  memoranda  extracted  from  his  own  journal  for 
Mrs.  Sparks).  Probably  at  this  ministerial  dinner-party  the  details 
of  the  coming  ordination  were  arranged. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE.         139 

delegation  from  their  respective  churches,  to  serve  on  the 
ordaining  council  in  Baltimore :  Rev.  Dr.  Ward,  church 
in  Harvard  University ;  Rev.  Mr.  Channing,  Federal 
Street,  Boston ;  Mr.  Ware,  Second  North  Church,  Bos- 
ton ;  Mr.  Lowell,  West  Church,  Boston ;  Mr.  Palfrey, 
Brattle  Square,  Boston ;  Dr.  Porter,  Roxbury ;  Dr. 
Thayer,  Lancaster ;  Mr.  Flint,  Bridgewater ;  Mr.  Parker, 
Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire ;  Mr.  Nichols,  Portland, 
Maine ;  Mr.  Edes,  Providence,  Rhode  Island.  These  gen- 
tlemen, with  the  exception  of  Messrs.  Lowell,  Flint,  and 
Ware,  of  Boston,  all  attended  the  ordination. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  1819,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  from 
Boston  to  Miss  Williams,  sister  of  Mr.  Amos  A.  Williams, 
of  Baltimore  :  "  Mr.  Channing  will  preach  and  write  a  ser- 
mon particularly  for  the  occasion.  We  may  calculate  on 
at  least  seven  ministers  attending  with  their  delegates,  and 
probably  more.  We  must  contrive  to  have  them  all  preach 
while  they  are  there ;  and  to  accomplish  this,  it  will  be 
necessary  for  some  of  them  to  go  on  to  be  there  one  or  two 
Sundays  before  the  ordination.  I  think  Mr.  Palfrey  will 
be  there  to  preach  the  second  Sabbath  before  ordination, 
and  perhaps  Dr.  Ware  the  Sabbath  before.  This,  how- 
ever, is  not  entirely  certain,  but  I  hope  to  bring  it  about. 
Mr.  Greenwood  is  going  South  after  the  ordination  and 
promises  to  preach  for  me  in  June,  so  you  will  have  an 
opportunity  in  the  course  of  two  or  three  months  of  hear- 
ing all  our  best  preachers  in  Baltimore." 

A  few  weeks  later,  April  13,  1819,  Mr.  Sparks  an- 
nounced to  Mr.  Amos  A.  Williams  the  completion  of  prep- 
arations in  Boston.  "  I  expect  to  start  next  Monday  with 
Mr.  Palfrey.  I  shall  be  detained  a  short  time  in  New 
York,  Princeton,  and  Philadelphia,  but  Mr.  Palfrey  will 
be  with  you  to  preach  the  second  Sunday  before  the  ordi- 
nation, and  I  shall  come  as  soon  after  as  possible,  proba- 
bly within  two  or  three  days.     I  have  had  no  little  diffi- 


140        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

culty  in  arranging  this  business  of  the  ordination.  While 
the  ministers  are  in  Baltimore,  we  really  shall  not  have 
time  to  hear  them  all  round  unless  they  preach  in  the 
evening.  I  hope,  also,  the  music  will  not  be  forgotten. 
The  music,  while  I  was  there,  was  extremely  fine.  I  have 
nowhere  heard  so  good,  and  I  am  very  desirous  that  it 
shall  not  fall  off  during  the  season  of  ordination.  .  .  .  Do 
not  cease  to  patronize  and  recommend  the  '  Christian  Dis- 
ciple.' It  is  exactly  the  kind  of  book  we  want ;  and  I  hope 
all  our  society  will  take  it.  All  our  first  ministers  here 
are  engaged  in  it,  and  intend  to  make  a  work  of  decided 
Unitarian  character  as  well  as  practical." 

Having  made  all  necessary  arrangements,  and  having 
settled  his  personal  affairs  at  the  North,  Sparks  now  bade 
good-by  to  his  numerous  friends  in  and  about  Cambridge. 
None  were  dearer  to  him  than  that  family  in  Bolton,  where 
for  many  years  he  had  been  more  truly  at  home  than  in 
any  other  place  in  the  world.  Almost  the  last  thing  he 
did  before  beginning  his  long  journey  southwards  was  to 
write  these  farewell  words,  April  20,  1819,  to  Miss  Stor- 
row  and  the  Higginson  family  circle  in  Bolton :  "  Al- 
though I  shall  start  to-morrow  morning  and  am  now  in  a 
great  hurry  and  bustle,  yet  I  cannot  leave  Boston  without 
devoting  a  few  of  the  last  moments  I  am  to  pass  here  to 
the  friends  I  have  left  in  Bolton.  ...  I  need  not  tell  you, 
that  I  do  not  go  away  with  a  light  heart.  ...  I  find  I 
have  stronger  ties  to  break  than  I  was  aware." 

THE   ORDINATION. 

On  the  5th  of  May,  1819,  at  a  season  of  the  year  when 
Baltimore  and  all  the  surrounding  country  are  most  beau- 
tiful, Jared  Sparks  was  ordained  minister  of  a  new  and  en- 
thusiastic religious  society,  assembled  in  their  new  church 
upon  the  corner  of  Charles  and  Franklin  streets.  Thither 
had  come  from  distant  New  England  the  most  eminent 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE.        141 

exponents  of  the  Unitarian  faith.  There  was  the  famous 
William  Ellery  Channing,  from  Boston,  who  was  to  preach 
on  "  Unitarian  Christianity,"  the  sermon  forever  memora- 
ble in  the  history  of  the  Unitarian  movement,  and  the  basis 
of  his  own  highest  fame  as  a  defender  of  the  liberal  faith. 
There  too  was  the  venerable  Dr.  Thayer,  from  Lancaster, 
Massachusetts,  who  had  first  taught  Sparks  the  new  the- 
ology. Professors  Ware  and  Norton,  from  Cambridge, 
were  also  present,  and  so  was  Palfrey,  Sparks'  best  friend 
at  Exeter  and  Harvard,  who  was  to  become  the  distin- 
guished historian  of  New  England.  On  this  occasion  he 
was  to  give  the  new  minister  the  right  hand  of  fellowship. 
There  were  many  other  visitors  from  the  North  in  that 
crowded  Baltimore  congregation,  which  represented  the 
beginnings  of  an  intellectual  movement1  in  the  religious 
life  of  a  Southern  city.  There  was  a  strong  New  England 
element  in  that  new  society,  which  embraced  many  fami- 
lies of  rare  culture  and  wide  religious  sympathy.  Some 
of  the  most  generous  and  public-spirited  people  of  Balti- 
more were  connected  with  that  First  Independent  Church. 
Afterwards,  men  who  were  to  be  most  helpful  in  the  up- 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  influence  of  what  the  Rev.  George 
W.  Burnap  called  "the  Pentecost  of  American  Unitarianism  "  was 
extended  from  Baltimore  to  New  York.  Mr.  Burnap,  in  his  dis- 
course entitled  "The  Position  of  Unitarianism  Denned,"  Baltimore, 
January  23,  1848,  said  :  "  This  visit  of  Mr.  Channing  to  Baltimore 
was  the  cause  of  a  religious  movement  in  another  city,  quite  as  im- 
portant as  this.  On  his  way  home  he  stopped  a  short  time  at  New 
York.  His  friends  attempted  to  procure  him  a  place  to  preach  on 
the  Sunday.  To  obtain  a  church  for  him  was  hopeless,  and  he  held 
services  in  a  private  house.  Those  services  gave  being  to  a  religious 
society,  which  has  since  expanded  into  two  of  the  most  beautiful  and 
well-attended  churches  in  the  city."  In  the  correspondence  of  Jared 
Sparks  with  the  Unitarian  clergymen  who  preached  in  New  York, 
Philadelphia,  Washington,  and  Charleston,  and  with  other  Unitarian 
frontiersmen  in  the  South  and  West,  we  can  follow  the  extension  of 
this  religious  movement  throughout  the  country. 


142        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

building  of  Baltimore's  greatest  institutions  —  the  Pea- 
body  Institute,  the  Pratt  Library,  and  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University  —  were  associated  with  this  Unitarian  Society. 

The  newly  settled  pastor  improved  his  opportunity  of 
sending  home  by  Dr.  Thayer,  May  7,  1819,  to  Miss  Stor- 
row  and  the  Higginsons  a  report  of  the  state  of  his  parish 
and  of  the  condition  of  the  parson  after  his  ordination  : 
u  The  ordination,  with  all  its  anxieties,  is  over,  and  I  am 
now  a  settled  minister  in  the  First  Independent  Church 
of  Baltimore.  I  have  never  had  a  more  powerful  trial  of 
my  feelings,  than  in  this  event.  Ten  thousand  associations 
have  been  rushing  on  my  mind.  I  shudder  .  .  .  almost 
at  the  thought  of  the  burden  I  have  taken  upon  me.  I 
have  more  to  do  than  you  are  aware.  '  I  have  indeed 
come  bound  in  the  spirit  to  this  city,  not  knowing  what 
shall  befall  me  here.'  But  '  this  was  the  place  of  my 
choice.'  So  it  was,  and  I  do  not  regret  it.  If  there  is 
much  to  be  borne,  I  can  bear  it ;  if  there  is  much  to  be 
done,  I  shall  not  be  idle.  The  cause  is  a  noble  one ;  God 
will  give  me  strength.  If  my  friends  have  confidence  in 
me,  why  should  I  distrust  myself?  The  world  does  not 
contain  a  more  generous  and  affectionate  people  than  those 
who  compose  this  society.  I  shall  soon  learn  to  be  happy 
among  them,  and  then  I  shall  be  contented.  If  this  soci- 
ety were  in  Boston,  I  do  not  hesitate  one  moment  to  say  it 
would  be  the  most  desirable  in  the  town.  It  is  not  in  Bos- 
ton, yet  it  is  in  a  great  and  flourishing  city,  and  one  which 
has  many  things  to  recommend  it.  In  some  points  of 
view,  a  minister's  situation  here  is  much  superior  to  any 
in  Boston.  The  sphere  of  his  influence  is  much  broader, 
and  he  has  the  means  of  doing  much  more  good.  Why, 
then,  should  I  not  be  contented  and  happy  ?  I  will  be. 
In  regard  to  Hollis  Street,  there  is  no  sort  of  comparison 
between  the  two  situations. 

"  It  is  a  novel  scene,  indeed,  to  see  so  many  New  Eng- 


UNITARIAN   MINISTER   IN  BALTIMORE.         143 

land  ministers  together  here  as  we  have  had  at  the  ordi- 
nation. Everything  has  been  done  with  great  order  and 
propriety.  Mr.  Churning  has  surpassed  himself.  -  His 
sermon  was  nearly  an  hour  and  a  half  long,  giving  a  full 
exposition  of  our  principles.  He  has  never  come  out  in 
so  bold  and  decided  terms,  not  even  against  Worcester. 
We  shall  print  the  sermon  as  soon  as  possible,  and  I  would 
give  a  quarter's  salary,  that  I  could  read  it  to  you  in  your 
parlor.  But  Mr.  H.  will  enjoy  it.  Dr.  Thayer  has  ac- 
quitted himself  well,  and  has  made  good  impressions  every- 
where. He  must  be  naturally  a  very  remarkable  man. 
Was  there  ever  an  instance  of  a  country  minister,  who  had 
been  twenty-six  years  settled,  retaining  so  much  polish  and 
so  many  adaptable  qualities  ?  Nobody  has  preached  with 
more  acceptance  than  Palfrey.  His  manner  is  liked  very 
much,  and  the  young  girls'  tongues  are  never  weary  with 
the  theme  of  his  preaching.  I  intend  he  shall  preach 
again.  A  large  party  have  gone  to  Washington,  among 
whom  are  Mrs.  Dr.  Channing  and  Miss  Gibbs." 

DR.    CHANNING'S    SERMON. 

Speaking  of  Sparks'  ordination  and  Dr.  Channing's 
famous  discourse,  Dr.  Ellis  says :  "  Dr.  Channing,  not  at 
that  time  so  widely  known,  preached  a  discourse  on  the 
occasion  which  did  more  than  any  other  production  of  his 
pen  to  extend  his  repute,  and  to  make  him  for  some  consid- 
erable time  afterwards  the  object  of  the  most  grateful  com- 
mendatory fame,  and  of  the  severest  religious  hostility 
from  the  parties  to  the  controversies  of  those  days.  The 
discourse  was  printed  and  reprinted,  extolled,  criticised, 
misrepresented,  and  subjected  to  review  by  able  and  un- 
sympathetic pens.  Its  earnest  but  passionless  and  candid 
advocacy  of  opinions  and  convictions  radically  antagonistic 
to  those  of  the  prevailing  creed  of  Christians  of  every 
other  sect  distinguished  it  from  the  mass  of  controversial 


144        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE. 

sermons.  It  has  been  affirmed 1  that  no  pamphlet,  with 
the  single  exception  of  a  political  publication,  had  ever  up 
to  that  time  been  so  extensively  circulated,  or  caused  so 
deep  a  sensation.  Its  title  was  4  Unitarian  Christianity.' 
The  occasion  of  its  delivery  brought  into  close  association 
for  curiosity  and  for  notoriety  the  names  of  Dr.  Channing 
and  Mr.  Sparks ;  the  latter  just  then  completing  his  thir- 
tieth year,  and  being  by  nine  years  the  junior  of  the  two. 
With  the  impulse  furnished  by  the  zeal,  the  curiosity,  and 
the  hostility  quickened  by  the  excitements  of  this  occasion, 
Mr.  Sparks  entered  upon  a  ministry  which,  though  it  was 
in  a  few  years  to  be  brought  to  a  close  by  the  failure  of  his 
health,  was  to  be  an  eminently  devoted  and  faithful  one, 
with  varied  labors  and  many  fruits,  some  of  them  perma- 
nent." 

It. will  richly  reward  a  student  of  American  religious 
history  to  review  for  himself  Dr.  Channing's  epoch-mak- 
ing sermon.2     It  was  from  the  text  "Prove  all    things, 

1  The  Rev.  George  W.  Burnap,  in  his  discourse  January  23,  1848, 
said  of  Mr.  Channing's  sermon  :  "  It  made  a  profound  impression. 
None  who  heard  it  will  ever  forget  that  day.  Its  publication,  which 
took  place  immediately  after,  was  followed  by  still  more  important 
results.  On  the  printed  page  it  appeared  no  less  striking,  original, 
powerful,  and  convincing  than  it  had  done  in  delivery.  It  spread  over 
the  country  with  wonderful  rapidity.  It  was  reprinted  and  circu- 
lated by  thousands,  and  no  pamphlet,  with  one  exception,  and  that  a 
political  publication,  ever  attracted  in  this  country  so  wide  and  uni- 
versal attention.  .  .  .  The  publication  of  the  discourse  of  Mr.  Chan- 
ning at  the  ordination  of  Mr.  Sparks  revealed  to  each  party  the 
ground  on  which  they  stood.  It  was  attacked  by  the  theological  pro- 
fessors at  Andover,  and  defended  by  those  of  Cambridge  ;  the  whole 
community  became  interested,  and  took  part  with  one  side  or  the 
other  of  the  disputants.  The  Orthodox  withdrew  from  ministerial 
intercourse  with  those  who  approved  the  theological  doctrines  of  that 
discourse,  and  thus  the  Unitarians  were  forced  to  assume  the  position 
of  a  distinct  religious  denomination." 

2  Printed  in  the  Works  of  William  E.  Channing,  D.  D.,  vol.  iii., 
pp.  59-103. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE.         145 

bold  fast  that  which  is  good,"  and  opens  with  a  plea  for  a 
more  enlightened  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures.     It  ad- 
vocates a  return  to  Christian  doctrines  of  divine  unity  and 
perfect  righteousness.     The  object  of  Christ's  mission  was 
declared  to  be  the  recovery  of  men  to  virtue,  or  holiness. 
The  nature  of  Christian  virtue  was  explained  from  the  hu- 
man side  :  "  We  believe  that  all  virtue  has  its  foundation 
in  the  moral  nature  of  man,  that  is,  in  conscience,  or  his 
sense  of  duty,  and  in  the  power  of  forming  his  temper  and 
life  according  to  conscience."     Channing  did  not  deny  the 
influence  of  "  God's  aid  or  Spirit ;  but  by  his  Spirit,  we 
mean  a  moral,  illuminating,  and  persuasive  influence,  not. 
physical,  not  compulsory,  not  involving  a  necessity  of  vir- 
tue."    He  objected  to  the  traditional  view  of  man's  moral 
impotence  and  worthlessness,  although  he  admitted  that 
without  God  "  our  noblest  sentiments,  admiration,  venera- 
tion, hope,  and  love,  would  wither  and  decay."     He  re- 
minded Mr.  Sparks  that   "good  practice  is  the  end  of 
preaching,"  and  advised  him  to  vindicate  his  religious  sen- 
timents by  showing,  both  in  his  preaching  and  life,  "  their 
intimate   connection  with  Christian  morals,  with  a  high 
and  delicate  sense  of  duty,  with  candor  towards  your  op- 
posers,  with  inflexible   integrity,  and   with    an   habitual 
reverence  for  God." 

OLD   FAITHS   IN   NEW   LIGHT. 

By  a  singular  chance,  the  present  writer  heard  a  Trini- 
tarian address  upon  St.  Athanasius,  given  to  the  Young 
Men's  Christian  Association  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity the  very  next  day  after  reading  Dr.  Channing's 
famous  sermon  upon  "Unitarian  Christianity."  It  was 
interesting  to  have  thus  sharply  re-stated,  after  a  period  of 
seventy,  nay  of  over  fifteen  hundred,  years,  the  greatest 
theological  question  l  that  has  ever  divided  the  Christian 

1  A  suggestive  but  somewhat  polemical  review  of  this  question  may 


146        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE. 

Church.  The  relation  of  Christ  to  the  Father  was  urged 
by  Channing  in  much  the  same  way  as  by  the  Arian  party, 
who  defended  the  idea  of  Christ  as  of  like  substance  (6yuoi- 
ouo-toq)  with  the  Father,  instead  of  the  same  substance 
(o/xooucrtos),  which  was  the  idea  of  Athanasius,  who  held  it 
triumphantly  against  the  world. 

After  all  the  modern  controversies  over  the  nature  of 
Christ,  it  is  impossible  for  an  historical  student  not  to  dis- 
cover a  possible  reconciliation  of  Unitarian  with  Trinita- 
rian ideas  in  the  recent  revival  of  Alexandrine  theology 
and  of  the  Greek  idea  of  God  immanent1  in  humanity 
and  apparent  in  Christ.  Channing  had  "  a  faith  in  the 
immanence  of  God  in  man." 2  The  identification  of  this 
divinely  human  idea  of  the  indwelling  God  with  the  grand 
old  Hebrew  faith  in  "  the  living  God,"  whose  essence  is 
practical  and  eternal  righteousness,  infinite  justice,  love, 
and  mercy,  will  perhaps  some  day  afford  a  theological 
platform  upon  which  Jews  and  Gentiles,  Unitarians  and 
Trinitarians,  can  stand  and  work  together.  Unitarian 
Christianity,  like  its  historic  parent,  Judaism,  has  accom- 
plished immeasurable  good  for  the  world  by  emphasizing 
the  fundamental  and  kindred  ideas  of  monotheism  in  faith 
and  of  righteousness  in  life.  When  these  ideas  are  more 
fully  harmonized  with  modern  practical  Christianity,  the 
world  will  have  a  more  vital  and  better  working  creed 
than  that  which  Augustinian  theology  has  yoked  upon 
Christendom. 

be  found  in  "  The  Arian  Controversy,"  one  of  the  "  Epochs  of  Church 
History,"  edited  by  Professor  Mandell  Creighton.  The  continuation 
of  Greek  philosophy  may  be  seen  in  Arianism  and  Unitarianism. 

1  See  Professor  Alexander  V.  S.  Allen's  remarkable  book  on  "  The 
Continuity  of  Christian  Thought." 

2  O.  B.  Frothingham,  "  Boston  Unitarianism,"  250. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER   IN  BALTIMORE.         147 

GOOD   PREACHING   IN   BALTIMORE. 

For  several  days  following  Mr.  Sparks'  ordination, 
"the  Pentecost  of  American  Unitarianism,"  the  visiting 
pastors  from  New  England  gave  Baltimoreans  a  succession 
of  Unitarian  sermons.  The  parish  records  mention  the 
preachers :  "  Friday,  May  7th.  Mr.  Palfrey  preached  in 
the  evening  by  candle  light.  May  9th.  Mr.  Nichols 
preached  in  the  morning ;  Dr.  Porter  in  the  afternoon  ; 
Mr.  Parker  in  the  evening  by  candle  light.  Wednesday, 
May  12th.  Mr.  Edes  preached  in  the  evening  by  candle 
light."  In  one  week  from  the  date  of  Mr.  Channing's 
great  sermon,  there  was  an  amount  of  good  preaching 
in  Baltimore  that  was  probably  not  surpassed  during  the 
voyage  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  across  the  Atlantic.  On 
Wednesday,  the  19th  of  May,  1819,  Mr.  Sparks 1  preached 
for  the  first  time  as  the  settled  pastor  of  the  Unitarian 
Church  in  Baltimore.  In  the  morning,  he  spoke  of  the 
duties  of  a  minister,  and  in  the  evening,  of  the  duties  of 
a  Christian  society.  From  this  time  forward  for  three 
years,  interrupted  only  by  summer  vacations  and  an  occa- 
sional outing,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  steady  and  monot- 
onous task  of  sermon  writing,  to  preaching,  pastoral  visi- 
tation, and  the  literary  defense  of  the  Unitarian  faith. 
The  burden  of  composing  two  sermons  a  week  soon  began 
to  weigh  heavily  upon  the  inexperienced  young  pastor,  who 
had  no  stock  of  discourses  on  hand.  On  the  6th  of  June, 
Mr.  Greenwood  preached  for  Mr.  Sparks,  much  to  the 
latter' s  relief.     That  day  he  wrote  to  Miss  Storrow : 

"  I  already  feel  it  a  luxury  to  have  a  Sabbath  of  rest, 
or  rather  a  week  of  comparative  leisure ;  for  say  what  you 

1  Dr.  W.  E.  Channing  wrote  an  encouraging  note  to  the  young  pas- 
tor, June  12,  1819  :  "  I  have  heard  with  much  pleasure  of  the  great 
acceptableness  of  your  first  sermon.  It  will  always  gratify  me  to 
hear  of  the  concerns  of  your  society." 


148        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

will  about  the  pleasure  of  doing  good,  and  the  benefit  of 
occupation,  the  sober  reality  of  writing  two  sermons  a 
week,  one  week  after  another,  is  something  of  a  serious 
affair.  It  will  do  well  enough  once  in  a  while  to  talk 
about,  but  to  drive  the  quill  a  certain  prescribed  distance 
every  day  of  a  man's  life,  or  to  go  every  day  about  the 
task  of  unraveling  his  crude  notions  of  things  in  general 
and  selecting  a  certain  number,  which  may  be  combined 
into  something  like  symmetry  and  form, — that  is  no  tri- 
fling business.  Yet  it  is  one  which  I  am  very  happy  in 
performing  according  to  my  ability.  I  have  a  maxim, 
which  I  find  very  comforting  and  useful  to  me ;  which  is 
to  do  what  I  can,  and  do  it  as  well  as  I  can,  and  give  my- 
self no  further  trouble  about  it.  In  this  way,  you  see,  I 
settle  accounts  as  I  go  along  ;  and  this  is  the  only  way,  I 
believe,  in  which  one  can  expect  to  be  happy.  All  things 
in  regard  to  the  spiritual  concerns  of  our  society  are  going 
on  better  than  I  had  reason  to  expect.  A  strong  spirit  of 
inquiry  is  rapidly  making  its  way  among  the  people  here, 
and  prejudice  is  certainly  sinking  by  degrees.  There  are 
many,  however,  who  still  would  think  it  an  unpardonable 
sin  to  enter  the  vestibule  of  our  church,  even  on  a  week 
day ;  many  who  will  not  venture  to  read  our  books,  and 
who  cannot  possibly  conceive  that  a  Unitarian  can  be  a 
Christian.  But  these  things  must  needs  be.  Mr.  Chan- 
ning's  sermon  has  been  read  much,  and  produces  a  strong 
impression.  The  first  edition  was  disposed  of  immediately. 
The  second  is  in  press." 1 

1  John  G.  Palfrey  wrote  to  Jared  Sparks  from  Boston,  June  29, 
1819 :  "  Mr.  Channing's  sermon  circulates  finely.  It  is  proving,  I 
trust,  a  weapon  mighty  to  the  pulling  down  of  strongholds.  We  hear 
there  is  an  answer  already  published  in  Baltimore.  I  trust  you  will 
let  me  have  it  as  soon  as  it  is  out." 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE.         149 


UNITARIAN   PROPAGANDA. 

Mr.  Sparks  mentions  the  fact  that,  at  this  time,  he  and 
his  society  were  printing  Eddy's  "  Reasons  "  and  Palfrey's 
"  Review  "  in  a  separate  pamphlet.  Evidently  a  diligent 
propaganda  of  the  new  faith  was  being  inaugurated.  The 
Unitarian  organ  of  that  period,  "  The  Christian  Disciple," 
was  widely  circulated  and  talked  about  in  Baltimore.  The 
Bishop  of  the  Episcopal  Church  and  his  clergy  became 
alarmed,  and  issued  a  prospectus  for  a  rival  periodical. 
Open  letters  were  written  to  Mr.  Channing  from  Balti- 
more in  answer  to  his  sermon.  The  newspapers  began  to 
blaze  with  religious  controversy.  Mr.  Sparks  looked  qui- 
etly on  and  said  :  "  This  is  all  in  our  favor.  The  great 
thing  is  to  make  the  people  read.  Let  us  be  tenrperate, 
but  let  us  be  independent,  bold,  and  decided." 

In  the  midst  of  this  public  controversy,  it  is  interesting 
to  see  Mr.  Sparks  engaged  in  more  or  less  private  and 
social  propaganda  in  the  interest  of  his  cause.  "  I  must 
not  forget  to  tell  you,  that  I  have  become  acquainted  with 
...  a  fair  damsel  of  the  Catholic  faith,  shrewd,  intelli- 
gent, and  handsome ;  who  confesses  all  the  sins  she  can 
recollect  and  believes  they  are  pardoned  by  her  confessor ; 
who  thinks  no  priest  is  fitted  for  his  vocation  or  can  possi- 
bly be  an  honest  one,  unless  he  has  taken  the  vow  of  celi- 
bacy and  seclusion,  yet  she  goes  to  hear  me  preach,  and 
when  we  meet  we  hold  some  rapid  talks  and  sometimes 
long  talks  on  religion  (for  like  some  other  ladies,  '  her 
tongue  moveth  nimbly  and  tireth  not '),  yet  we  always  part 
on  good  terms,  and  she  only  regrets  that  she  has  so  much 
more  to  confess  by  going  to  hear  a  Unitarian  preach  and 
even  talking  with  him  afterwards.  ...  I  go  into  the 
country  often,  and  at  this  season  it  is  extremely  pleasant 
in  the  vicinity  of  Baltimore.  It  is  not  so  well  cultivated 
as  around  Boston,  but  the  scenery  is  more  romantic,  the 


150        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

foliage  is  more  luxuriant,  and  you  feel  more  as  if  you  were 
in  the  country." 

The  joys  of  springtime  soon  gave  place  to  summer  heat, 
and  Mr.  Sparks  began  to  take  a  less  roseate  view  of  his 
southern  situation.  On  the  30th  of  July,  1819,  he  wrote 
to  his  classmate,  the  Reverend  Charles  Briggs,  then  set- 
tled in  the  ministry  at  Lexington,  Massachusetts :  "  The 
first  thing  I  shall  say  is,  that  it  is  very  hot  here.  I  feel 
it  this  moment  to  my  fingers'  ends.  Then  again,  I  have 
two  sermons  a  week  to  write  constantly,  hot  or  cold,  wet 
or  dry.  I  have  done  this  so  far  without  failing  once.  But 
there  is  not  much  comfort  in  it,  after  all.  But  there  is 
nothing  like  habit,  and  being  obliged  to  do  a  thing.  I 
find  it  less  fatiguing  than  at  first ;  and  I  dare  say  I  shall 
take  it' by  and  by  as  a  matter  of  course,  without  feeling  it 
much.  I  have  had  an  invitation  to  go  on  a  missionary  ex- 
pedition to  the  interior  of  the  State,  and  preach  at  Fred- 
ericktown,  a  very  beautiful  and  flourishing  village.  But 
there  is  no  possibility  of  supplying  my  pulpit,  and  I  must 
remain  at  home." 

In  August,  1819,  Mr.  Sparks  was  persuaded  by  his 
friends  to  leave  the  city,  which  was  suffering  the  hottest 
season  since  1800,  and  to  take  a  vacation  of  five  weeks. 
His  health  had  already  begun  to  suffer  from  overwork  in 
his  new  and  trying  position.  He  confessed  to  some  of  his 
Northern  friends  that  he  feared  he  had  undertaken  too 
great  a  task.  "  While  my  health  is  good,  I  shall  not  be 
discouraged,  but  it  will  fail,  I  am  almost  sure  it  will.  I 
will  do  all  I  can."  Fortunately,  his  vacation  journey 
brought  him  fresh  vigor. 

SUMMER   TOUR   TO   THE   SPRINGS. 

In  his  private  journal  of  this  "  Summer  Tour  to  the 
Springs,  1819,"  Mr.  Sparks  gives  a  picturesque  account 
of  his  experiences  en  route  from  Baltimore  westward,  up 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE.         151 

the  Potomac  valley,  in  days  before  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railroad  had  been  constructed.  He  left  in  the  stage- 
coach for  Fredericktown  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
in  the  company  of  "  Dutchmen  "  smoking  their  pipes.  He 
noticed  along  the  roadside  houses  built  on  wheels  for  the 
workmen  repairing  the  road,  so  that  they  could  easily 
move  from  place  to  place.  He  found  Ellicott's  Mills  an 
interesting  place,  as  does  every  modern  excursionist  from 
Baltimore.  With  beautiful  scenery,  iron  works,  factories, 
flouring -mills,  oil  mills,  and  neat  buildings  of  solid  stone, 
Ellicott's  Mills  impressed  Sparks  as  possessing  "  greater 
marks  of  industry  than  is  usually  found  in  Maryland." 
Passing  Carrollton,  he  noted  that  it  was  no  town  at  all 
except  Charles  Carroll's  plantation,  on  which  there  were 
nearly  one  thousand  slaves,  and  which  produced  twenty 
thousand  bushels  of  wheat.  Attached  to  Charles  Carroll's 
house  was  a  small  Roman  Catholic  chapel.  "  He  is  now 
very  old,"  Mr.  Sparks  writes,  "  but  still  active."  1 

At  Frederick,  Mr.  Sparks  spent  one  day  reading  "  Jef- 
ferson's Notes  on  Virginia  "  and  rambling  about  the  town. 
Our  traveler  seems  to  have  been  inspired  by  Jefferson's 
description  of  the  view  at  Harper's  Ferry  to  ascend  the 
hill  between  the  forks  of  the  river,  and  to  behold  the  land- 
scape from  the  same  vantage-ground  that  Jefferson  occu- 
pied. Several  pages  of  Mr.  Sparks'  journal  are  devoted 
to  this  interesting  region  where  the  Shenandoah  unites 
with  the  Potomac ;  but  his  briefer  account  to  Miss  Stor- 
row  is  preferable  for  quotation  in  this  connection.  He 
says  :  "  The  scenery  is  incomparably  the  grandest,  wildest, 
and  most  beautiful  view  I  have  ever  seen.     You  stand  on 

1  A  few  years  later,  Charles  Carroll,  of  Carrollton,  laid  the  first 
foundation  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad.  The  first  section 
opened  to  travel,  1830,  was  from  Baltimore  to  Ellicott's  Mills,  distance 
fourteen  miles.  See  "  History  and  Description  of  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railroad,"  by  a  Citizen  of  Baltimore,  1853,  p.  20. 


152        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

a  hill  with  the  Shenandoah  at  your  right  and  the  Potomac 
at  your  left  —  these  rivers  unite  before  you,  and  burst 
through  the  mountain  between  stupendous  cliffs,  and 
crags,  and  precipices,  rudely  and  majestically  thrown  to- 
gether, for  the  space  of  three  miles.  The  same  wild  scenery 
continues  up  the  Shenandoah  as  far  as  you  can  see,  and 
the  prospect  is  finally  terminated  by  the  south  mountains, 
sixty  miles  distant.  Up  the  Potomac  the  shores  are 
scarcely  less  bold  or  wild,  and  in  this  direction  the  eye 
rests  on  the  north  mountains,  forty  miles  distant.  You 
have  a  union  here  of  everything  grand  and  almost  every- 
thing beautiful  in  nature.  Mr.  Jefferson's  description  has 
been  censured,  but  is  far  below  the  reality." 

Returning  to  Frederick,  Mr.  Sparks  proceeded  by  way 
of  Hagerstown  and  Hancock  to  Berkeley  Springs.  He 
found  the  place  at  that  time  rather  dilapidated  and  dull. 
However,  Bos  well's  Johnson  and  the  u  Quarterly  Review  " 
entertained  our  traveler,  who  returned  the  next  day  to 
Hancock  in  the  same  hired  wagon  by  which  he  had  come 
to  the  Springs,  and  took  the  first  stage  for  Cumberland. 
In  his  journal  he  notes  that  the  road  over  the  mountains 
for  forty  miles  was  inconceivably  bad,  and  that  the  houses 
were  five  or  ten  miles  apart.  Along  this  old  route  he  ob- 
serves a  very  fine  turnpike  in  process  of  construction  at 
the  expense  of  the  banks  of  Baltimore,  and  costing  f  10,000 
a  mile.  There  was  evidently  need  of  improvement  along 
that  line  of  travel  then  as  now,  for  Sparks  says  a  voyage 
around  the  world  would  be  nothing  compared  with  that 
mountain  trip  of  forty  miles  in  a  stage-coach.  He  reached 
Cumberland  at  midnight.  He  describes  Cumberland  as 
a  flourishing  little  place.  "  The  United  States  road  "  from 
Wheeling  terminated  there,  and  Sparks  thought  that  if 
navigation  down  the  Potomac  could  be  improved,  Cum- 
berland, with  its  bank,  newspaper,  paved  street,  and  chain 
bridge,  might  become  an  important  place. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER   IN   BALTIMORE.         153 

From  Cumberland  he  proceeded  up  the  valley  to  Bed- 
ford Springs,  where  he  tarried  for  about  a  week,  drinking 
the  waters,  which  had  a  very  beneficial  effect  upon  his 
health.  He  found  his  appetite  increasing  and  his  spirits 
growing  once  more  buoyant.  From  Bedford  he  went  to 
York  Springs,  thence  to  Chambersburg  aud  Gettysburg, 
to  York,  Lancaster,  and  Philadelphia.  He  notes  in  his 
journal  the  fine  turnpike  leading  from  Gettysburg  to  York, 
making  a  through  route  from  Pittsburg  to  Philadelphia. 
He  observes :  "  This  will  have  a  tendency  to  draw  away 
some  of  the  travel  from  Baltimore  to  Philadelphia.  From 
Pittsburg  to  Chambersburg  is  but  one  road ;  here  it 
branches,  one  through  Carlisle  and  Harrisburg,  the  other 
through  Gettysburg,  York,  and  Lancaster.  Nothing  is 
more  for  the  interest  of  Baltimore  than  to  improve  the 
roads  which  lead  to  it  from  the  west."  This  sound  no- 
tion of  public  policy  Baltimore  banks  were  already  begin- 
ning to  appreciate,  and  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad 
is  an  ever  strengthened  assertion  of  the  old  idea. 

At  Philadelphia,  he  renewed  his  acquaintance  with  many 
friends,  —  Mr.  Yaughan,  Mr.  Taylor,  Mr.  Duponceau,  and 
others.  He  met  at  tea  Jefferson's  old  friend  the  Abbe 
Correa,1  Portuguese  minister  to  this  country,  who  was  a 
famous  conversationalist  and  a  man  of  high  scientific 
attainments,  especially  in  botany.  On  the  2d  of  Septem- 
ber, 1819,  Mr.  Sparks  notes  that  by  proclamation  of  the 
Philadelphia  Board  of  Health,  no  person  was  allowed  to 
enter  that  city  from  Baltimore,  where  yellow  fever  had 
broken  out.  Before  his  return  home,  our  traveler  spent  a 
few  days  at  the  York  Springs.  On  the  10th  of  Septem- 
ber, he  arrived  in  Baltimore  by  way  of  the  stage-route 
from  Gettysburg,  having  been  absent  five  weeks  and  one 
day.     His  cash  account  shows  that  the  total  expense  of  his 

1  See  W.  P.  Trent's  "  English  Culture  in  Virginia,"  Johns  Hop- 
kins University  Studies,  vol.  iii. 


154        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE. 

five  weeks'  trip,  in  which  he  traveled  by  coach  and  wagon 
about  five  hundred  miles,  was  one  hundred  and  forty  dol- 
lars. * 

During  Mr.  Sparks'  absence,  there  had  been  some  cases 
of  yellow  fever  in  the  lower  part  of  the  town,  at  Fell's 
Point.  The  proximity  of  this  disease  excited  such  alarm 
in  the  city  proper  that  a  day  of  general  fasting  and  prayer 
was  appointed  by  the  mayor  for  the  23d  of  September, 
1819.  Mr.  Sparks  notes  the  fact  that  one  clergyman  on 
that  solemn  occasion  publicly  ascribed  the  pestilence  to 
the  wrath  of  God  against  Baltimore  for  allowing  a  "  Syn- 
agogue of  Satan  "  to  be  erected  within  its  borders.  Such 
fanaticism  served  only  to  strengthen  the  cause  of  enlight- 
ened religious  faith,  while  the  city  authorities  grappled 
successfully  with  the  disease  at  Fell's  Point. 

MR.    SAMUEL   GILMAN. 

Early  in  September,  1819,  Mr.  Sparks  received  the  fol- 
lowing letter  from  the  Rev.  Samuel  Gilman,1  who  wrote 
from  Cambridge  August  30,  1819:  "It  is  not  improbable 
that  you  may  have  heard  of  my  invitation  and  acceptance 
at  a  congregation  in  Charleston,  S.  C.  I  am  now  on  a 
visit  here,  for  the  purpose  of  finally  pulling  up  my  stakes, 
and  making  preparations  for  my  ordination.  I  receive 
considerable  encouragement  from  clergymen  here  with 
respect  to  their  going  on  and  officiating  at  my  ordination 
in  the  church  at  Charleston.  It  is  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance that  the  congregation  there  should  witness  a  cere- 
mony of  the  kind,  more  so,  I  think,  than  it  was  in  Balti- 
more, as  they  are  further  removed  from  the  centre  of 
liberal  Christianity,  and  on  account  of  other  circumstances, 
incident  to  the  peculiar  state  of  the  parish.  Mr.  Lowell 
gives  me  encouragement  to  expect  his  going  on,  and  I  have 

1  There  is  a  biographical  sketch  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Gilman  in  the 
"  Monthly  Religious  Magazine."     See,  also,  Appleton's  Cyclopaedia. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER   IN   BALTIMORE.         155 

strong  hopes  of  the  President,  Dr.  Holmes,  Mr.  Pierce, 
and  Dr.  Harris.  Yet  I  cannot  possibly  do  without  you. 
I  beg  you  to  consent  to  come  and  give  me  the  right  hand 
of  fellowship.  Everything  renders  such  a  kindness  from 
you  peculiarly  appropriate.  The  ordination  will  take 
place  somewhere  in  November,  when  all  danger  of  sickness 
shall  have  passed  away.  The  short  distance  from  Balti- 
more to  Charleston,  either  by  sea  or  land,  will  render  it 
peculiarly  convenient  for  you  to  go.  I  think  you  need  be 
absent  but  one  Sunday,  out  of  these  profane  weeks.  I 
beseech  you,  dear  sir,  to  think  of  the  importance  of  the 
cause,  and  my  great  need,  and  the  alacrity  of  the  New 
England  ministers  to  go  to  your  ordination,  and  do  not 
let  a  trivia]  sacrifice  prevent  you.  The  officers  of  my 
church  expressed  much  satisfaction  when  I  mentioned  your 
name,  and  the  hospitality  of  the  city  I  freely  tender  you 
Pray  write  me  soon,  and  accept." 

Mr.  Oilman  began  to  preach  in  Charleston,  S.  C,  as 
early  as  May,  1819,  for  M.  L.  Hurlbut  wrote  to  Mr. 
Sparks,  June  8,  1819:  "Mr.  Gilman  has  been  with  us 
two  weeks.  The  impression  he  has  made  is  certainly  a 
very  favorable  one  thus  far,  and  I  think  there  is  little 
doubt  we  shall  invite  him  to  stay  with  us.  Whether  we 
shall  be  able  to  offer  him  sufficient  inducements  to  do  so, 
I  cannot  tell.     I  trust  we  may." 

SOUTHERN   TOUR. 

On  the  12th  of  November,  1819,  Mr.  Sparks  set  out 
upon  his  first  Southern  journey,  to  attend  the  ordination 
of  his  friend  Gilman  as  a  Unitarian  minister  in  Charles- 
ton, South  Carolina,  and  to  give  him  the  right  hand  of 
fellowship.  Mr.  Sparks  regarded  this  trip  as  a  kind  of 
missionary  journey.  Both  coming  and  going  he  embraced 
the  opportunity  of  preaching  by  invitation  on  liberal 
Christianity  in  the  state-house  at  Raleigh  before  the  gov- 


156        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

ernor  and  the  legislature.  The  following  journal,  kept  by 
Mr.  Sparks  on  this  journey  through  the  Southern  States, 
has  a  positive  historical  value,  as  illustrating  not  only  the 
progress  of  the  Unitarian  movement  southward,  but  also 
the  modes  of  travel  and  the  hospitable  character  of  South- 
ern people. 

He  left  Baltimore  on  the  morning  of  November  19, 
1819,  "  at  9  o'clock  in  the  stage  for  Washington,  arrived 
at  5  in  the  evening."  This  journey,  then  requiring  eight 
hours,  is  now  made  in  forty-five  minutes.  u  November  13th. 
All  day  in  Washington.  Spent  the  morning  in  visiting 
the  capitol.  .  .  .  Called  on  my  old  friend  Tayloe,1  who  is 
just  returned  from  Europe.  He  has  seen  many  of  my 
friends  there,  and  I  passed  an  hour  with  him  in  the  most 
agreeable  conversation.  1  was  with  him  two  years  at  the 
academy  [Exeter]  and  four  at  the  university.  Passed 
the  evening  with  Mr.  Little,2  who  has  just  established 
himself  in  Washington.  Gained  much  information  from 
him  in  regard  to  the  political  and  religious  state  of  Eng- 
land. November  14.  Started  at  5  in  the  morning  in  the 
steamboat,  passed  Mount  Vernon,  and  arrived  in  Potomac 
Creek  at  3  o'clock.  Dined.  Bacon  and  cabbage.  In 
the  stage  to  Fredericksburgh,  through  seven  gates.  Went 
to  church  in  the  evening  and  heard  a  preacher,  who  made 
a  tolerable  discourse  but  drawled  his  words  to  an  inordi- 
nate length.  November  15.  This  day  in  the  stage  to 
Richmond.  Breakfast  at  Bowling  Green,  22  miles  from 
Fredericksburgh.  From  Fredericksburgh  to  Richmond, 
66  miles.  From  Washington  to  Richmond,  121  miles. 
November  16.  To  Petersburgh,  25  miles  from  Richmond. 
Passed  through  an  old  decayed  village,  called  Osborn's,  on 

1  W.  H.  Tayloe  of  Richmond,  afterward  a  planter  at  Mt.  Airy, 
Richmond  County,  Virginia. 

2  Mr.  Little  afterwards  became  the  first  Unitarian  minister  in 
Washington,  D.  C. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE.        157 

the  river,  15  miles  below  Richmond,  where  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son was  born.  The  house  in  which  he  was  born  is  now 
standing  near  the  banks  of  the  river.  Walked  over  Pe- 
tersburgh  in  the  afternoon,  pleasant  village,  tobacco  ware- 
houses, &c.  Schooners  and  sloops  in  the  river,  loading 
with  cotton,  tobacco,  and  flour.  November  17.  Rode  all 
day  and  all  night.  Supped  at  Warrenton  in  N.  C,  83 
miles  from  Petersburgh,  and  235  miles  from  Washington. 
November  18.  Breakfast  near  Lewisburgh  and  arrived 
at  Raleigh  12  o'clock.  Raleigh  is  57  miles  from  Warren- 
ton, 284  from  Washington.  Called  on  Mr.  Forster 1  and 
found  him  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Joseph  Gales,  extremely 
low  and  feeble,  yet  tranquil,  cheerful,  and  resigned.  Mr. 
Gales  was  from  home,  but  Mr.  Peck  called  in  the  evening, 
and  it  was  agreed  I  should  remain  and  preach  the  next 
evening,  if  permission  could  be  obtained  to  preach  in  the 
state-house.  As  the  Legislature  was  in  session,  no  doubt, 
it  was  said,  could  be  entertained,  that  permission  would  be 
granted.  The  Speaker  was  applied  to,  who  cheerfully 
gave  his  consent,  but  said  it  would  be  necessary  to  propose 
it  to  the  House  the  next  morning.  This  was  done,  and 
permission  was  obtained  without  a  dissenting  voice,  Fri- 
day 19th. 

u  I  entered  the  hall  at  early  candle  light,  and  as  soon  as 
I  was  seated  in  the  Speaker's  chair  found  the  house  full 
to  overflowing.  There  was  an  almost  universal  attend- 
ance of  the  members  of  the  Senate  and  House  and  as 
many  other  persons  as  could  get  into  the  room.  I  never 
preached  to  a  more  attentive  audience.  I  was  not  pre- 
pared to  find  so  much  liberality  of  feeling  among  a  people 
who  have  known  nothing  of  the  Unitarian  principles,  ex- 
cept from  the  misrepresentations  of  persons  who  have  been 

1  Rev.  Anthony  Forster  was  the  immediate  predecessor  of  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Gilman  as  pastor  of  the  Second  Independent  Church  in 
Charleston.     A  short  sketch  of  Mr.  Forster  will  be  given  later. 


158        UNITARIAN   MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

industrious  to  hold  them  up  in  as  odious  a  light  as  possi- 
ble. The  notice  of  preaching  was  very  short,  and  the 
engines  of  orthodoxy  were  immediately  set  at  work  to 
prevent  a  general  attendance,  and  yet  a  crowded  audience 
collected.  I  have  engaged  to  preach  on  my  return,  if  it 
can  be  in  any  way  consistent  with  my  engagements.  I 
have  been  treated  with  the  utmost  kindness  by  Mr.  Gales 
and  family  and  Mr.  Peck.  Saturday,  20th.  Wrote  to 
Mr.  Higginson  and  Mr.  A.  A.  Williams,  took  leave  of  my 
friends,  and  started  for  Fayette ville  at  one  o'clock  P.  M., 
six  miles  from  Raleigh.  Whole  expenses  from  Baltimore 
to  Raleigh,  153.06.  Sunday,  21st.  All  day  in  Fayette- 
ville.  At  meeting,  morning  and  evening.  Heard  Mr. 
Snodgrass  in  the  morning,  Mr.  Boies  of  Wilmington  in 
the  evening.  Fayetteville  at  present  is  the  most  flourish- 
ing place  in  the  State,  though  by  no  means  so  pleasantly 
situated  as  Raleigh.  Two  handsome  churches,  one 
Presbyterian  and  the  other  Episcopal,  have  lately  been 
erected  in  Fayetteville,  with  spires  and  bells.  They  are 
well  attended ;  I  have  seldom  in  New  England  seen  the 
Sabbath  passed  in  a  more  orderly  manner  than  in  this 
place.  Merchandise  is  brought  up  Cape  Fear  River  to 
this  place,  but  the  river  is  now  too  low.  Newbern  and 
Wilmington,  which  were  formerly  the  depots  of  merchan- 
dise, are  rapidly  declining,  and  Fayetteville  is  taking  pre- 
cedence of  them.  The  merchants  here  purchase  their 
goods  principally  in  New  York. 

u  Monday,  22d  November.  Started  at  3  o'clock  in 
the  morning  for  Charleston,  and  arrived  Wednesday  morn- 
ing, after  riding  two  days  and  two  nights  through  a  very 
dreary  country,  190  miles.  The  whole  distance  from 
Fayetteville  to  Charleston  is  a  constant  succession  of  pine 
woods,  with  here  and  there  a  wretched  tenement,  in  which 
you  see  a  few  sallow,  ghastly  inhabitants,  who,  if  they  are 
not  entirely  miserable,  certainly  know  very  little  of  the 


UNITARIAN   MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE.         159 

happiness  of  comfortable  living.  We  passed  through 
Georgetown  in  South  Carolina,  in  the  vicinity  of  which  are 
the  most  extensive  and  fertile  rice  plantations  in  this 
country.  The  climate  is  very  unhealthy.  When  I  ar- 
rived in  Charleston,  I  was  met  on  the  wharf  by  Mr.  Hugh 
Patterson,  who  kindly  conducted  me  to  his  house,  which  he 
requested  me  to  make  my  residence  while  I  remained  in 
the  city.  I  was  treated  with  the  greatest  kindness  by  him 
and  his  family  during  the  week  I  remained  in  his  house. 
Sunday,  November  28.  Mr.  Tuckerman  arrived  from 
Boston  a  week  before  my  arrival.  He  preached  this  day 
morning  and  I  in  the  afternoon  in  the  Archdale  Church, 
where  Mr.  Oilman  is  to  be  settled. 

"  Wednesday,  December  1.  This  day  had  been  fixed 
for  the  ordination.  Permission  had  been  granted  for  the 
council  to  meet  in  the  vestry  of  the  Lutheran  Church,  as 
it  was  more  convenient  than  any  other  place.  The  council 
met  at  1  o'clock,  composed  of  Mr.  Tuckerman, 1  Mr.  Parks, 
minister  of  the  Independent  Churches  at  Stony  Creek  and 
Saltketcher,  and  myself.  Mr.  Parks  was  made  moderator 
and  Mr.  Tuckerman  scribe.  After  finishing  the  business  of 
the  council,  we  proceeded  to  Archdale  Meeting-House  at 
11  o'clock.  The  introductory  prayer  and  sermon  by  Mr. 
Tuckerman  ;  ordaining  prayer  and  charge  by  Mr.  Parks  ; 
right  hand  of  fellowship  and  concluding  prayer  by  my- 
self. The  house  was  much  crowded,  and  the  audience  un- 
commonly attentive.  Sunday,  December  5.  Preached 
morning  and  evening  for  Mr.  Gilman. 

44  Monday,  6th.  Started  for  Savannah  and  arrived  Tues- 
day evening,  120  miles.  Started  with  Judge  Smith,  of 
Charleston,  who  was  taken  sick  and  stopped  on  the  way. 
Good  road,  but  heavy,  unpleasant  route  through  pine 
woods  and  swamps.  From  Savannah  it  was  my  intention 
to  go  to  Augusta  and  home  by  way  of  Columbia,  but   to 

1  Rev.  Mr.  Tuckerman,  of  Chelsea,  Mass. 


160        UNITARIAN  MINISTER   IN  BALTIMORE. 

my  great  disappointment,  I  could  obtain  no  conveyance 
from  Savannah  to  Augusta  short  of  a  week,  which  would 
detain  me  too  long.  I  was  obliged  to  return  to  Charles- 
ton. I  started  Friday  night  and  arrived  Sunday  morning 
at  Mr.  Gilman's,  with  whom  I  had  already  passed  three 
or  four  days.  I  was  in  many  respects  pleased  with  Sa- 
vannah. There  is  an  activity  and  bustle  of  business  sel- 
dom seen  in  so  small  a  place.  Accommodations  for  trav- 
elers are  not  good,  and  in  fact,  the  whole  establishment 
for  traveling  in  the  Southern  States  compared  with  the 
North  is  poor  indeed.  Mr.  Cranton's  and  Judge  McAl- 
lister's attentions  —  to  Thunderbolt  with  the  latter.  Dr. 
Kallock's  1  church,  handsome  but  not  so  elegant  as  the  one 
in  Baltimore.  I  have  seldom  met  with  a  more  friendly  and 
hospitable  people  than  those  of  Charleston.  I  shall  not 
soon  forget  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Patterson,  Mr.  Webb, 
Mr.  Yates,  Mr.  Cochran,  Mr.  Hurlbut,  and  many  others 
with  whom  I  became  acquainted  here. 

"December  13.  Started  from  Charleston  at  1  o'clock 
p.  M.,  and  arrived  in  Raleigh  Thursday,  after  riding- 
three  successive  days  and  nights.  Stopped  at  Mr.  Gales', 
who  had  requested  me  to  remain  in  his  house  during  my 
stay  in  Raleigh.  I  have  already  mentioned  preaching  in 
Raleigh  on  my  way  to  Charleston.  At  the  request  of 
several  gentlemen,  I  engaged  to  preach  again  on  my  re- 
turn. Accordingly,  Sunday,  19th,  I  preached  three  times  in 
the  state-house.  The  room  was  entirely  full  all  day.  The 
Governor  and  his  family  attended,  and  the  members  of  both 
houses  of  the  Legislature  generally.  I  dwelt  particularly 
on  what  I  conceive  to  be  the  leading  points  of  Christian- 
ity :  the  simplicity  of  our  religion,  the  necessity  of  free  in- 
quiry, and  the  importance  of  acting  rightly,  as  well  as 
thinking  rightly.       The  audience  gave  a  close  and  serious 

1  It  is  remarkable  that  Unitarianism  was  flourishing  at  this  time, 
1819,  as  far  south  as  Savannah. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE.        161 

attention ;  and  several  that  evening  expressed  themselves 
much  pleased  at  the  sentiments  I  advanced,  and  surprised 
that  they  had  been  so  much  misinformed  in  regard  to  the 
sentiments  of  Unitarians  generally. 

"  Monday,  December  20.  I  took  leave  of  my  kind  and 
worthy  friend  at  Raleigh,  and  started  for  home,  by  way  of 
Tarborough,  Williamston,  Plymouth,  Edenton,  Elizabeth 
City,  the  Dismal  Swamp  Canals,  and  Norfolk.  I  arrived 
in  Norfolk  1  Thursday,  23d. 

"The -road  on  this  route  is  much  better  than  the  mail 
line.  It  is  level  and  smooth.  Passed  21  miles  in  a  boat 
on  the  Dismal  Swamp  Canals.  This  is  an  agreeable 
variety  in  the  mode  of  traveling.  The  canal  is  handsome, 
and  the  road  on  its  bank  excellent. 

"  December  28.  Left  Norfolk  in  the  steamboat  for 
Baltimore  at  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  arrived  after 
an  unpleasant  passage  on  the  next  day  at  noon." 

SUMMARY    OF   IMPRESSIONS. 

From  Norfolk,  Virginia,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  Miss  Stor- 
row,  December  24,  1819,  the  following  summary  of  his 
experience  in  the  South  :  "  You  have  probably  learned 
from  Mr.  H.  that  I  have  been  to  Charleston  to  help  or- 
dain Mr.  Gilman.2     I  am  now  on  my  way  back,  and  am 

1  Expense  from  Raleigh  to  Norfolk,  $30.50.  The  whole  expense 
of  this  Southern  tour  of  Mr.  Sparks  in  1819  to  Savannah  and  back, 
a  distance  of  about  1,500  miles,  was  $227.44. 

2  In  a  letter  written  from  Norfolk,  December  26,  1819,  to  his 
friend  Briggs,  of  Lexington,  Sparks  gives  additional  facts,  showing 
that  Unitarianism  had  already  been  well  developed  in  South  Carolina 
before  Mr.  Gilman  went  there  :  "  Gilman  is  pleasantly  settled,  and 
has,  as  far  as  I  could  judge,  an  intelligent,  open-hearted,  generous 
congregation.  His  predecessor,  Mr.  Forster,  is  no  ordinary  man, 
and  Gilman  has  much  to  do  to  supply  his  place.  The  orthodox  are 
squinting  in  every  direction,  and  nothing  but  a  bold,  determined, 
independent  spirit  will  carry  the  thing  through  as  it  should  be. 
Forster  possessed  this  spirit  in  an  uncommon  degree,  and  it  is  wholly 

11 


162        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

detained  here  two  or  three  days  for  the  steamboat  to 
Baltimore.  The  ordination  went  off  exceedingly  well, 
considering  all  things.  Mr.  Tuckerman's  sermon  was  an 
uncommonly  good  one,  and  well  adapted  to  the  place. 
The  charge,  which  was  given  by  my  friend  Mr.  Parks,  of 
Stony  Creek,  and  Saltketcher,  was  patriarchal,  apostolical, 
and  Biblical.  It  had  much  of  the  primeval  simplicity 
about  it,  and  was  adapted  to  the  comprehension  and  un- 
derstanding of  humble  Christians.  If  Mr.  G.  attends  to 
it  carefully,  he  will  certainly  be  a  good  minister.  The 
right  hand  was  very  commonplace,  and  no  great  things  at 
best,  but  the  society  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  see  it  in 
print  and  I  consented.     You  will  therefore  see  it  tacked 

owing  to  him  that  the  society  is  Unitarian.  The  honorable  council 
consisted  of  Mr.  Tuckerman,  my  friend  Mr.  Parks,  of  Stony  Creek, 
and  Saltketcher  and  my  honorable  self,  so,  you  may  be  sure,  things 
were  done  with  dispatch..  Mr.  T.'s  sermon  was  uncommonly  good." 
There  is  some  account  of  the  Rev.  Anthony  Forster  in  the  "  Unita- 
rian Miscellany  "  for  June,  1821.  This  pioneer  of  Unitarianism  in  the 
South  was  born  in  Brunswick,  North  Carolina.  He  was  educated  a 
Presbyterian  Calviuist,  and  in  the  spring  of  1815  was  elected  tempo- 
rary associate  pastor  of  the  Independent  Church  of  Charleston,  S.  C. 
His  aged  colleague,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Hollingshead,  was  no  longer  able 
to  officiate,  and  died  the  following  year.  There  had  been  two  places 
of  worship,  although  but  one  society.  A  separation  occurred  in  1816, 
and  Forster's  society  became  known  as  the  Second  Independent 
Church.  Forster's  conversion  to  Unitarianism  was  gradual,  and  re- 
sulted from  his  own  private  reading.  Anxious  to  convert  a  Unita- 
rian friend  from  the  error  of  his  ways,  Forster  began  to  study  Unita- 
rian writers  in  order  to  be  able  to  refute  them,  but  to  his  surprise  he 
found  himself  inclining  towards  their  views.  His  experience  was 
doubtless  like  that  of  many  other  individuals  in  the  South  and  South- 
west ;  and  his  case  is  historically  important  as  illustrating  the  fact 
that  Unitarianism  had  already  been  developed  in  South  Carolina  be- 
fore the  missionary  movement  began  from  New  England.  Forster's 
congregation  withdrew  from  Presbyterian  government  in  1816.  As 
Mr.  Sparks  clearly  recognized,  Mr.  Forster  was  no  ordinary  man. 
But  consumption  early  seized  upon  him.  He  preached  his  last  ser- 
mon March  7,  1819,  and  died  January  18,  1820. 


UNITARIAN   MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE.         163 

on  to  the  end  of  the  sermon.  I  am  aware  that  no  repu- 
tation is  to  be  gained  by  such  a  performance,  but  still,  as 
it  will  gratify  many  people  who  have  treated  me  with 
great  kindness,  I  feel  that  I  have  done  my  duty  in  allow- 
ing it  to  be  printed.  I  received  a  great  deal  of  hospital- 
ity and  a  great  many  attentions  in  Charleston.  Gilman 
is  delightfully  settled,  and  I  begin  to  wonder  more  than 
ever  at  the  false  notions  and  narrow  views  of  those  who 
think  there  is  no  happiness  for  a  minister  out  of  Boston. 
There  is  much  good  society  in  Charleston,  and  a  sort  of 
cordial  open-heartedness,  which  makes  everybody  con- 
tented and  hap^y,  who  is  disposed  to  be.  That  every- 
thing is  charming  in  Boston,  I  will  allow,  but  the  notion 
that  nothing  is  charming  anywhere  else  is  a  miserably 
narrow  and  perverted  notion.  I  wish  it  were  done  away, 
for  it  has  had  a  bad  influence  on  our  young  theologians 
at'  the  University.  I  remember  perfectly  when  it  was 
thought,  and  I  have  no  doubt  it  is  thought  so  still,  that  it 
would  be  next  to  an  impossibility  for  a  man  to  endure 
existence  forty  miles  from  Boston.  They  little  know  how 
large  a  field  lies  before  them,  and  what  their  duty  requires 
them  to  do.  I  requested  Mr.  H.  to  show  you  my  letter 
from  Raleigh.  I  engaged  to  preach  there  again  on  my 
return,  which  I  did  last  Sabbath.  I  preached  three  ser- 
mons, and  the  house  was  entirely  full  each  time.  The 
Governor  attended  all  da}^,  and  there  was  a  very  general 
attendance  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature.  By  the 
advice  of  two  or  three  friends,  I  preached  particularly  on 
the  subject  of  liberal  Christianity.  I  said  nothing  about 
the  trinity,  but  dwelt  at  large  on  all  the  leading  principles 
of  anti-trinitarianism.  Nine  tenths  of  the  auditors  had 
never  dreamt  of  these  things,  and  I  could  discover  much 
staring  among  them,  but  they  listened  throughout  the 
whole  day  with  the  greatest  attention.  Our  church  has 
been   much  talked   of  here,  and  my  heretical  sentiments 


164        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE. 

were  well  known,  therefore  they  were   not  taken  by  sur- 
prise.      The  only  surprise  I  heard  of  being  expressed  was 
from   two  or  three  well-meaning  people,  who  said  they 
were  only  astonished  I  did  not  preach  deism,  as  they  had 
understood  that  I  was  an  infidel.       False  impressions  pre- 
vail everywhere  about  Unitarians,  and  the  only  way  to 
correct   them  is  for  our  ministers  to  go  about  and  preach. 
One  sermon,  also,  delivered  in  this  way  before  the  legisla- 
ture of  a  State  will  do  more  good,  than  twenty  before  a 
common  audience  in  a  church,  because  the   audience  is 
much  more  intelligent,  and  the  effect  is  diffused  over  a 
much  larger  compass.     I  have  no  doubt  a  Unitarian  min- 
ister  may  preach  in    every  state-house   in  the   Southern 
States.     I  should   certainly   have  made    the   attempt    at 
Columbia    and  Richmond,  had  not  the  impossibility  of 
supplying *  my  pulpit  rendered  it  necessary  for  me  to  re- 
turn with  all  speed.     I  will  cheerfully  take  a  trip  to  Mil- 
ledgeville  next  winter  and  preach  all  the  way,   if  any- 
body will  supply  my  pulpit.     We  must  have  a  missionary 
society.  .  .  .  Those  who  ought  to  be  awake  are  slumber- 
ing.     I  shall  not  soon  recover  from  the  mortification  I 
felt,  that  one  minister  only  could  be  found  to  attend  the 
ordination    at  Charleston.     Had   they  come  on    as    they 
ought  to  have  done,  the  trumpet  of  truth  might  have  been 
sounded  in  the  ears  of  all  the  Southern  States.  .  .  . 

a  In  six  weeks  I  have  passed  over  1,400  miles  by  land, 
riding  in  the  stage,  night  and  day.  My  health  is  wonder- 
fully improved  by  the  exercise,  and  I  have  acquired  a 
stock  of  knowledge  in  regard  to  this  part  of  our  country, 

1  During  Mr.  Sparks'  seven  weeks'  absence  from  Baltimore,  his 
pulpit  was  supplied  by  the  Rev.  James  Taylor,  of  Philadelphia,  and 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Parkman,  of  Boston.  Not  long  after  his  return,  Pro- 
fessor Andrews  Norton,  of  Cambridge,  and  Edward  Everett,  then 
professor  at  Harvard,  occupied  the  Baltimore  pulpit  each  for  a  Sab- 
bath or  two,  so  that  Mr.  Sparks  was  well  supported  by  his  friends. 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE.        165 

which  will  always  be  of  great  use  to  me.  No  man  should 
be  contented  till  he  has  made  this  tour.  I  have  learnt 
the  whole  economy  of  raising  and  selling  cotton  and  rice, 
which  are  the  great  staples  of  this  country.  There  is 
much  uproar  and  confusion  in  this  place.  You  must 
know  to-day  is  Christinas  Eve,  and  yesterday  was  the  day 
before  Christmas  Eve.  Yesterday  the  noise  began,  and 
nothing  has  been  heard  since  but  the  roaring  of  guns,  the 
jingling  of  bells,  the  rattling  of  drums,  the  squeaking  of 
fiddles,  the  sounding  of  horns,  and  the  bawling  of  negroes. 
Every  sable  countenance  is  stretched  into  a  grin,  and 
every  sable  heart  bounds  with  joy.  Christmas  week  is 
the  negroes'  holiday.  Unfortunate  sons  of  Africa!  Let 
them  be  happy  when  they  can.  I  wish  from  my  heart 
they  were  all  safely  back  again  on  the  plains  of  Benin,  or 
the  hills  Haarta.  I  have  entered  many  of  their  cabins 
during  my  absence.  I  am  told,  they  are  not  unhappy.  It 
ma}'  be  so,  but  I  am  very  sure  they  are  wretched.  Such 
miserable  hovels  the  people  of  New  England  would  not 
build  for  their  horses.  I  do  not  believe  they  are  often 
abused,  but  they  are  poorly  fed  and  poorly  clothed.  An 
old  blanket  and  the  cold  earth  often  constitute  their  bed 
and  corn  bread  their  only  food.  My  heart  often  turned 
away  sick  at  what  I  saw. 

M I  have  sent  to  London  for  all  the  information  that 
can  be  obtained  about  Ledyard.  Sir  J.  Banks  must  know 
much  more  about  him  than  anybody  else.  I  am  resolved 
to  collect  everything,  and  see  what  can  be  made  of  his 
life." 

AFRICA    AND   LEDYARD. 

Actual  contact  with  African  slavery  in  the  South  had 
perhaps  some  influence  in  this  sudden  revival  of  historic 
interest  in  African  exploration  and  in  Sparks'  first  posi- 
tive resolution  to  write  the  life  of  Ledyard.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  Sparks'  career  as  a  biographical  historian. 


166        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  his  frequent  allusions  to  Africa 
and  Ledyard  during  those  four  years  of  ministerial  la- 
bor in  Baltimore.  On  one  occasion,  June  12,  1820,  he 
speaks  compassionately  of  "  poor  Richie  who,  the  papers 
say,  is  dead.  He  went  into  Africa  in  the  wrong  place. 
When  I  go,  it  will  be  by  the  way  of  Morocco." 

A  year  and  more  later,  August  3,  1821,  writing  from 
Bedford  Springs,  he  describes  his  recent  visit  to  the  Led- 
yard family  in  New  York,  in  whose  hands  at  that  time 
were  all  the  remaining  papers  of  the  explorer  and  a  manu- 
script biography,  written  by  his  cousin,  but  none  of  these 
papers  was  Sparks  able  to  obtain  during  his  first  visit, 
although  he  afterwards  succeeded.  After  telling  Miss 
Storrow  of  his  grievous  disappointment,  he  adds,  "  And 
now  we  are  so  near  Africa,  let  me  tell  you  that  my  dar- 
ling project,  with  which  I  have  so  often  wearied  you,  even 
to  this  day  frequently  flits  across  my  mind  with  no  com- 
mon brilliancy.  It  has  been  revived  within  two  or  three 
days  by  meeting  a  man  here  who  was  cast  away  on  the  des- 
ert coast  and  traveled  a  long  way  in  that  country  a  pris- 
oner to  the  fierce  Arabs.  He  was  in  the  country  where 
Captain  Riley  was,  but  tells  no  such  alarming,  hairbreadth 
stories.  Had  you  and  a  few  others  allowed  it,  I  should 
long  ere  this  have  been  in  Tombuctoo.  But  it  may  not  be 
too  late  yet." 

ENCOURAGEMENT   FROM   BOSTON. 

After  Mr.  Sparks1  return  from  the  South,  he  received 
the  following  pleasant  letter,  dated  Boston,  January  19, 
1820,  and  written  by  the  Rev.  Francis  Parkman,  who  for 
some  time  had  supplied  the  Unitarian  pulpit  in  Baltimore 
during  the  pastor's  absence:  "I  thank  you  kindly  for 
your  acceptable  letter,  and  congratulate  you  on  your  re- 
turn from  your  mission.  I  was  very  glad  to  hear  of  the 
opportunity  you  had  of  preaching,  particularly  at  Raleigh, 


UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN   BALTIMORE.         167 

and  we  all  hope  it  may  prove  good  seed,  received  into 
good  and  honest  hearts,  yielding  abundant  fruit.  I  should 
be  very  unjust  to  my  own  feeling  should  I  not  tell  you  of 
the  satisfaction  I  derived  from  my  visit  to  your  parish.  I 
was  exceedingly  gratified  by  the  spirit  that  seemed  to  pre- 
vail, and  which  I  really  think  their  difficulties  have  served 
only  to  purify  and  exalt.  Considering  the  various  opposi- 
tion you  have  had  to  encounter,  not  from  pecuniary  em- 
barrassments merely,  but  from  the  odium  of  the  cause, 
the  ignorance  and  bigotry,  and  worldly  policy  too,  that 
are  arrayed  against  it,  I  am  almost  astonished  at  the  prog- 
ress you  have  made.  Indeed,  my  dear  sir,  these  very 
difficulties  have  given  you  some  advantages  in  your  minis- 
try, that  you  might  never  have  enjoyed  while  your  people 
were  in  the  fullness  of  their  prosperity.  Their  anxious 
inquiry  for  the  truth,  their  deep  and  earnest  attention 
at  church,  which  any  stranger  must  notice  with  pleasure, 
their  zeal  for  the  cause,  and  their  entire  union  as  a  society 
must  give  you  great  encouragement.  I  ought  to  add, 
what  amidst  your  solitary  labors  and  cares  must  be  satis- 
factory, their  cordial  attachment  to  their  minister.  It 
cannot  be  improper  for  me  to  say  that  this  is  all  that 
your  anxious  hopes  could  desire ;  and  when  you  are  ex- 
hausted by  your  labors,  and  desponding,  as  we  all  some- 
times do  of  our  ability  and  success,  take  for  your  comfort 
the  assurance,  which  as  a  visitor  I  am  able  to  give,  that 
none  of  your  words  fall  to  the  ground,  and  that  your 
labors  and  motives  and  feelings  are  fully  appreciated. 

"  You  complain  of  the  want  of  zeal  and  enterprise  among 
the  brethren  here :  and  I  can  readily  conceive  from  my 
own  feelings  both  at  Baltimore  and  New  York,  that  we 
may  sometimes  appear  at  least  very  temperate  and  over 
judicious.  But  you  must  remember  how  much  of  the 
purest  zeal  is  the  fruit  of  opposition,  and  that  it  is  not 
easy  to  be  very  zealous,  where  truth  makes  tolerable  prog- 


168        UNITARIAN  MINISTER  IN  BALTIMORE. 

ress  without  it.  I  am  certain,  could  some  of  our  excellent 
laymen  visit  Baltimore,  or  almost  any  part  of  our  South- 
ern States,  and  see  what  is  absolutely  demanded  for  the 
cause,  what  extreme  ignorance  and  malignity  it  has  to  en- 
counter on  the  one  hand,  and  love  of  promotion  and  fash- 
ion on  the  other,  they  would  enter  into  the  spirit  of  the 
place,  and  open  their  purses  as  well  as  their  hearts  to  help 
you.  But  comparatively,  you  know,  we  are  fc  at  ease  in 
Zion'  (though  I  know  not  how  long  it  may  continue), 
and  some  of  our  most  judicious,  reflecting  friends  among 
the  laity,  our  richest  Unitarians,  are  averse  to  anything 
that  looks  like  a  proselyting  spirit." 


CHAPTER  VII. 

MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.  —  CHAPLAIN 
IN  CONGRESS. 

1820-1823. 

CONTROVERSY   WITH   DR.    WYATT. 

Before  Mr.  Sparks  entered  upon  a  distinctively  liter- 
ary career,  he  was  occupied  for  three  years  in  controversial 
writing  and  editorial  work  in  connection  with  his  position 
as  a  Unitarian  minister  in  Baltimore.  The  intrusion  of 
an  apparently  new  faith  into  that  orthodox  and  Catholic 
city,  the  organization  of  a  flourishing  society  composed  of 
intelligent  and  influential  people,  who  in  church  attend- 
ance more  than  doubled  their  number  the  first  year,  and 
the  extension  of  Unitarianism  as  far  southward  as  Charles- 
ton, South  Carolina,  naturally  brought  upon  Mr.  Sparks, 
the  apostle  of  the  new  movement,  many  theological  attacks 
from  the  established  clergy.  Some  spoke  from  the  pulpit 
against  Unitarian  doctrines,  and  some  resorted  to  polem- 
ical writing  in  newspapers  and  pamphlets.  Doubtless  Mr. 
Sparks  welcomed  these  attacks,  direct  and  indirect,  for  he 
regarded  the  Pauline  method  of  religious  controversy  with 
the  orthodox  and  conservative  parties  as  a  justifiable 
means  of  awakening  attention  and  spreading  new  views  of 
old  truth.  The  first  conspicuous  discussion  was  carried 
on  through  the  press  with  the  Kev.  W.  E.  Wyatt,  D.  D., 
associate  minister  of  St.  Paul's  Parish,1  Baltimore,  and 

1  This  was  the  oldest  parish  in  Baltimore,  and  once  embraced  the 
entire  city. 


170        MINISTER   AND   EDITOR  IN    BALTIMORE. 

professor  of  theology  in  the  University  of  Maryland.  In 
a  letter  to  Miss  Storrow,  June  12,  1820,  Mr.  Sparks  ex- 
plains the  circumstances  attending  the  collective  publica- 
tion in  that  year  of  six  "  Letters  on  the  Ministry,  Ritual, 
and  Doctrines  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church."  So 
free  from  personalities  were  these  letters,  and  so  temper- 
ate in  tone,  that  Mr.  Sparks  was  able  to  republish  them 
in  1844  without  very  material  changes. 

The  effect  of  this  literary  invasion  of  the  ecclesiastical 
territory  of  his  enemies  was  startling  both  to  them  and 
to  Mr.  Sparks'  friends  and  allies  in  Massachusetts.  The 
latter  were  at  first  inclined  to  condemn  him  for  his  rash- 
ness. Before  reading  the  book,  Mr.  Higginson  said  the 
subject  had  been  fully  treated  by  Dr.  Holmes  in  a  sermon, 
and  the  proper  thing  for  Mr.  Sparks  to  have  done  was 
simply  to  reprint  that  sermon  with  a  preface.  This  was 
at  first  the  general  opinion  of  the  faculty  at  Cambridge  ; 
but  after  the  book  had  been  carefully  read,  they  changed 
their  minds  and  concluded  it  would  do  credit  to  Unita- 
rian scholarship.  John  G.  Palfrey  wrote  from  Boston  to 
his  friend  Sparks,  July  31,  1820 :  "  What  people  might 
think  before  tne  book  came  out,  I  do  not  know.  I  only 
know  what  they  said.  But  since  it  came  there  is  but  one 
opinion.  All  express  it,  but  the  wisest  and  most  eloquent, 
the  most  loudly.  Mr.  Cabot  and  Mr.  Norton  say  it  is  an 
admirable  work,  and  people  do  not  scruple  to  put  you  by 
the  side  of  Mr.  Everett,  which  here  is  considered  the  high- 
est compliment.     This  I  say  in  the  sincerity  of  my  heart." 

Andrews  Norton  wrote  in  the  same  vein  to  Jared 
Sparks  from  Cambridge,  August  10,  1820  :  "  I  have  read 
with  a  great  deal  of  pleasure  your  letters  on  the  Episcopal 
Church ;  and  with  a  great  deal  of  surprise  that  you  have 
been  able  to  execute  in  so  short  a  time  and  with  so  many 
interruptions  a  work  of  so  much  ability  and  learning.  I 
say  a  great  deal  of  surprise,  and  the  word  very  well  ex- 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE.         171 

presses  my  feelings,  but  I  ought  rather  to  have  said  a 
great  deal  of  admiration,  which  would  express  them  still 
better.  The  reasoning  seems  to  me  very  forcible,  and 
such  as  common  readers  can  understand  and  feel,  and  the 
temper  in  which  you  write  every  way  worthy  of  the  cause 
in  which  you  are  engaged. " 

In  Baltimore,  the  book  sold  well  and  was  widely  read. 
It  set  people  to  thinking  and  inquiring  concerning  the  his- 
torical foundations  of  Christian  institutions,  and  doubtless 
accomplished  some  real  good  for  both  Episcopalians  and 
Unitarians.  The  principal  parties  in  the  controversy  were 
personally  friends,  although  ecclesiastically  divided.  In 
after  years,  Mr.  J.  Noel  Wyatt,  the  grandson  of  Dr. 
Wyatt,  and  Mr.  William  Eliot  Sparks,  the  son  of  Jared 
Sparks,  continued  the  old  friendship.  Although  the  one 
was  an  Episcopalian  and  the  other  a  Unitarian,  they  used 
occasionally,  when  William  Eliot  Sparks  was  visiting  in 
Baltimore,  to  celebrate  their  Christian  good  fellowship  by 
attending  together  both  the  Unitarian  and  Episcopalian 
church  on  the  same  Sunday.1 

WHITE   SULPHUR   SPRINGS. 

The  Unitarian  minister  of  Baltimore  continued  his  work 
as  a  propagandist  at  various  mineral  springs  in  the  South, 
to  which  he  was  compelled  to  resort  every  summer  on  ac- 
count of  his  health.  Here  is  a  pleasant  description  of  his 
backwoods  experience  at  the  now  famous  and  fashionable 
White  Sulphur  Springs,  Greenbrier  County,  in  Virginia, 
written  August  7,  1820 :  "lain  at  present  300  miles  to 
the  southwest  of  Baltimore,  in  one  of  the  rudest  parts  of 
the  United  States.  I  have  left  the  Alleghanies  piercing 
the  clouds  behind  me,  and  a  branch  of  the  Great  Kanawha 
runs  at  my  feet.     These  parts  of  Virginia  are  but  thinly 

1  The  editor  is  indebted  to  Mr.  J.  Noel  Wyatt;  for  this  pleasing 
reminiscence. 


172        MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE. 

inhabited,  but  in  no  place  does  the  mountain  air  blow  in 
more  refreshing  breezes,  or  scatter  from  its  wings  more 
profusely  the  dews  of  health  ;  and  the  mineral  springs 
which  abound  in  this  vicinity  are  places  of  great  resort 
for  the  people  of  the  South.  ...  It  is  the  Southern  plant- 
ers' paradise.  .  .  .  We  all  live  in  the  true  backwoods 
style.  Imagine  to  yourself  a  huge  log  house  towering  to 
the  elevation  of  two  stories,  and  on  either  wing  a  long- 
range  of  huts  built  of  logs  and  plastered  between  with 
mud,  known  by  the  more  romantic  name  of  cabins.  In 
one  of  these  cabins  with  a  window  of  four  squares  of  glass, 
writing  on  a  slab  with  holes  bored  in  each  corner  and 
sticks  put  in  for  legs,  imagine  me,  and  you  will  have  a 
true  picture.  In  similar  tenements  you  will  find  congress- 
men, senators,  generals,  and  governors,  with  their  families, 
who  have  come  to  enjoy  the  luxuries  of  the  place,  and 
escape  from  the  pain  of  doing  nothing.  .  .  . 

"  The  only  gentlemanly  mode  of  traveling  in  this  coun- 
try is  on  horseback.  .  .  .  For  the  last  hundred  miles,  my 
companion  and  myself  have  come  in  what  is  called  a  gig, 
by  which  you  are  to  understand  a  thing  on  two  wheels, 
with  arms  and  a  stick  back,  like  an  old-fashioned  chair. 
The  mountains  are  not  to  be  passed  at  present  in  stages, 
and  the  planters  find  great  difficulty  in  making  their  way 
over  them  with  their  carriages.  Governor  Barbour's 
daughter  occupies  an  adjoining  cabin.  She  is  performing 
a  tour  of  400  miles  among  these  wildernesses  on  horseback, 
with  no  other  companion  than  her  brother.  She  is  one  of 
the  flowers  of  Washington  in  winter,  and  in  summer  she 
blooms  on  the  mountains. 

.  .  .  "  I  preached  yesterday  by  a  very  urgent  request 
to  a  large  roomful  of  Carolina  and  Virginia  planters, 
men  generally  of  understanding  and  intelligence,  not  more 
than  one  or  two  of  whom  had  ever  before  heard  the  sound 
of  a  Unitarian's  voice.     They  were  exceedingly  attentive, 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR   IN   BALTIMORE.        173 

both  gentlemen  and  ladies,  and,  I  am  gratified  to  learn, 
have  since  spoken  with  very  general  approbation.  Preach- 
ing and  a  little  exertion  would  do  everything  through  the 
whole  Southern  country.  We  want  missionaries.  .  .  .  My 
way  home  is  to  be  by  the  Sweet  Springs,  Peaks  of  Otter, 
Natural  Bridge,  Madison's  Cave,  Jefferson's  College,  and 
other  curiosities." 

THOMAS   JEFFERSON. 

Mr:  Sparks'  visit  to  Mr.  Jefferson  and  his  college  is 
narrated  in  a  subsequent  letter  to  Miss  Storrow,  dated 
Baltimore,  October  10,  1820  :  "  But  one  of  the  greatest  cu- 
riosities I  met  with  was  Thomas  Jefferson.  Whether  you 
will  call  this  a  natural  or  an  artificial  curiosity,  I  am  puz- 
zled to  know.  At  all  events,  1  went  to  see  him  at  the  ex- 
hibition-house at  Monticello,  up  a  long  hill,  which  is  almost 
daily  trod  by  many  a  weary  pilgrim's  foot.  I  was  very 
kindly  received  and  politely  treated  ;  and  I  think  there 
are  very  few  persons  who  would  not  feel  inclined  to  say  at 
once,  that  this  is  no  common  man.  He  bears  the  marks 
of  age,  but  his  mind  is  vigorous,  excursive,  and  quick. 
His  college  is  no  less  curious  than  himself.  It  consists  of 
twelve  large  buildings,  and  many  smaller  ones,  and  to- 
gether they  form  incomparably  the  most  beautiful  speci- 
mens of  architecture  in  this  country.  .  .  .  But  the  ques- 
tion 1  which  every  one  finds  himself  puzzled  to  solve  is, 
what  is  to  be  done  with  all  these  elegant  colleges." 

Mr.  Sparks  sent  his  first  book  of  theological  controversy 
to  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  received  in  acknowledgment  the  fol- 
lowing letter,  literally  transcribed  from  the  original,  and 

1  This  question  is  answered  by  the  long  and  useful  career  of  the 
University  of  Virginia,  and  by  the  educational  uplifting  of  the  entire 
South.  See  William  P.  Trent's  chapter  on  the  "  Influence  of  the  Uni- 
versity upon  Southern  Life  and  Thought,"  in  "  Thomas  Jefferson  and 
the  University  of  Virginia,"  Contributions  to  American  Educational 
History,  No.  2,  Bureau  of  Education,  1888. 


174        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE. 

remarkable  for  its  exposition  of  Jefferson's  own  religious 
views,1  and  for  his  peculiar  method  of  beginning  sentences 
with  a  small  letter.  He  capitalized  the  beginning  of  a 
new  paragraph. 

"Monticello,  November  4,  20. 
"Sir,  —  Your  favor  of  Sep.  18,  is  just  received,  with 
the  book  accompanying  it.  its  delay  was  owing  to  that 
of  the  box  of  books  from  Mr.  Onegan,  in  which  it  was 
packed,  being  just  setting  out  on  a  journey  I  have  time 
only  to  look  over  the  summary  of  contents,  in  this  I  see 
nothing  in  which  I  am  likely  to  differ  materially  from  you. 
I  hold  the  precepts  of  Jesus,  as  delivered  by  himself,  to  be 
the  most  pure,  benevolent,  and  sublime  which  have  ever 
been  preached  to  man.  I  adhere  to  the  principles  of  the 
first  age ;  and  consider  all  subsequent  innovations  as  cor- 
ruptions of  his  religion,  having  no  foundation  in  what 
came  from  him.  the  metaphysical  insanities  of  Athana- 
sius,  of  Loyola,  and  of  Calvin,  are  to  my  understanding, 
mere  relapses  into  polytheism,  differing  from  paganism 
only  by  being  more  unintelligible,  the  religion  of  Jesus 
is  founded  on  the  Unity  of  God,  and  this  principle  chiefly, 
gave  it  triumph  over  the  rabble  of  heathen  gods  then  ac- 
knowledged, thinking  men  of  all  nations  rallied  readily 
to  the  doctrine  of  one  only  god,  and  embraced  it  with  the 
pure  morals  which  Jesus  inculcated,  if  the  freedom  of 
religion,  guaranteed  to  us  by  law  in  theory,  can  ever  rise 
in  practice  under  the  overbearing  inquisition  of  public 
opinion,  truth  will  prevail  over  fanaticism,  and  the  genu- 

1  Randall,  in  his  "  Life  of  Jefferson,"  iii.,  559,  says  :  "  To  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Sparks  and  other  Unitarians,  he  signified  a  sufficient  concurrence 
in  what  he  understood  to  be  their  system  of  faith,  to  feel  no  antago- 
nism to  it  ;  and  on  the  contrary,  a  wish  to  see  it  spread  over  the 
land."  Cf.  letters  of  Jefferson  to  Rev.  Mr.  Whittemore,  June  5, 
1822  ;  to  Dr.  Waterhouse,  June  26, 1822  ;  and  to  James  Smith,  De- 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE.         175 

ine  doctrines  of  Jesus,  so  long  perverted  by  his  pseudo- 
priests,  will  again  be  restored  to  their  original  purity, 
this  reformation  will  advance  with  the  other  improvements 
of  the  human  mind  but  too  late  for  me  to  witness  it.  Ac- 
cept my  thanks  for  your  book,1  in  which  I  shall  read  with 
pleasure  your  developments  of  the  subject,  and  with  them 
the  assurance  of  my  highest  respect. 

"Th.  Jefferson. 

"  the  reverd  Jared  Sparks." 

UNITARIAN    BOOK    SOCIETY. 

Returning  to  Baltimore,  invigorated  in  health  by  his 
vacation  journey  among  the  springs  and  mountains  of  Vir- 
ginia, Mr.  Sparks  began  anew  his  aggressive  work  of  ex- 
tending the  Unitarian  faith.  He  instituted  on  the  19th 
of  November,  1820,  "  The  Baltimore  Unitarian  Society 
for  the  Distribution  of  Books,"  2  and  described  in  a  public 
discourse  the  means  of  propaganda  that  were  to  be  em- 
ployed.    The  society  was  a  popular  organization  for  the 

1  That  Jefferson  entertained  a  favorable  opinion  of  Sparks'  theo- 
logical work  is  further  shown  in  a  letter  to  Dr.  Waterhouse,  July  19, 
1822,  in  which  Jefferson  said  :  "  Baltimore  has  one  or  two  churches, 
and  their  pastor,  author  of  an  inestimable  book  upon  this  subject 
[Unitarianism],  was  elected  chaplain  to  the  late  Congress." 

2  It  appears  from  the  Parish  Records  that  such  a  society  was  con- 
templated as  early  as  the  spring  of  1820  ;  but  a  fresh  impetus  was 
doubtless  given  to  its  organization  by  the  formation  among  the  young 
men  of  Baltimore  of  an  Auxiliary  Bible  Society,  from  which  by  a 
special  vote  the  First  Independent  Church  was  excluded.  See  article 
on  "Young  Men's  Bible  Society  of  Baltimore,"  in  "Unitarian  Mis- 
cellany," January,  1821.  In  the  same  number  there  is  an  account  of 
the  Baltimore  Unitarian  Society  for  the  Distribution  of  Books,  with 
the  Articles  of  Association.  Henry  Payson  was  President  of  the  so- 
ciety. Among  its  managers  were  Charles  H.  Appletou,  William 
Read,  A.  B.  Murray,  Hon.  Theodoric  Bland,  William  C.  Shaw,  John 
Hastings,  Robert  H.  Osgood,  Isaac  Phillips,  Jr.,  Hugh  Young,  and 
L.  J.  Wyeth. 


176        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

distribution  of  the  Bible  and  "  such  other  books  as  contain 
rational  and  consistent  views  of  Christian  doctrines,  and 
are  calculated  to  promote  a  correct  faith,  sincere  piety, 
and  a  holy  practice."  Membership  of  the  society  was 
secured  by  an  annual  subscription  of  one  dollar.  The 
funds  were  applied  to  the  purchase  or  printing  of  such 
books  as  the  managers  might  approve.  From  an  annual 
catalogue  and  price-list  of  publications  each  subscriber  was 
entitled  to  receive  such  books  or  tracts  as  he  might  select, 
to  the  full  amount  of  his  subscription.  The  privileges  of 
membership  were  extended  to  "  any  person,  residing  in 
any  place."  A  general  meeting  of  the  society  was  to  be 
held  annually  at  the  church  on  Christmas  Day. 

A  short  time  before  the  organization  of  this  Society  for 
the  Distribution  of  Books,  Mr.  Sparks  and  two  or  three 
individuals  had  devised  the  plan  of  publishing  in  Balti- 
more a  periodical  called  "  The  Unitarian  Miscellany,"  to 
be  issued  monthly,  beginning  the  first  of  January,  1821. 
The  managers  of  the  above  society  undertook  the  publica- 
tion of  this  journal  of  religious  propaganda,  which  bears 
the  imprint  of  "  The  Baltimore  Unitarian  Book  Society. 
Sold  by  F.  Lucas,  Jr.,  and  N.  G.  Maxwell,  Market  St., 
John  D.  Toy,  Printer."  *  Of  course,  Mr.  Sparks  became 
the  editor  and  virtual  manager.  All  the  tact  and  skill 
which  he  had  acquired  in  his  editorial  connection  with  the 
"  North  American  Keview  "  now  came  again  into  play  in  the 
vigorous  and  successful  conduct  of  a  specialized  theologi- 
cal organ  during  a  period  of  three  years.  He  was  almost 
alone  in  the  literary  support  of  the  enterprise.       He  ob- 

1  This  imprint  remained  upon  the  first  three  volumes  of  the  "  Mis- 
cellany," although  it  was  found  expedient  before  the  first  was  com- 
pleted to  transfer  the  business  control  to  "  Proprietors."  Nathaniel 
Williams  and  Charles  H.  Appleton  became  responsible  for  the  pecu- 
niary support  of  the  "Miscellany."  They  took  charge  of  subscriptions 
and  the  distribution  of  copies.  The  Proprietors'  imprint  appears 
upon  volumes  iv.,  v.,  and  vi. 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE.      177 

tained  scarcely  any  help  from  his  friends  at  the  North. 
Indeed,  they  had  now  ceased  to  lend  him  aid  in  the  supply 
of  his  pulpit. 

LETTER   FROM   DR.    CHANNING. 

Dr.  W.  E.  Charming  wrote  to  Jared  Sparks  from  Bos- 
ton, November  28,  1820,  words  of  encouragement :  "  I 
highly  approve  the  plan  of  a  periodical  work,  such  as  you 
propose,  at  the  South,  and  I  cannot  but  hope  that  a  mis- 
cellany-, answering  to  the  name,  would  do  more  good  to 
members  than  our  4  Disciple.'  We  want  a  more  various 
and  entertaining  work  than  we  now  have,  and  I  wish  that 
it  may  appear  in  a  different  part  of  the  country  from  this. 
As  to  the  patronage  which  you  would  find  among  us,  it 
would  be  small  at  first.  One  reason  for  my  delaying  to 
answer  you  was  my  desire  to  consult  my  brethren  on  the 
point.  Yesterday  we  met,  and  the  general  opinion  was 
that  the  'Miscellany'  would  have  few  subscribers  here, 
that  the  4  Disciple '  was  in  the  hands  of  those  disposed  to 
read  on  theology,  and  would  exclude  other  works.  The 
truth  is,  our  laymen  have  little  zeal  for  spreading  Unita- 
rianism,  partly  through  the  security  which  their  numbers 
give  them,  and  partly  through  false  views  of  liberality, 
toleration,  &c.  I  think,  however,  that  in  time  a  more 
popular  work  than  the  ■  Disciple '  would  make  its  way 
among  us,  effectually  if  a  just  sense  of  the  importance  of 
our  principles  spread,  as  we  hope.  With  respect  to  my 
individual  aid,  I  dare  not  proffer  it.  I  have  so  poorly 
paid  my  debt  to  the  '  Disciple,'  that  I  fear  to  contract  an- 
other. I  am  always  hoping  to  be  more  useful,  but  weeks 
and  months  pass  away  and  life  hastens  to  its  end,  while  I 
continue  unable  to  do  more  than  perform  my  ordinary  du- 
ties. 1  am  sorry  to  be  obliged  to  talk  of  myself  so  much 
as  an  invalid,  but  I  receive  many  applications  for  services 
which  I  want  power  to  render,  and  self-defense  obliges 
12 


178      MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

me  to  say  more  of  myself  than  would  otherwise  be  justi- 
fiable. As  to  the  sermon  which  you  requested,  I  have 
declined  publishing  it  for  two  reasons  —  first,  I  doubt  if  it 
is  good  enough  for  the  subject  —  but  in  the  next  place  I 
was  unwilling  to  become  responsible  for  so  many  historical 
facts  as  it  contains  without  a  more  particular  examination 
than  I  have  had  opportunity  to  make.  I  indeed  have  the 
authority  of  the  best  Protestant  historians,  but  I  wanted 
to  hear  what  the  Catholics  would  say,  and  began  one  of 
their  writers,  but  was  turned  from  the  enquiry  by  some 
new  object.  I  fear  you  will  think  me  not  very  consistent 
in  approving  so  warmly  of  your  object,  giving  you  so  lit- 
tle encouragement  as  to  patronage  here ;  but  our  wishes 
ought  not  to  blind  us  to  the  true  state  of  things.  You 
have  cause  to  reproach  us  here  for  want  of  zeal  —  but  the 
want  exists,  and  we  must  found  our  calculations  upon  the 
fact.  I  do  not  mean  to  be  understood  as  refusing  you  my 
aid,  but  it  must  not  be  depended  on.  I  will  do  what  I  can 
for  you,  and  I  know  no  individual  for  whom  I  would  labor 
more  cheerfully.  You  are  entitled  to  our  gratitude  and 
praise  for  your  strenuous  and  successful  exertions.  God 
enable  you  to  extend  them.  .  .  .  Please  to  present  my 
respects  and  affectionate  regards  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Payson, 
whose  kindness  I  have  not  forgotten,  and  to  my  other 
friends  at  Baltimore." 

NO   AID   FROM   NEW   ENGLAND. 

The  following  letter  to  Miss  Storrow,  December  30, 
1820,  indicates  that  he  felt  himself  almost  isolated  from 
the  Northern  world  and  driven  upon  his  own  resources  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  Unitarian  cause:  "I  am  most 
thoroughly  overwhelmed  with  occupation.  It  is  now 
eleven  months  since  I  have  had  the  least  aid  from  New 
England,  except  a  single  Sunday  from  Mr.  Frothingham. 
They  seem  to  have  forgotten  me  entirely.     Besides  ser- 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.      179 

mon-writing  I  have  a  thousand  other  things  to  do.  This 
indeed  is  but  a  small  part.  My  post-office  bill 1  since  I 
have  been  in  Baltimore  has  exceeded  sixty  dollars  a  year. 
This  shows  you  that  I  have  something  to  do  in  the  way  of 
writing  letters;  for  I  write  as  many  as  I  receive.  Here  I 
require  of  myself  a  certain  portion  of  study  every  week  ;  .  .  . 
I  have  just  commenced  a  periodical  work,  the  first  number 
of  which  you  will  probably  see  before  you  get  this  letter. 
Notwithstanding  I  have  written  to  every  minister  in  Bos- 
ton desiring  cooperation,  I  have  not  received  a  single  line, 
and  have  been  obliged  to  write  every  article  in  this  num- 
ber myself.  The  subscription  is  very  large  in  Baltimore, 
and  succeeds  beyond  all  expectation  at  the  South.  1 
am  mortified,  that  after  I  have  made  very  great  exertions 
to  put  such  a  work  into  operation,  that  I  should  not  re- 
ceive the  prompt  and  cordial  support  of  my  brethren  in  the 
East,  in  the  way  of  a  little  writing.  I  hope  they  will  do 
something  yet.  Palfrey  I  am  sure  will.  ...  I  hope  you 
will  speak  as  well  as  you  can  of  the  first  number,  and  try 
to  make  people  understand  under  what  disadvantages  I 
labor,  and  above  all  make  them  realize  that  I  write  for  a 
particular  purpose  —  that  almost  everything  has  a  local 
bearing,  and  is  not  to  be  condemned  because  it  is  not  pre- 
cisely as  the  wise  men  of  Boston  would  write.  There  is 
nowhere  so  much  refinement  and  general  intelligence  in 
society  as  in  Boston ;  and  you  may  rest  assured  that  no- 
where is  there  so  much  ignorance  of  the  actual  state  of 
things  in  the  southern  part  of  our  country. 

"  A  reply  has  long  been  threatened  to  my  letters.  Dr. 
Wyatt's  friends  have  declared  he  is  coming  out.  He  has 
not  yet  appeared,  and  the  bishop  has  said  he  never  shall 
with  his  consent ;  that  the  absurdity  of  my  book  is  a  suffi- 

1  Postage  from  Baltimore  to  Cambridge  in  those  days  was  twenty- 
five  cents  per  letter.  From  some  of  the  Pennsylvania  health-resorts, 
for  example,  Bedford  Springs,  to  Cambridge  a  letter  cost  fifty  cents. 


180      MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

cient  confutation  of  all  it  contains.  Bishop  White  says 
an  answer  is  preparing.  A  student  from  this  place,  who 
has  just  returned  from  the  Episcopal  Theological  School 
in  New  Haven,  says  the  professors  have  deliberated  much 
on  the  subject,  and  finally  advised  Dr.  Wyatt  to  reply 
that  they  can  suggest  many  errors  in  ray  criticisms,  etc. 
What  will  come  of  it  all  I  am  unable  to  say. 

"  Dr.  Miller,  in  the  ordination  sermon  in  Baltimore,  has 
made  one  of  the  grossest  attacks  on  the  Unitarians  which 
was  ever  made.  He  calls  them  *  no  Christians,'  and  ac- 
cuses them,  as  a  sect,  of  being  immoral,  etc.  This  must 
be  answered.  .  .  . 

"  Ledyard  goes  on  slowly.  I  have  an  agent  in  London, 
who  will  find  everything,  and  I  have  a  clue  to  several 
manuscript  letters  in  this  country,  especially  those  to  Mr. 
Jefferson.  But  the  most  interesting  part  of  his  life  —  his 
tour  to  Siberia  —  I  fear  is  a  blank. 

"  You  cannot  conceive  how  much  my  heart  leans  to- 
wards you  all  at  Cambridge.1  I  have  a  great  many  warm 
friends  here,  and  the  best  parish  in  the  world ;  but  I  have 
a  thousand  disagreeable  and  depressing  things  to  encoun- 
ter. The  quiet  of  Cambridge  is  fled  ;  the  solace  and  sym- 
pathy of  friends  are  left  behind.  I  am  .  .  .  weighed  down 
with  a  burden  which  requires  an  Atlas  to  bear.  I  wish 
it  were  on  broader  shoulders,  and  I  shall  not  lament  the 
day  when  some  potent  Hercules  shall  come  along  and  take 
it  upon  himself." 

LETTERS   FROM   EDWARD  EVERETT. 

Mr.  Sparks'  labors  were  not  unrecognized  at  the  North 

but  his  friends  were  all  busy  with  their  own  affairs.      Ed 

ward  Everett,  then  editor  of  the  "  North  American  Review,' 

wrote    to  Jared    Sparks  from   Boston,   April  13,  1821 

1  A  little  before  this  time,  Mr.  Higginson  and  his  family  had  re 
moved  from  Bolton  to  Cambridge. 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR   IN  BALTIMORE.       181 

"  We  rejoice,  with  all  the  friends  of  truth,  in  your  great 
and  meritorious  efforts  at  Baltimore.  You  put  us  here  to 
shame,  —  we  that  do  nothing  to  help  you.  I  can  only 
quote  some  words  of  the  President  in  a  letter  of  his  you 
showed  me  last  winter,  *  I  have  a  heavy  pack  of  my  own  to 
carry.'  I  sometimes  think  I  shall  send  you  a  communica- 
tion for  your  '  Miscellany.'  But  the  hour  comes  not  that 
finds  me  in  leisure  or  heart  for  a  work  in  any  degree  of 
supererogation.  You  must  stir  up  the  young  ones  among 
us  to  write." 

Writing  again  to  Sparks,  May  17,  1821,  Everett  said : 
"  I  agonize  with  you  in  your  warfare.  I  do  mean  to  send 
you  something.  Would  an  abstract  of  a  sermon  I  once 
preached  on  1  John  v.  7  do  any  good  as  presenting  a  popu- 
lar compend  of  the  Evidence?  It  is  all  before  the  world 
already,  but  it  is  only  by  saying  the  same  thing  over  fifty 
times  that  you  can  force  people  to  hear  it.  I  have  also 
an  Essay  on  the  Subject  of  Reason  and  Revelation,  which 
I  mean  to  write.  Do  not  ascribe  my  leaden  silence  to  in- 
difference or  selfishness.  But  surrounded,  as  you  think 
me,  with  fellow  laborers  here,  I  am  in  fact  scarcely  less 
solitary  than  you,  and  am  obliged  to  lie  down  and  gasp  at 
people's  doors  for  a  contribution,  like  a  sculpin  in  the 
sun.  If  you  write  personally  to  those  able  to  help  you,  I 
think  you  can  get  something  out  of  them.  I  have  seen 
your  fifth  number.  The  people  here  condemn  your  tone 
in  the  letter  to  Dr.  Miller  as  too  sharp.  I  am  myself  in- 
clined to  think  the  cool  manner  more  efficacious ;  but  no 
one  has  a  right  to  judge  how  he  will  write  if  he  were  him- 
self the  party  assailed  as  you  are,  and  I  never  forget  you 
when  I  pray  for  the  prevalence  of  the  righteous  cham- 
pions." 


182      MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 


SUCCESS    OF   THE   "UNITARIAN   MISCELLANY. 

The   publication  of  the  "  Unitarian  Miscellany  "  began 
with  an  edition  of  one  thousand  copies.     The  number  was 
soon  increased  to  fifteen  hundred,  and  before  the  end  of 
the  first  year,   1821,  two  thousand  were  printed.     The 
first  volume  was  hardly  completed  before  Mr.  Sparks  was 
compelled  by  the  growing  demand  for  back  numbers  to 
issue  a  second  edition.     He  was  always  a  good  business* 
manager  as  well  as  a  discreet  and  painstaking  editor.      A 
large  number  of  tracts  were  reprinted  from  the  "  Miscel- 
lany "  and  used  for  purposes  of  propaganda.     Never  be- 
fore was  Baltimore  such  a  centre  for  the  popular  dissemi- 
nation of  religious  literature.    Under  Mr.  Sparks'  able  and 
efficient  direction,  the  work  of  the  Baltimore  Unitarian 
Book  Society  soon  began  to  rival  the  combined  forces  of 
all  New  England  in  the  printing  and  distribution  of  Uni- 
tarian tracts.     On  this  point,  striking  testimony  was  given 
in  the  published  M  Letters  on  Unitarianism  "  by  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Miller,  of  Princeton,  New  Jersey,  who  said  in  perfect 
honesty  and  with  a  grim   severity  worthy  of  an  ancient 
Hebrew  or  original  Calvinist :  "  In  every  direction,  and 
with  a  profusion  of  the  most  lavish  kind,  they  [the  tJnita- 
rians]  are  daily  scattering  abroad  their  instruments  of  se- 
duction.    Probably  in  no  part  of  our  country  out  of  Mas- 
sachusetts do  these  poisoned  agents  so  completely  fill  the 
air,  or,  like  one  of  the  plagues  of  Egypt,  so  noisomely  come 
up  into   your  houses,  your  chambers,  and  your  kneading 
troughs,  as  in  Baltimore.     In  fact,  the  Unitarians  of  that 
neighborhood  seem  to  be   emulating  the  zeal  of  some  of 
their  brethren  in  England,  who  have  been  known  to  go 
into  an  orthodox  church ;  to  withdraw  during  the  prayer, 
that  they  might  not  join  in  '  idolatrous  devotions,'  and  on 
their  return,  to  strew  on  a  communion  table,  which  hap- 
pened to  be  spread  on  that  day,  a  parcel  of  Socinian 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR   IN   BALTIMORE.       183 

tracts  and  pamphlets.  I  have  heard  of  nothing  quite 
equal  to  this  in  the  United  States;  but,  from  present 
appearances,  am  by  no  means  confident  that  something 
of  the  same  kind  will  not  soon  be  exhibited."  x 

Mr.  Sparks  used  the  "  Miscellany  "  not  only  for  the  pop- 
ularization of  Unitarian  ideas,  but  also  as  a  means  of  an- 
swering attacks  upon  his  new  society.  The  most  famous 
defense  running  through  the  early  numbers  of  the  "  Mis- 
cellany "  is  that  against  the  Rev.  Dr.  Miller,  who  in  an 
ordination  sermon  in  Baltimore,  as  explained  in  the  fore- 
going letter,  had  cast  some  unwarranted  reflections  upon 
the  Unitarians.  Mr.  Sparks  adopted  the  same  epistolary 
method  of  reply  as  that  attempted  in  his  published  letters 
to  Dr.  Wyatt.  As  in  that  famous  case  when  he  carried 
war  into  Episcopalian  territory,  so  now  Mr.  Sparks'  bold 
attack  against  the  Presbyterians  excited  more  dismay 
among  his  Unitarian  friends  at  the  North  than  among  his 
theological  enemies  at  the  South.  Mr.  Channing  and  the 
Unitarian  Curia  in  and  about  Boston  were  disposed  to 
anathematize  this  daring  provincial  for  asserting  in  his 
own  local  organ,  without  consultation  with  superiors,  theo- 
logical opinions  calculated  to  disturb  the  ecclesiastical 
peace.  Mr.  Sparks  had  come  very  near  expressing  right- 
eous indignation  on  a  former  occasion  when  his  letters  to 
Dr.  Wyatt  incurred  censure  in  Boston  ;  but  now  he  spoke 
out  so  freely  that  his  friends  at  home  must  have  begun  to 
realize  that  he  indeed  represented  "  The  First  Indepen- 
dent Church  of  Baltimore." 

Writing  from  Bedford  Springs,  August  3,  1821,  to 
Miss  Storrow,  whose  brother-in-law,  Mr.  Higginson,  was 
in  the  Unitarian  inner  circle,  Sparks  says :  "  What  think 

1  See  an  artiele  on  the  "  Spirit  of  Orthodoxy  "  in  the  "  Unitarian 
Miscellany,"  April,  1822,  vol.  ii.,  326.  "  In  our  view,"  rejoins  Sparks, 
*  no  stronger  argument  needs  to  be  sought  against  old-fashioned  Cal- 
vinistic  orthodoxy,  than  the  spirit  it  infuses  into  its  advocates." 


184      MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

you  of  my  *  Miscellany  '  ?  I  know  what  you  thought  in 
April,  but  what  think  you  now  ?  I  tell  you  it  is  a  great 
mistake  you  are  in,  to  think  a  single  word  has  been 
written  with  the  slightest  excitement  of  feeling.  What 
you  call  fc  recrimination  or  retaliation '  may  verily  be 
such,  but  it  is  all  just,  in  good  temper,  and  meant  to  pro- 
duce a  good  effect,  and  what  is  more,  it  does  produce  this 
effect.  Almost  every  piece  I  have  written  contains  local 
allusions,  which  those  for  whom  they  were  meant  under- 
stand very  well.  I  do  not  write  for  the  wise  ones  of  Bos- 
ton, nor  do  I  expect  they  will  approve  what  I  write ;  nor 
do  I  care  whether  they  do  or  not,  so  long  as  I  can  see 
the  good  fruit  of  my  doings,  and  feel  assured,  that  I  am 
doing  what  duty  and  the  cause  of  religious  truth  demand. 
I  should  be  much  more  apt  to  be  swayed  by  '  Boston  no- 
tions/ if  a  little  experience  in  the  world  had  not  shown 
me  that  these  are  very  often  rank  prejudices.  I  have 
not  written  one  word  in  the  '  Miscellany '  which  I  would 
wish  to  change.  The  letters  to  Dr.  Miller  have  given  uni- 
versal satisfaction  except  in  this  one  little  spot  of  Boston, 
and  as  they  do  not  need  them,  it  is  no  matter  whether 
they  are  liked  or  not.  If  you  could  form  any  conception 
of  the  effect  produced  at  the  South  by  Dr.  M.'s  charges, 
you  would  soon  see  the  necessity  of  answering  him  in  the 
tone  I  have  assumed.  His  attack  was  outrageous,  and  de- 
serves no  mercy.  This  every  one  allows  who  has  been 
made  to  suffer  by  it,  but  in  Boston,  where  every  man  is  sit- 
ting quietly  under  his  own  fig-tree  in  the  spiritual  vine- 
yard, they  think  the  same  luxuriant,  protecting  fig-trees 
must  grow  all  over  the  world.  I  cannot  express  my 
views  to  you  on  a  sheet  of  paper.  They  are  fixed,  however, 
in  a  manner  not  to  be  moved  by  the  murmurs  of  the 
squeamish,  or  the  dictations  of  such  as  would  tell  me  how 
to  believe,  and  how  to  act,  without  a  knowledge  of  my 
motives,  or  of  the  difficulties  with  which  I  am  surrounded . 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.       185 

I  have  heard  things  from  Boston  and  Cambridge  .  .  . 
which  I  was  sorry  to  hear,  and  which  ought  not  to  have 
been  said  or  thought.  Mr.  Channing  is  a  very  good  man, 
but  he  must  allow  me  to  think  for  myself.  I  am  not  in 
Baltimore  as  a  delegate  or  deputy  required  to  act  under 
orders.  I  am  alone  there,  and  alone  responsible.  ...  I 
must  listen  to  the  demands  of  conscience  and  obey  the 
calls  of  duty.1  But  I  sincerely  say,  that  I  wish  these 
very  heavy  and  important  burdens  of  Baltimore  were  on 
broader  shoulders." 

Writing  from  Bedford  Springs,  August  22,  1821,  to 
his  old  friend,  the  Rev.  Charles  Briggs,  of  Lexington, 
Massachusetts,  Mr.  Sparks  made  this  further  confession : 
u  I  have  hard  times  in  Baltimore.  They  assail  me  on  all 
hands,  and  my  task  is  too  great.  It  would  be  a  great 
blessing  to  me  to  be  in  a  quiet  parish  in  some  country 
town  in  New  England.  Our  4  Miscellany '  succeeds  re- 
markably well,  and  is  spreading  Unitarianism  throughout 
all  these  western  regions.  It  imposes  a  heavy  task  on  me, 
as  I  have  been  obliged  to  write  almost  every  article."  2 

1  Events  proved,  that  Mr.  Sparks  was  right  in  his  judgment  of  the 
needs  of  his  ecclesiastical  situation,  and,  in  the  end,  his  friends  ac- 
knowledged the  fact.  J.  G.  Palfrey  wrote  from  Boston  to  his  friend 
in  Baltimore,  October  23,  1821  :  "  As  to  the  ■  Miscellany,'  I  hear  now 
but  one  opinion  about  it.  You  have  conquered  all  prejudice.  You 
have  received  a  good  encouraging  lesson  to  act  for  the  future,  as  you 
have  done,  independently,  upon  your  own  judgment,  and  look  boldly 
to  the  event."  Edward  Everett  wrote,  February  14, 1822  :  "  You  are 
our  standing  boast  and  delight." 

2  The  Rev.  George  W.  Burnap,  in  his  discourse,  January  23,  1848, 
said  of  the  "  Miscellany  :  "  "  The  matter  for  this  periodical  was 
mainly  furnished  by  Mr.  Sparks,  in  addition  to  the  labor  of  writing 
for  his  weekly  ministrations.  This  he  kept  up  for  nearly  three  years. 
In  this  double  office  of  preacher  and  editor,  an  amount  of  intellectual 
toil  was  sustained  by  him  truly  astonishing,  and  credible  only  to 
those  who  have  measured  the  capacities  of  human  endurance,  and 
learned  the  grand  secret  of  the  economy  of  time. 

"  It  would  be  difficult  to  find  in  the  whole  range  of  theological 


186      MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

Mr.  Sparks  reported  to  his  friend  Miss  Storrow,  Octo- 
ber 29,  1821,  considerable  progress  in  collecting  materials 
for  his  biography  of  Ledyard  ;  but  he  was  suffering  more 
and  more  from  ecclesiastical  persecution.  The  time  was 
evidently  soon  coming  when  this  isolated  preacher  and 
overworked  editor  would  be  driven  to  more  congenial  and 
less  exciting  occupations.  "  I  cannot  refrain  from  writing 
a  word  to  say  that  I  have  at  last  got  the  Ledyard  papers. 
Dr.  Mitchell's  eloquence  finally  prevailed,  especially  when 
he  put  on  that  magical  ring,  which  you  know  he  has  re- 
ceived from  the  great  emperor  of  the  north  as  a  compen- 
sation for  a  certain  'georgical  instrument,'  which  the 
said  Doctor  had  forwarded  in  great  state  to  the  city  of  the 
Czars.  .  .  .  And  as  for  the  value  of  the  papers,  I  have 
only  time  to  say  that  they  are  beyond  my  expectation  — 
much  more  interesting  and  more  extensive  —  written  with 
great  irregularity,  but  with  force  of  mind  and  originality. 
I  expect  to  collect  more  from  other  quarters,  and  want  at 
least  six  months'  uninterrupted  leisure  to  put  them  in  such 
a  shape  as  I  shall  like.  This  I  never  shall  have  till  I 
resign  preaching ;  and  I  sometimes  think  the  quicker  this 
is  done  the  better  —  three  sermons  last  week,  and  half  a 
number  of  the  '  Miscellany '  on  my  shoulders. 

"  I  am  goaded  all  round,  and  as  if  my  measure  were  not 
yet  full,  the  Catholics  are  beginning  to  empty  their  quiv- 
ers. In  Virginia,  a  Presbyterian  book  has  been  at  work 
Tfor  six  months  to  prove  my  heresies,  and  pick  to  pieces 
my  Letters,  and  the  writers  say  the  task  is  not  yet  half 

literature,  three  volumes  of  equal  compass,  which  contain  so  much 
and  such  accurate  information  on  the  most  interesting  subjects  of  re- 
ligious enquiry.  It  is  rare  to  find  in  theological  controversy  so 
much  candor  of  statement  and  such  fairness  of  reasoning,  such  firm- 
ness of  persuasion  united  with  so  much  charity  for  the  opinions 
of  others.  They  are  a  monument  of  theological  attainment  and  lit- 
erary industry,  which  sets  a  high  mark  for  the  clergy  of  our  coun- 
try." 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.      187 

done.  They  hook  my  name  in  with  Dr.  Priestley 1  and 
Mr.  Belsham,  as  if  I  were  some  great  man,  but  they  have 
not  yet  been  able  to  prove  it. 

"  I  have  no  passion  for  this  business,  and  wish  it  were  in 
the  hands  of  somebody  else,  who  can  do  it  better,  —  but 
while  I  am  here  I  shall  do  my  duty.  If  you  will  take  me 
back  to  New  England,  I  shall  have  more  peace." 

CHAPLAIN   OF   CONGRESS. 

In  his  Parish  Records,  Mr.  Sparks  notes  a  fact  which 
shows  that,  in  spite  of  opposition  and  persecution,  the 
liberal  cause  which  he  represented  was  making  progress 
in  his  vicinity :  "  On  the  10th  of  December,  1821,  I  was 
chosen  to  be  Chaplain  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
Congress  during  the  present  session.  As  the  election  was 
a  sort  of  contest  between  the  liberal  and  the  orthodox, 
there  was  a  strenuous  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  latter. 
But  the  vote  was  at  length  carried  by  an  honorable  major- 
ity, although  there  were  five  contending  candidates.  I 
was  proposed  by  my  friends  of  the  Unitarian  cause ;  but 
not  at  any  instance  of  my  own,  nor  indeed  with  any  desire 
to  fill  the  station." 

Mr.  Sparks  doubtless  owed  his  election  largely  to  the 
reputation  which  he  had  won  as  editor  of  the  "  Unitarian 

1  In  Virginia,  as  early  as  1819,  had  arisen  a  vigorous  and  growing 
opposition  to  Unitarian  ideas  in  consequence  of  the  election  of  Dr. 
Thomas  Cooper  to  the  first  professorship  in  the  University  of  Vir- 
ginia. Cooper  was  a  son-in-law  of  Dr.  Priestley,  a  Unitarian  refugee 
from  England,  whose  writings  Cooper  had  edited.  The  latter  was 
compelled,  by  the  force  of  Presbyterian  opinion,  to  resign  his  profes- 
sorship ;  he  went  to  South  Carolina  College,  at  Columbia.  See 
"  Thomas  Jefferson  and  the  University  of  Virginia,"  pp.  107-109, 
Contributions  to  American  Educational  History,  No.  2,  Bureau  of 
Education,  1888.  Having  banished  Cooper,  the  Presbyterian  pastors 
of  Virginia,  startled  by  the  attack  on  Dr.  Miller  and  Princeton  the- 
ology, naturally  turned  their  attention  to  Mr.  Sparks  in  Baltimore. 
Unitarianism  never  made  much  headway  in  Virginia. 


188      MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

Miscellany"  and  to  his  wide  acquaintance  among  pub- 
lic men,  obtained  in  vacations  at  the  Virginia  and  Penn- 
sylvania springs.  Among  all  the .  sectarian  candidates, 
the  liberal  pastor  of  the  First  Independent  Church  of  Bal- 
timore was  regarded  as  the  most  suitable  chaplain  for  Con- 
gress in  "  the  era  of  good  feeling."  The  proximity  of 
Baltimore  to  Washington  was  an  important  element  in  the 
immediate  decision  of  both  pastor  and  people  that  it  was 
expedient  for  him  to  accept  such  a  conspicuous  honor  as 
that  indirectly  conferred  upon  the  new  church.1  Mr. 
Sparks  could  remain  the  minister  of  Baltimore  while  his 
pulpit  was  supplied  by  friends  from  Boston  during  his  ab- 
sence in  Washington.  He  could  continue  from  this  latter 
vantage-ground  to  edit  the  "  Unitarian  Miscellany  "  perhaps 
even  better  than  in  Baltimore.  The  prospect  of  a  mis- 
sionary field  for  liberal  propaganda  in  the  nation's  capital 
among  influential  people  from  all  parts  of  the  country 
was  very  inviting  to  an  aggressive  church  and  a  zealous 
apostle. 

In  his  Parish  Record  for  December,  1821,  Mr.  Sparks 
entered  the  following  observations  regarding  his  first  re- 
ception in  the  federal  city :  "  On  the  first  day  of  my  ar- 
rival in  Washington,  an  attempt  was  made  in  the  House, 
on  the  part  of  a  zealous  member,  to  reconsider  and  annul 
my  election.  Some  of  the  orthodox  members  had  before 
made  a  warm  opposition,  and  they  seemed  resolved  to 
remit  no  exertions  to  prevent  my  occupying  the  station. 
The  members  who  introduced  the  resolution  to  proceed  to 
a  new  election  of  a  chaplain  gave  as  a  reason  for  this  ir- 
regular proceeding  that,  as  a  week  had  passed  by,  and  I 

1  Parish  Records,  December  16,  1821  :  "  After  morning  service, 
the  members  of  the  society  remained,  and  the  above  appointment 
was  made  known  to  them.  They  signified  their  approbation,  and 
agreed  by  an  unanimous  vote  that  I  should  be  at  liberty  to  accept 
it." 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.      189 

had  not  appeared,  it  was  presumed  that  I  did  not  intend 
to  accept  the  appointment.  The  Speaker  then  arose,  and 
made  known  to  the  House  that  he  had  just  been  informed 
that  I  had  arrived  in  town,  and  would  enter  on  my  duties 
the  day  following.  Much  warm  discussion  followed,  and 
after  a  very  strong  expression  of  disapprobation  from 
every  quarter,  the  resolution  was  withdrawn  by  the  origi- 
nal mover.  Many,  who  originally  voted  against  me,  were 
opposed  to  this  proceeding,  as  highly  improper  in  itself, 
and  unworthy  of  the  dignity  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives.    I  commenced  my  duties  the  next  day. 

"The  clergy  of  Washington  generally  were  much 
alarmed  at  this  appointment,  and  seemed  to  consider  it 
their  duty  to  declaim  against  it  in  their  pulpits  for  some 
weeks  afterwards.  The  only  effect  of  so  illiberal  a  pro- 
ceeding was  to  offend  several  of  the  members  of  Congress, 
who  considered  it  a  meddling  on  the  part  of  the  clergy 
with  an  affair  with  which  they  had  no  concern." 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1822,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  his 
first  letter  from  Washington  to  Miss  Storrow,  in  which 
he  sa}rs :  "  I  neither  expected  nor  desired  to  be  in  this 
place  when  I  last  wrote  you.  The  election  is  marvelous, 
and  justly  so,  in  the  eyes  of  most  people.  It  has  pro- 
duced a  great  excitement  among  the  orthodox ;  pulpits 
fulminate  most  fearfully ;  theologues  are  at  a  loss  for 
epithets  sufficiently  bitter ;  the  country  newspapers  have 
taken  up  the  business,  and  talk  loudly  and  harshly ;  and 
poor  Unitarianism  is  most  rudely  beaten  over  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  unfortunate  chaplain  in  Congress.1     I  cannot 

1  For  an  illustration  of  the  attacks  made  upon  Mr.  Sparks  and  his 
faith,  see  an  article  entitled  "  Chaplain  in  Congress,"  in  the  "  Unitarian 
Miscellany,"  March,  1822,  in  which  are  given  extracts  from  a  sermon 
preached  in  Washington  immediately  after  Mr.  Sparks'  election. 
Among  other  things  the  preacher  said,  "  His  character,  I  am  informed, 
stands  fair  ;  ...  he  is  esteemed  a  young  man  of  handsome  attainments, 
and  of  more  than  ordinary  promise.      Yet,  after  all,  in  regard  to  his 


190      MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

conceal  it  from  myself,  nor  do  I  know  that  it  is  necessary 
I  should,  that  with  the  agency  of  the  '  Miscellany,'  and  in 
my  present  situation,  I  am  the  means  of  producing  a  very 
extensive  influence  on  public  sentiment  in  regard  to  re- 
ligious opinions.  I  pray  God  to  lead  me  right,  and  to 
sustain  me  under  trials  which  I  feel  are  more  than  I 
ought  to  bear.  They  are  such  as  no  one  can  have  any 
conception  of,  without  ample  experience." 

WASHINGTON   SOCIETY. 

"  I  am  drawn  into  the  vortex  here,  and  you  may  expect 
to  see  me  a  man  of  the  world,1  —  not  the  mute  being  I 
was  seven  years  ago.  ...  I  have  left  my  card  at  the 
heads  of  departments'  and  the  foreign  ministers',  —  am 
initiated  into  the  mysteries  of  drawing-rooms,  and  in  a  fair 
way  to  know  all  things.  I  have  no  liking  for  these  vani- 
ties, but  I  am  told  it  is  all  for  the  4  good  of  the  cause,'  and 
I  submit  with  as  good  grace  as  I  can.  All  the  movements 
here  seem  to  constitute  a  sort  of  machine.  Visiting  is  the 
most  convenient  thing  in  the  world.  You  have  only  to 
leave  a  card  as  large  as  your  hand,  and  it  will  do  for  half 
the  winter  —  no  matter  whether  you  see  anybody  or  not. 
In  short,  the  less  you  see  and  are  seen  the  better.  At 
drawing-rooms  your  company  is  very  acceptable,  because 
it  is  a  thing  of  some  consequence  to  the  good  lady  to  have 

qualifications  of  a  divine  and  his  theological  views,  they  might  with 
the  same  propriety  .have  chosen  for  that  office  that  distinguished 
man  whose  bones  have  lately  been  transported  to  Europe,  had  he 
been  alive,  Thomas  Paine." 

1  Mr.  Sparks'  social  experience  in  Washington  was  of  great  advan- 
tage to  him,  and  he  recognized  it  in  a  letter  to  Ansel  Young,  dated 
Washington,  March  29,  1823  :  "  I  have  been  four  months  and  a  half 
in  this  place,  and  shall  be  here  till  May  16.  ...  I  have  had  an  op- 
portunity to  learn  much  of  the  great  world,  and  hope  it  will  be  of 
some  service  in  enlarging  my  views  of  mankind  and  of  human  na- 
ture." 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR   IN  BALTIMORE.       191 

them  well  attended.  Who  loves  to  preach  to  bare  walls  ? 
And  what  lady  can  contemplate  her  drawing-room  with 
any  delight,  when  only  here  and  there  a  straggler  crosses 
her  vision  ?  At  private  parties,  nothing  will  do  short  of 
an  absolute  crush.  The  pleasure  of  the  evening  consists 
in  the  exquisite  anxiety  you  feel,  lest  you  should  be  over- 
whelmed, lost,  or  forgotten,  amidst  such  a  weight  of  hu- 
man corporeity,  and  such  a  din  of  human  voices ;  for  you 
must  know,  Washington  is  full  of  great  men  and  wonder- 
ful women." 

SOCIETY   AND   SAVAGERY. 

Mr.  Sparks  soon  enjoyed  an  opportunity  of  beholding 
how  happily  extremes  meet  in  the  social  world.  On  the 
5th  of  April,  1822,  he  wrote  for  Miss  Storrow  the  follow- 
ing picturesque  account  of  an  Indian  dance  on  the  White 
House  grounds,  in  the  presence  of  Washington  society, 
including  representatives  of  European  courts,  the  exhibi- 
tion being  under  the  general  management  of  the  chief 
magistrate  of  the  United  States,  Mr.  Monroe :  "  You  must 
know  that  all  the  ladies  and  gentlemen,  collected  here 
from  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth,  were  assembled  at  an 
early  hour  to  see  the  buffalo  hunters,  from  the  banks  of 
the  Yellowstone,  perform  a  dance  in  the  yard  of  the  Presi- 
dent's house.  The  great  hall  of  audience  was  soon  filled. 
The  President  had  on  his  three-cornered  hat,  of  ominous 
import,  a  long,  Methodist-fashioned  black  coat,  and  a  tre- 
mendous broadsword  hanging  by  his  side.  At  his  feet 
lay  an  enormous  bulk  of  bearskins,  buffalo  skins,  bears' 
claws,  painted  feathers,  wampum,  and  many  things  of 
which  I  did  not  know  the  names. 

"  The  men  of  the  forest  soon  appeared,  clad  in  old  dirty 
blankets,  painted  with  such  frightful  images  as  plainly 
showed  that  they  had  no  design  upon  the  second  com- 
mandment, for  it  was  impossible  that  they  should  be  like- 


192      MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

nesses  of  anything  either  above  or  below  the  earth.  After 
various  ceremonies,  these  outer  garments  were  thrown 
off,  and  you  saw  the  red  men's  bodies  as  the  Author  of 
nature  had  made  them,  except  that  they  were  daubed  in 
various  parts  with  black.  This  was  only  the  introduction. 
When  they  got  tails  on  behind,  and  horns  on  before,  and 
adorned  their  necks  with  rows  of  bears'  claws,  and  their 
heads  with  feathers ;  and  when  they  sallied  out  through 
the  crowd ;  and  when  they  began  to  jump  and  dance,  to 
shake  their  tails  and  menace  with  their  horns,  and  to  howl 
their  barbarous  songs,  and  to  make  boisterous  speeches  to 
our  great  President  standing  up  with  his  big  hat,  his  Meth- 
odist coat,  and  long  sword  ;  and  when  the  court  ladies 
strained  their  eyes  from  all  the  windows  in  the  palace,  and 
from  a  multitude  of  carriages  mingled  in  the  mob,  to  be- 
hold the  agility  and  graceful  movements  of  these  naked 
men  of  the  woods,  —  when  all  this  was  brought  to  pass, 
it  was  most  truly,  in  the  language  of  the  good  old  parson 
Baldwhidden,  "  just  a  prodigy,  and  a  sight  to  be  seen/' 

If  Jared  Sparks  could  have  lived  to  see  Buffalo  Bill 
and  Wild  West  shows  patronized  by  royalty  and  the  best 
society  of  the  Old  World,  he  would  doubtless  have  repeated 
the  favorite  exclamation  of  Dominie  Sampson,  or  else  have 
philosophically  recognized  that  a  touch  of  savage  nature 
makes  the  whole  world  kind  or  savage,  according  to  cir- 
cumstances. The  spectacle  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  and  the  Queen  of  England  enjoying  the  antics  of 
wild  Indians  is  as  suggestive  of  the  irrepressible  savage 
instincts  in  human  nature  as  were  Roman  circuses,  gladia- 
torial shows,  or  Spanish  bull-fights  ;  or  as  the  adjournment 
of  Parliament  to  hunt  birds  and  foxes,  and  of  Congress  to 
attend  the  Pimlico  races.  A  Canadian  bystander, 1  criti- 
cising  our  appreciative    and  discerning   English  friend, 

i  Gold  win  Smith,  on  "  The  Spoils  of  Office,"  in  the  "  Forum,"  Sep- 
tember, 1889,  p.  35. 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.         193 

Mr.  Bryce,  who  rightly  sees  something  truly  majestic 
in  an  American  presidential  election,  says  that  it  reminds 
one  rather  of  the  Derby.  "  There  is  the  same  amount  of 
betting,  and  an  excitement,  as  it  appears  to  me,  very  much 
of  the  same  kind,  while  the  corruption  which  in  the  case 
of  the  Derby  is  confined  to  the  jockeys,  extends  in  the  case 
of  the  presidential  election  over  a  wider  field."  It  is  not 
surprising  that  the  political  instincts  of  a  retired  member 
of  Parliament  should  not  mount  higher  in  America  than 
this  sporting  level,  since  Parliament  itself  would  find  as 
much  difficulty  in  sitting  through  the  races  and  the  hunting 
season  as  would  school-boys  in  sitting  quietly  if  a  circus 
should  pass  the  school-house. 

OFFICIAL   DUTIES. 

On  the  3d  of  March,  1822,  Mr.  Sparks  by  request  de- 
livered a  memorial  sermon 1  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of  the  Hon.  William 
Pinkney,  Senator  from  Maryland.  Judge  Story  was  not 
referring  to  this  sermon,  preached  by  the  House  chaplain 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  when  in  a  letter  to  his 
wife  he  described  the  funeral  of  Mr.  Pinkney :  "  The 
chaplain  of  the  Senate  delivered  an  extempore  discourse 
to  the  assembly.  It  consisted  altogether  in  appeals  of  ter- 
ror, and  was  in  the  true  orthodox  style,  full  of  doctrinal 
dogmas  and  childish  attempts  to  alarm  and  frighten.  It 
was  so  entirely  at  war  with  the  feelings  of  all  present,  that 
it  served  only  to  shock  them,  and  to  take  away  that  deep 

1  "  Sermon  preached  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress, 
Washington  City,  March  3,  1822,  occasioned  by  the  Death  of  the 
Hon.  William  Pinkney,  late  a  Member  of  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  by  Jared  Sparks,  A.  M.,  Minister  of  the  First  Independent 
Church  of  Baltimore  ;  and  Chaplain  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
in  Congress."  Published  by  request.  Second  edition.  Baltimore. 
Published  by  the  Unitarian  Book  Society,  1822. 
13 


194        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

and  melancholy  impression  which  every   heart   felt   and 
every  face  exhibited."  1 

Mr.  Sparks  noted  in  his  own  Parish  Records  the  follow- 
ing facts  regarding  his  official  duties  and  ministerial  ser- 
vice in  Washington :  u  I  remained  in  Washington  during 
the  whole  session  of  Congress,  which  continued  till  the 
first  week  in  May,  nearly  five  months.  The  duties  were 
performed  alternately  by  me,  and  the  chaplain  of  the  Sen- 
ate. I  preached  every  other  Sabbath  in  the  hall  of  the 
House  of  Representatives :  and  every  other  week  per- 
formed prayers  in  the  morning  at  the  opening  of  the 
House  and  of  the  Senate.  After  prayers  in  one  house  I 
passed  immediately  to  the  other.  Thus  it  was  necessary 
for  one  chaplain  only  to  be  present  on  the  same  morning." 

UNITARIAN   SOCIETY   IN   WASHINGTON. 

"During  my  residence  in  Washington  I  usually  preached 
every  other  Sabbath  for  the  Unitarian  society  in  that 
place,  as  Mr.  Little,  their  pastor,  was  sick  all  winter.  At 
that  time  their  building  for  public  worship  was  not  com- 
pleted, and  they  assembled  in  a  private  room  obtained  for 
the  purpose.  At  this  place  the  members  of  Congress  of 
the  Unitarian  faith  usually  attended." 

Mr.  Little,  the  Unitarian  candidate  in  charge  of  the 
Washington  society,  was  an  Englishman,  born  in  London, 
who  had  been  for  six  years  a  Calvinistic  preacher  in  Perth, 
Scotland,  and  for  two  or  three  years  a  Unitarian  preacher 
in  Gainsborough,  in  Lincolnshire.  He  had  removed  to 
America  with  his  family,  and  had  brought  a  letter  of  in- 
troduction to  Mr.  Sparks  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Belsham,  of 
London,  in  the  fall  of  1819.  He  soon  took  up  his  resi- 
dence in  Washington,  and,  assisted  by  Mr.  Sparks,  began 

1  "  Life  and  Letters  of  Joseph  Story,"  by  W.W.  Story,  vol.  i.,  415. 
Judge  Story  himself  prepared  a  biographical  sketch  of  Mr.  William 
Pinkney,  which  was  published  in  Story's  "  Miscellaneous  Writings." 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE.         195 

to  develop  a  Unitarian   society.      He   was   Mr.   Sparks' 
nearest  neighbor  in  the  missionary  field,  and  occasionally 
they  exchanged  ministerial  services.     Mr.  Little  visited 
New  England  in  the  summer  of  1821  and  obtained  sub- 
stantial aid  towards  building  a  church  in  the  federal  city. 
In  the  records  of  the  First  Independent  Church  in  Bal- 
timore there  is  the  following  entry  under  the   date   of 
October  21,   1821:    "The   collection   for  the  society  at 
Washington  was  taken  after  the  sermon  in  the  morning. 
The  sermon  contained  some  remarks  adapted  to  the  occa- 
sion.    The  text  was  Isaiah  xli.  6th  verse :  4  They  helped 
every  one  his  brother ;  and  every  one  said  to  his  brother, 
Be  of  good  courage.'    The  amount  collected  was  $152.44." 
The  following  letters  are  interesting  sources  of  informa- 
tion regarding  the  beginnings  of  Unitarianism  in  Wash- 
ington.    Robert  Little  wrote  to  Jared  Sparks  from  Wash- 
ington, October  29,  1821 :  "  I  now  entertain  no  doubt  of 
ultimate  success,  and  the  sister  churches  of  Baltimore  and 
Washington  may  hereafter  be  mutually  useful   to   each 
other,  as  well  as  to  the  Southern  States  generally.     We 
received  $300  more  from  Boston  a  few  weeks  since,  and  I 
believe  have  still  a  little  in  reserve  there.     The  number  of 
our  friends  here  seems  on  the  increase.     Yesterday  we 
had  a  larger  attendance  of  persons  of  distinguished  re- 
spectability and  education,  than  at  any  former  period.     I 
am  somewhat  amazed  at  myself  to  know  how  it  is  that  I 
have  gone  on  so  far,  for  the  disadvantages  I  have  labored 
under  from  the  change  of  my  employment,  certain  personal 
and  relative  difficulties  I  have  been  combating  with  for 
the  past  year,  and  the  want  of  books,  which  renders  almost 
every  attempt  at  composition  a  tax  on  my  memory  —  alto- 
gether have  formed  such  a  collection  of  formidable  obsta- 
cles to  the  success  of  my  endeavors,  that  I  wonder  at  my 
own  presumption  in  attempting  so  much,  and  cannot  be 
sufficiently  thankful  for  the  aid  by  which  so  much  has  been 


196        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE. 

achieved.  We  have  strange  motley  materials  to  work 
with,  and  some  who  were  most  forward  and  zealous  at 
first,  now  rather  retard  than  help  us.  Nevertheless  I  trust 
we  shall  '  not  faint.'  "  • 

Again  on  the  5th  of  December,  1820,  Robert  Little 
wrote  to  Jared  Sparks:  "I  am  going  on  'in  much  weak- 
ness, fear,   and  trembling,'  preaching  to  our  fellow  citi- 
zens and  others,  and  the  number  of  respectable  hearers 
increase.     Some  are  importunate  that  I  should  withdraw 
my  attention  in  part  from  business,  and  give  myself  more 
decidedlv  to  the  work  of  establishing  the  cause  of  rational 
reli-ion  here.     This,  however,  I  am  not  able  to  do,  unless 
there  were  adequate  means  of  making  up  the  loss  which 
my  family  would  sustain  by  diverting  my  attention  from 
the  sole  means  of  their  support.     And  I#am  doubtful  of 
the  practicability  of  this ;  unless  we  had  some  more  active 
and  zealous  partisans.      However   the   opinion   becomes 
more  prevalent  that  the  first  step  is  to  form  a  society  on 
Unitarian  principles  to  maintain  regular  worship  antece- 
dently to  the  building  of  a  church.     Accordingly  a  sub- 
scription has  been  offered  of  from  10  to  20  dollars  each 
pr.  annum  for  this  purpose,  and  one  or  two  families  have 
withdrawn  from  the  Presbyterian  Church  to  join  us. 

*  Last  Sunday  we  had  several  Members  of  Congress,  and 
several  fresh  faces  from  among  the  stated  residents  in  our 
city  I  know  you  feel  interested  in  these  matters.  We 
shall  do  what  we  can  to  promote  the  sale  of  the  'Miscel- 

lany-'"  ,       i!:-v    1J-       • 

On  the  9th  of  June,  1822,  the  new  church  building  in 

Washington  was  dedicated,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Little  was 
regularly  installed.  Mr.  Sparks  was  deeply  grieved  that 
no  Unitarian  clergyman  came  to  Washington  from  JNew 
England  to  attend  the  ordination  of  Mr.  Little,  although 
invitations  had  been  sent  to  all  the  brethren  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Boston.     He  said  that  more  than  half  a  dozen  went 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.        197 

with  President  Kirkland  who  preached  the  sermon  at  Mr. 
Ingersoll's  ordination  in  Burlington,  Vermont,  although 
a  journey  from  Boston  to  that  place  was  by  no  means 
so  easily  performed  as  to  Washington.  Probably  this 
view  of  the  geographical  situation  was  not  quite  so  ap- 
parent in  hot  weather  to  the  New  England  clergy  as  to 
the  Southern  pastor ;  and  doubtless  they  now  had  entire 
confidence  in  the  ability  of  the  First  Independent  Church 
of  Baltimore  to  take  care  of  Unitarian  interests  in  the 
neighboring  colony  at  Washington.  Mr.  Sparks,  how- 
ever, clearly  recognized  that  the  planting  of  a  Unitarian 
church  in  the  capital  of  the  United  States  was  an  impor- 
tant event.  It  seemed  to  him  a  grander  opportunity  than 
was  his  own  ordination  in  Baltimore,  when  Mr.  Channing 
in  one  splendid  effort  brought  the  whole  force  of  Unitari- 
anism  over  the  Southern  frontier.  On  the  present  occa- 
sion Mr.  Sparks  himself  preached  the  dedication  discourse, 
and  successfully  established  the  Unitarian  Church  on  the 
Potomac  border  of  Virginia.  The  society  thus  planted 
in  the  federal  city  by  his  active  cooperation  continues  to 
flourish  to  this  day. 

FREE   FROM   PROVINCIALISM. 

Mr.  Sparks'  experience  in  Washington  as  a  Unitarian 
pioneer  and  as  chaplain  of  Congress,  his  contact  there  and 
elsewhere  with  leading  men  from  various  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, his  deliberate  preference  of  Baltimore  to  a  Boston 
parish,  his  still  earlier  Freshman  experience  at  Havre  de 
Grace,  his  spirit  of  adventure  and  exploration,  all  suggest 
that  his  was  a  wide  vision,  content  with  no  pent-up  valley 
or  narrow  horizon  of  local  life.  Dr.  Ellis,  who  knew  him 
well,  observed  this  broad-minded  spirit  in  Jared  Sparks, 
and  ascribed  it  to  his  contact  with  society  in  the  Middle 
and  Southern  States :  "  His  own  intimate  friends,  after  he 
had  reached  middle  life,  were  generally  much  impressed 


198        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

by  his  entire  freedom  from  provincialism  and  sectionalism. 
He  soon  rid  himself  of  what  is  called  New  England  nar- 
rowness, with  the  limitations  which  it  implies.  The 
breadth  of  mind  and  the  nationality  of  view  which  were 
so  marked  in  him  had  been  acquired  by  his  incidental 
intercourse  with  people  in  the  middle  and  southern  por- 
tions of  the  country.  He  availed  himself  of  the  most 
transient  chances  of  a  winter  journey,  or  of  a  summer  so- 
journ at  a  watering-place,  to  open  conversations  or  to  draw 
out  the  characteristic  qualities  of  representative  persons 
which  would  add  to  his  general  or  special  knowledge.  It 
is  observable  from  his  own  private,  miscellaneous  papers, 
in  which  he  set  down  in  fragmentary  or  suggestive  hints 
the  subjects  on  which  he  might,  at  some  time,  choose  to 
write,  that  his  interest  extended  over  a  very  wide  field. 
When,  afterwards,  he  set  himself  to  elaborate  one  or 
another  of  the  subjects  of  biography  or  history  which  he 
so  thoroughly  wrought,  he  seems  to  have  known  at  the 
start  what  materials *  there  were,  and  in  what  directions 
he  was  to  look  for  them.  This  knowledge  extended  in 
many  cases  to  the  names  of  persons  or  families  having  in 
their  keeping  the  papers  he  would  need.  When,  as  in  the 
preparation  of  his  ■  Library  of  American  Biography,'  he 
called  in  the  aid  of  other  writers,  reserving  to  himself  only 
an  editorial  responsibility,  his  correspondence  with  his 
contributors  would  direct  their  attention  and  investigation 
to  points  which  might  not  otherwise  have  occurred  to 
them." 

During  Mr.  Sparks'  five  months'  absence  in  Washing- 
ton, his  pulpit  in  Baltimore  was  supplied  by  Mr.  Pierre- 
.pont,  of  Boston,  Mr.  Walker,  of  Charleston,  Mr.  Hay  ward, 
a  Harvard  tutor,  and  Mr.  Jenks,  a  candidate  for  the  min- 
istry.    No  sooner  was  Mr.  Sparks  free  from  his  duties  as 

1  This  point  will  further  appear  in  Mr.  Sparks'  Journals,  which 
are  full  of  suggestions  for  students  of  American  history. 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN.;  BALTIMORE.        199 

chaplain  in  Washington  than  he  was  back  in  Baltimore, 
collecting  by  correspondence  further  materials  for  his 
"  Life  of  Ledyard,"  and  arranging  for  a  visit  to  Ledyard's 
birthplace  in  Connecticut.  He  writes,  June  17,  1822: 
"  If  I  had  six  months,  I  do  believe  the  '  Life  of  Ledyard ' 
would  come  out  a  book  that  might  be  read.  But  I  am  over- 
whelmed with  theology."  On  the  10th  of  July  he  plans 
by  letter  to  escort  Miss  Storrow  back  to  New  England. 
For  three  months  she  had  been  visiting  her  brother,  Colo- 
nel Samuel  A.  Storrow,1  who  had  married  Miss  Carter, 
of  an  old  Virginia  family,  and  had  become  a  prosperous 
planter  at  "  Farley,"  Culpeper  Court  House.  Mr.  Sparks 
writes :  "  You  kindly  advise  me  not  to  plan  business  for 
ten  men  during  my  absence.  So  far  from  it,  that  I  shall 
actually  be  a  burden  upon  the  wings  of  time.  I  am  now 
laboring  at  the  oar  to  lay  in  a  stock  of  '  Miscellanies,'  and 
shall  leave  things  in  so  prosperous  a  condition,  that  I  shall 
not  have  more  than  one  number  to  write  during  my  ab- 
sence. .  .  .  Baltimore  has  been  terribly  hot  for  fifteen 
days  and  as  many  nights.  ...  I  daily  gasp  for  a  breath 
of  air  from  the  fresh  hills  and  blooming  fields  of  New 
England." 

VISIT  TO   NEW   ENGLAND. 

Leaving  Baltimore  July  17,  1822,  on  his  way  north- 
ward, Mr.  Sparks  spent  a  week  at  Long  Branch,  and  then 
went  to  New  England  for  the  rest  of  the  summer.  After 
a  pleasant  visit  to  Cambridge  and  Lancaster,  and  renew- 
ing old  acquaintance  in  and  about  Boston,  after  preaching 
in  Mr.  Peabody's  pulpit  in  Springfield,  after  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  birthplace  of  Ledyard  at  Stonington,  Connecticut, 
and  to  his  own  boyhood  haunts  at  Wellington  and  Tolland, 
Mr.  Sparks  began  his  return  journey  to  Baltimore,  and 

1  Colonel  Storrow  was  quoted  by  Sparks  in  the  "North  American 
Review  "  for  May  and  July,  1817,  in  articles  on  the  "  Interior  of  Af- 
rica" and  "The  Narrative  of  Robert  Adams." 


200        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE. 

was  awaiting  a  New  York  packet  at  New  London,  Septem- 
ber 22,  1822.  In  those  days  the  Sound  boats  made  only 
two  trips  a  week,  and  the  Baltimore  traveler  found  time  to 
write  a  letter  reviewing  his  visit  to  New  England.  There 
are  some  points  of  special  interest.  Speaking  of  New 
London  and  Ledyard,  he  says :  "  Whoever  wanders  to  this 
place  must  be  content  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  stages  and 
packets.  I  have  been  shut  up  here  three  days,  but,  all 
things  favoring,  I  shall  take  my  departure  to-night,  and 
be  in  Baltimore  as  quick  as  the  mail  stage  can  carry  me. 
I  have  finished  the  Ledyard  business,  and  all  visiting  in 
New  England.  I  have  no  occasion  to  go  to  Long  Island, 
as  Mrs.  Denison,  of  Stonington,  a  half-sister  of  Ledyard, 
and  an  intelligent  woman,  assures  me  that  she  has  pro- 
cured everything  from  that  quarter.  ...  I  have  been  at 
the  house  where  Ledyard  was  born,  have  a  lock  of  his 
hair,  which  resembles  flax  on  a  distaff,  .  .  .  and  who  will 
say  that  I  am  not  qualified  to  be  his  biographer  ?  I  have 
also  his  last  letter  to  his  mother.  His  affection  for  her  was 
ardent,  and  unceasing." 

Mr.  Sparks  had  just  visited  his  own  mother,  who  was  ill 
at  Willington,  Connecticut,  and  writes  of  her  with  much 
affection  as  follows :  "  You  were  kind  enough  to  inquire 
about  my  mother.  I  have  been  with  her  two  days.  Her 
health  is  lower  than  I  have  ever  known  it,  by  reason  of  a 
relapse,  which  she. has  had  about  three  months.  .  .  .  She 
suffers  acutely  almost  without  intermission.  She  was  quite 
comfortable  in  the  spring,  and  could  read ;  and  the  exer- 
cise of  her  mind  in  reading  '  Locke  on  the  Understand- 
ing '  .  .  .  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  her  relapse. 
The  next  morning  after  my  arrival  her  mind  was  more 
tranquil  and  composed  than  usual.  She  talked  much  and 
on  various  subjects,  especially  of  Locke,  who,  she  said, 
was  a  remarkable  writer,  but  his  views  were  not  good,  his 
principles  incorrect,  and  would  lead  to  Unitarianism.  .  .  . 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE.        201 

She  seemed  to  be  particularly  concerned  about  my  reli- 
gious opinions,  and  said  I  was  wrong,  and  then  quoted 
several  passages  of  Scripture.  She  was  very  earnest  upon 
this  subject,  but  I  perceived  her  strength  was  failing,  and 
I  avoided  further  conversation." 

This  glimpse  of  "the  mother  at  home"  is  a  striking 
picture,  and  the  scene  between  mother  and  son  has  withal 
its  pathetic  side ;  but  Mrs.  Sparks  was  greatly  comforted 
at  seeing  her  eldest  boy  after  his  long  absence,  although 
she  did-  not  approve  of  his  theology.  Before  his  depar- 
ture he  made  such  arrangements  as  he  could  for  her  peace 
of  mind  and  bodily  comfort. 

For  many  years  before  this  time  Mr.  Sparks  had  em- 
ployed the  willing  services  of  the  Rev.  Hubbel  Loomis 
for  the  proper  care  and  occasional  visitation  of  his  aged 
mother.  The  following  pastoral  report,  dated  at  Willing- 
ton,  March  24, 1818,  throws  a  mellow  light  upon  the  good 
pastor  in  his  kindly  ministrations  to  mind  and  body :  "  I 
visited  her  to-day.  ...  I  constantly  supply  her  with  such 
books  as  I  have.  I  with  pleasure  afford  every  attention 
which  can  add  to  her  comfort.  I  always  make  a  point  of 
inquiring  when  I  see  her  whether  she  is  in  want  of  money 
to  procure  any  article  which  she  supposes  would  be  for  her 
comfort.  .  .  .  Your  filial  and  liberal  assistance  do  her 
good  like  a  medicine.  Your  request  in  relation  to  her 
physician's  bills  I  shall  cheerfully  comply  with.  ...  I 
intend,  however,  to  recommend  to  her  a  moderate  daily 
use  of  wine  for  a  season."  Among  the  papers  of  Jared 
Sparks  there  are  many  letters  from  Mr.  Loomis,  and  all 
bear  evidence  to  the  filial  devotion  of  the  absent  son. 

RETURN  TO   BALTIMORE. 

After  his  return  to  Baltimore,  Mr.  Sparks  devoted  him- 
self to  the  interests  of  his  parish.  In  this  work  he  en- 
joyed considerable  assistance  during  the  winter  from  the 


202        MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

Rev.  F.  W.  P.  Greenwood,  who  had  come  south  from  Bos- 
ton, on  account  of  his  health.  Mr.  Greenwood  soon  be- 
gan to  write  for  the  "  Miscellany,"  1  and  in  January,  1823, 
took  editorial  charge  of  that  magazine.  Mr.  Sparks  now 
found  time  for  the  revision  and  further  development  of 
the  materials  which  he  had  used  in  the  "  Miscellany  "  dur- 
ing his  famous  controversy  with  Dr.  Miller.  This  revised 
work  took  final  shape  in  a  volume  published  in  Boston, 
1823,  and  entitled  "An  Inquiry  into  the  Comparative 
Moral  Tendency  of  Trinitarian  and  Unitarian  Doctrines, 
in  a  Series  of  Letters  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Miller,  of  Prince- 
ton." By  this  time  the  two  controversialists  had  acquired 
a  cordial  respect  for  one  another,  and  the  book  reveals  few 
traces  of  the  odium  theologicum.  In  after  years,  when 
Mr.  Sparks  was  editing  the  series  of  volumes  on  "Amer- 
ican Biography,"  he  persuaded  Dr.  Miller  to  write  the 
"Life  of  Jonathan  Edwards,"  and  gave  free  scope  for  the 
statement  of  opinions  represented  by  the  subject. 

On  the  12th  of  February,  1823,  Mr.  Sparks,  in  a  letter 
to  Miss  Storrow,  mentions  Ledyard :  "  He  moves  slowly. 
I  am  waiting  for  materials  from  Scotland,  England,  and 
France ;  when  they  arrive  they  will  add  little,  but  they 
must  be  had.  I  must  write  to  your  brother  at  Paris  to 
apply  to  La  Fayette.  I  hope  it  will  be  finished  next  year. 
I  am  engaged  on  a  work  of  three  or  four  hundred  pages 
on  the  moral  influence  of  Unitarianism,  &c.  It  will  com- 
prise the  ■  Letters  to  Miller,'  much  altered  and  improved, 
and  several  others  added.  I  am  preparing  a  second  edi- 
tion of  the  '  Letters  on  the  Episcopal  Church,'  to  be  out  in 
the  summer.  This  will  be  greatly  improved,  and  requires 
much  labor.     When  these  three  works  are  out,  I  shall 

i  Mr.  Sparks  told  Ansel  Young,  March  29,  1823:  "As  to  the 
1  Miscellany,'  I  am  not  now  the  editor,  but  generally  write  something 
for  every  number.  The  three  first  volumes  were  written  almost  en. 
tirely  by  myself." 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.        203 

have  done ;  and  it  will  be  long  before  I  shall  undertake 
another  such  project.  I  will  attend  to  my  duty  then,  as  a 
man  ought  to  do.  I  will  '  persevere.'  Pray,  do  you  lift 
up  your  voice  like  a  pelican  in  the  wilderness  in  favor  of 
my  plan  of  a  Theological  Collection,  the  first  number  of 
which  has  been  printed?  I  hope  it  will  succeed,  for  I  am 
sure  it  will  do  good.  But  the  subscription  is  not  much 
encouraged.  This  work  costs  me  more  labor  than  you 
would  imagine  from  the  little  part  which  I  seem  to  take 
in  it.  .  .  . 

"  P.  S.  2d.  Tell  Mr.  Higginson,  that  a  Unitarian  mis- 
sionary from  Kentucky '  preached  for  me  lately.  It  was 
odd  preaching,  and  a  little  in  the  backwoods  style  ;  but  he 
is  a  good  man,  and  will  be  useful  in  the  upper  country. 
In  Kentucky  he  says  are  more  than  one  hundred  Unita- 
rian preachers." 

1  In  his  diary  for  January  15,  1823,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  :  "Mr. 
Ricketts,  of  Kentucky,  called.  Forty  ministers  of  Unitarian  senti- 
ments in  one  association  on  the  northeast  borders  of  Kentucky  of 
the  Baptist  persuasion.     Many  in  other  parts  of  the  State." 

An  interesting  account  of  the  independent  origin  of  Unitarianism 
in  Kentucky  may  be  found  in  the  Letter  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Eastin,  of 
that  State,  published  in  the  "  Unitarian  Miscellany  "  July,  1821.  See 
also  that  journal  for  March  and  April,  1822,  for  Rev.  Mr.  Eastin's 
Protest.  This  early  Baptist  apostle  of  the  Unitarian  faith  in  Ken- 
tucky seems  to  have  reached  his  new  views  by  an  independent  study 
of  the  New  Testament,  and  to  have  found  his  first  sympathizer  in  a 
governor  of  the  State,  who  was  a  member  of  his  congregation.  Mr. 
Eastin  early  published  letters  on  Unitarian  doctrines,  and  republished 
Emlyn's  "Humble  Inquiry."  He  soon  got  hold  of  Lardner,  Smith, 
Priestley,  Toulman,  Yates'  reply  to  Wardlow,  and  other  Unitarian 
literature.  He  says  in  his  letter  dated  Paris,  Ky.,  January  5,  1821, 
"  More  than  a  year  ago  I  sent  to  a  bookstore  in  Lexington  for  Dr. 
Channing's  Sermon,  preached  at  the  ordination  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Sparks  in  Baltimore,  but,  for  some  inexplicable  reason,  the  book- 
seller declined  procuring  it  for  me." 


204        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE. 


ESSAYS   AND   TRACTS. 

The  Theological  Collection  to  which  Mr.  Sparks  alluded 
in  the  foregoing  letter  was  a  quarterly  publication  begun 
January  1,  1823,  and  more  exactly  known  as  a  "  Collection 
of  Essays  and  Tracts  in  Theology,  with  Biographical  and 
Critical  Notices."  It  was  a  carefully  selected  series  of 
papers,  forming  two  small  volumes  a  year,  upon  religious 
subjects  by  writers  like  John  Locke,  Jeremy  Taylor,  Sir 
Isaac  Newton,  William  Penn,  Isaac  Watts,  and  Thomas 
Emlyn.  The  selection  was  not  confined  to  a  particular 
age  or  to  one  school  of  opinion  f  it  ranged  from  Episcopa- 
lian to  Quaker  literature.  The  object  was  to  show  the  sub- 
stantial agreement  of  enlightened  Christians  upon  "all 
that  is  fundamental  or  important  in  religion,  when  they 
submit  to  be  guided  by  their  understanding."  Mr.  Sparks 
dedicated  the  collection  to  his  friend  and  benefactor, 
President  Kirkland,  as  "  a  token  of  gratitude,  affectionate 
regard,  and  respect."  The  editor  said  it  was  "  designed 
to  promote  the  cause  of  sacred  learning,  of  truth  and 
charity,  of  religious  freedom  and  rational  piety."  Sparks 
was  of  the  same  opinion  as  Paley,  that  "  whatever  makes 
religion  more  rational,  makes  it  more  credible."  The 
publication  of  this  series  of  theological  tracts  and  essays 
continued  through  a  period  of  three  years,  from  January, 
1823,  until  March,  1826.1  It  was  Mr.  Sparks'  last  ser- 
vice to  the  cause  of  distinctly  religious  literature,  and 
marks  the  transition  from  the  clerical  and  controversial  to 
the  historico-philosophical  spirit  in  his  relation  to  religious 
questions.     He  had  now  attained  not  only  to  a  unity  of 

1  The  "  Essays  and  Tracts "  were  at  first  printed  by  Hilliard  & 
Metcalf,  University  Press,  Cambridge,  and  published  by  Oliver 
Everett,  No.  13  Cornhill,  Boston.  Afterwards  they  came  from  the 
"Press  of  the  North  American  Review,"  and  were  published  by 
D.  Reed,  of  Boston. 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE.        205 

faith,  but  to  a  freedom  of  the  spirit,  whieh  was  able  to 
discover  God's  truth  in  secular  history  and  in  the  enlight- 
ened thoughts  of  men. 

Reviving  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Ellis,  it  may  be  said 
that  u  no  better  service  in  the  cause  of  religious  literature 
could  be  performed  by  the  press,  even  at  this  day,  than 
the  reproduction  of  those  six  small  volumes,  which  con- 
tain pieces  from  the  pens  of  the  following  esteemed  wri- 
ters; namely:  Turretin,  Abauzit,  Archdeacon  Black- 
burne,  Bishop  Hoadly,  Dr.  Whitby,  Bishop  Hare,  Sir 
Isaac  Newton,  Charles  Butler,  Robert  Robinson,  Thomas 
Cogan,  William  Penn,  Dr.  Sykes,  Dr.  Benson,  Thomas 
Emlyn,  Mrs.  Barbauld,  ■  The  ever  memorable  John  Hales,' 
James  Foster,  Bishop  Jeremy  Taylor,  John  Locke,  Robert 
Clayton,  Dr.  Watts,  and  Le  Clerc."  x  A  similar  series  of 
selections  upon  religious  subjects,  taken  from  the  early 
Church  Fathers,  the  great  writers  of  the  mediaeval  and 
modern  church,  and  perhaps  from  some  of  the  great  souls 
of  antiquity,  from  Marcus  Aurelius,  Epictetus,  Seneca, 
Plutarch,  Plato,  the  Greek  poets,  the  Vedic  psalms  and 
Egyptian  hymns,  might  prove  an  historic  revelation 2  to 
open-minded  readers  in  our  time. 

The  principles  which  Mr.  Sparks  adopted  in  editing 
the  "  Essays  and  Tracts  "  are  clearly  stated  in  his  preface : 
"  It  will  be  a  general  rule  to  give  the  articles  entire,  nor 
will  an  alteration  or  abridgment  of  them  ever  be  made  in 
consequence  of  the  sentiments  which  they  express.    Some- 

1  Biographical  sketches  of  all  these  writers  were  prepared  by  Mr. 
Sparks,  and  are  the  beginnings  of  all  his  published  biographical  writ- 
ings.    The  "  Life  of  Ledyard  "  did  not  appear  until  1826. 

2  Since  this  was  written,  there  has  been  published  a  remarkable 
work  on  "  The  Unknown  God,"  by  Mr.  Charles  Loring  Brace  (1826- 
1890),  author  of  that  suggestive  volume  called  "Gesta  Christi." 
The  new  work  shows  with  wonderful  power  God's  revelation  to  the 
Greeks  and  other  Gentile  nations,  who  had  the  divine  law  written  in 
their  hearts. 


206        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

times  such  parts  may  be  omitted  as  are  local,  and  have  no 
immediate  bearing  on  the  subject  at  large ;  but  this  will 
seldom  happen,  and  never  unless  it  be  notified  to  the 
reader.  It  is  deemed  highly  important  that  the  language 
of  the  authors  should  be  faithfully  and  exactly  retained." 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Mr.  Sparks  clearly  under- 
stood the  duties  of  an  editor,  and  did  exactly  what  he  un- 
dertook to  do. 

sparks'  theological  library. 

For  the  proper  editorial  conduct  of  the  "  Unitarian  Mis- 
cellany "  and  of  his  "  Collection  of  Essays  and  Tracts  in 
Theology,"  Mr.  Sparks  needed  the  resources  of  a  well- 
selected  theological  library,  and  this  he  had  built  up  for 
himself  during  those  three  or  four  years  of  scholastic  iso- 
lation in  Baltimore.  As  early  as  December  23,  1819,  he 
wrote  to  the  Rev.  Robert  Aspland,  in  London,  saying,  "  I 
wish  to  procure  every  work  of  merit  which  has  been  writ- 
ten by  the  earlier  English  Unitarians."  He  authorized 
an  agent  "to  select  all  the  Unitarian  tracts  and  single  ser- 
mons which  have  sufficient  merit  to  recommend  them." 
We  see  an  eminently  historical  spirit  in  this  search  for  the 
English  sources  of  Unitarian  thought.  But  he  was  not 
content  with  discovering  these.  He  pushed  his  inquiries 
into  continental  fields,  and  gathered  a  rare  collection  of 
French,  German,  and  Latin  authorities  upon  theological 
matters.  There  is  a  printed  catalogue  of  Mr.  Sparks' 
library x  of    "  Theological    and    Miscellaneous    Books," 

1  Mr.  Sparks  said  to  Ansel  Young,  March  29,  1823  :  "  I  have 
expended  much  for  books  and  am  now  in  debt  on  that  score.  My 
library  consists  of  about  1,500  volumes,  and  has  cost  from  three 
to  four  thousand  dollars."  The  prices  at  which  the  theological 
works  in  this  library  were  sold,  together  with  the  names  of  the  pur- 
chasers, were  marked  upon  a  printed  catalogue  by  Charles  Folsom, 
one  of  Mr.  Sparks'  best  friends.  Three  hundred  and  fifty-three  sep- 
arate lots,  embracing  625  volumes,  brought  only  $657.     It  was  a 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.        207 

which  was  sold  at  auction  in  Boston,  May  28,  1824,  at 
the  office  of  the  "North  American  Review,"  13  Cornhill, 
after  his  retirement  from  the  ministry.  The  list  embraces 
three  hundred  and  fifty-three  distinct  titles  or  lots,  and 
very  many  more  than  that  number  of  separate  volumes 
and  pamphlets.  Dr.  Ellis  says  that  the  works  were  "  then 
for  the  most  part  rare,  not  only  in  private,  but  in  our 
public  libraries.  .  .  .  The  list  of  titles  is  itself  a  most  sig- 
nificant witness  to  his  assiduity  in  collecting  and  examin- 
ing works,  for  the  gnere  gathering  of  which  he  must  have 
enlisted  the  kindly  aid  of  friends  1  visiting  Europe,  and 
have  spent  all  that  he  could  spare  from  a  small  salary 
after  he  had  met  the  charges  of  a  frugal  mode  of  life." 

Mr.  Sparks'  salary  during  his  Baltimore  pastorate  was 
$2,000  a  year.  During  this  period,  he  found  a  delightful 
home  in  the  family  of  Mr.  A  mos  A.  Williams,2  a  gentle- 
man and  a  manufacturer  of  Massachusetts  origin,  who  was 
one  of  the  prominent  members  of  Mr.  Sparks'  congrega- 
tion. Over  this  household  presided  Miss  Susan  Williams, 
a  sister  of  Mr.  Williams,  a  lady  for  whom  the  young- 
clergyman  had  the  deepest  respect  and  kindest  regard. 
The  daughter  of  the  house  afterwards  became  the  wife  of 
the  Rev.  George  W.  Burnap,  one  of  Mr.  Sparks'  succes- 
sors as  Unitarian  pastor  in  Baltimore.  In  after  years,  Mr. 
Sparks  frequently  visited  the  Williams  family  when  he 
was  passing  through  Baltimore,  and  he  never  forgot  the 
Williams'  flower-garden  with  its  jessamine  and  honey- 
suckles, nor  the  vines  that  encircled  the  windows  of  his 
room  in  that  charming  Williams  home.     He   was  always 

library  from  which  a  history  of  English  and  American  Unitarianism 
might  have  been  written. 

1  Mr.  Sparks'  cash  accounts  show  that  Mr.  William  Havard  Eliot 
bought  books  in  London  for  his  friend.  Charles  Folsom  also  served 
Mr.  Sparks  in  making  book-purchases  abroad. 

2  Mr.  Williams  lived  on  the  northeast  corner  of  Calvert  and 
Lexington  streets. 


208        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

fond  of  a  garden  and  always  fond  of  children.  It  is  de- 
lightful to  find  him  concluding  his  friendly  letters  to  Miss 
Storrow  with  charming  messages  to  the  little  blue  eyed 
daughter  of  Mrs.  Higginson. 

RESIGNATION   OF   PASTORATE. 

In  the  Records  of  his  church,  under  the  date  of  January 
13, 1823,  we  find  the  first  intimation  of  Mr.  Sparks'  desire 
to  resign  his  ministerial  position  in  Baltimore.  "  During 
the  last  year  my  health  has  been  constantly  declining. 
This  I  ascribe  in  some  measure  to  the  unpropitious  influ- 
ence of  the  climate ;  and  also  to  the  nature  of  my  duties, 
and  the  multiplied  labors  in  which  I  have  been  engaged. 
After  much  deliberation  on  the  subject,  I  have  finally 
concluded  that  I  ought  to  resign  my  situation  as  minister 
of  the  First  Independent  Church.  This  resolution  I  have 
to-day  made  known  to  the  Trustees,  and  signified  that  I 
shall  retire  as  soon  as  July  1st." 

On  the  17th  of  March,  in  that  year,  he  makes  this  an- 
nouncement to  Miss  Storrow  :  "  The  point  is  finally  set- 
tled, that  I  shall  resign  my  place  here  in  July  next.  I  have 
no  future  plans  or  prospects.  It  is  hardly  probable  that  I 
shall  return  to  New  England  to  reside  very  soon,  if  ever. 
But  I  will  make  no  predictions,  as  I  hope  in  all  cases  to 
be  ready  to  submit  cheerfully  to  the  will  of  Providence." 
Mr.  Sparks  had  expressed  the  apprehension  as  early  as 
1819  that  the  arduous  duties  of  his  position  would  ruin 
his  health.  The  climate  of  the  South  had  never  agreed 
with  his  constitution,  and  he  had  been  repeatedly  forced, 
on  the  approach  of  warm  weather,  to  leave  the  city  for 
some  health-resort  in  Pennsylvania  or  Virginia. 

Mr.  Sparks'  letter  announcing  his  resignation  was  com- 
municated to  his  congregation  on  the  19th  of  April,  1823. 
After  reviewing  the  grounds  for  his  withdrawal,  he  said : 
"  Allow  me  to  add,  that  I  have  not  forced  myself  to  this 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE.        209 

decision  without  many  feelings  of  painful  regret.  From 
you  I  have  experienced  a  degree  of  kindness  and  friend- 
ship which  has  made  impressions  too  deep  to  be  obliter- 
ated, and  formed  ties  too  strong  to  be  broken.  ...  If  I 
know  my  own  heart,  there  is  not  among  your  members 
an  individual  whom  I  do  not  esteem  as  a  friend,  and  in 
whose  happiness  and  welfare  I  feel  not  a  lively  concern. 

"  I  should  not  do  justice  to  you,  nor  to  my  feelings,  if  I 
did  not,  on  the  present  occasion,  acknowledge  the  very 
great  pleasure  which  I  have  derived  from  the  perfect  har- 
mony and  good-fellowship  which  have  prevailed,  not  only 
between  you  and  your  pastor,  but  among  yourselves,  from 
the  time  you  were  organized  into  a  separate  religious 
society.  .  .  .  My  labors  with  you  have  been  according  to 
my  ability  and  strength  ;  and  however  little  these  may 
have  effected,  I  have  at  least  endeavored  to  convince  you 
that  I  have  felt  no  common  zeal  and  interest  in  the  cause 
which  you  have  united  under  many  discouragements  to 
promote.  ...  I  have  never  felt  myself  more  closely  allied 
to  you,  or  more  devotedly  attached  to  your  interests,  than 
at  this  moment ;  and,  although  it  is  the  will  of  Providence 
that  our  connection  shall  be  dissolved,  let  me  assure  you 
that  I  have  not  been  influenced  by  any  motives  bearing 
on  the  condition,  circumstances,  or  prospects  of  the  society. 
Every  consideration  of  this  sort  would  tend  to  bind  us 
more  firmly  together." 

After  hearing  this  letter,  the  society  appointed  a  com- 
mittee, of  which  the  Hon.  Theodorick  Bland  was  chair- 
man, to  prepare  a  reply,  which  was  sent  to  Mr.  Sparks, 
May  4,  1823.  The  following  extracts  indicate  the  estima- 
tion in  which  he  was  held  by  his  parishioners :  "  Your 
communication  of  the  19th  ult.,  announcing  your  intention 
of  resigning  the  office  of  pastor  of  the  First  Independent 
Church,  has  been  received  by  the  society  with  sentiments 
of  the  deepest  sorrow  and  regret.  It  has  caused  us  to  re- 
14 


210        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

alize,  more  sensibly  than  perhaps  we  have  ever  done,  the 
value  of  your  past  connection  with  us,  and  the  magnitude 
of  the  loss  which  we  must  sustain  by  its  dissolution.  .  .  . 
The  difficulties  generally  incident  to  the  formation  of  a 
new  society  were  in  our  case  peculiarly  embarrassing; 
but  by  the  aid  of  your  talents  and  exertions  they  have 
been  greatly  alleviated,  and  by  your  example,  your  coun- 
sel, your  public  instructions,  and  your  writings,  we  have 
been  taught  to  encounter  and  bear  them.  You  have  given 
firmness  to  our  resolutions,  energy  to  our  endeavors,  and 
confidence  to  our  hopes.  .  .  .  Nor  has  the  influence  of  your 
virtues,  your  industry,  and  talents  been  confined  within 
the  limits  of  your  parochial  charge ;  it  has  diffused  itself 
throughout  our  country,  and  we  have  been  again  visited 
by  its  reflected  brightness.  .  .  .  For  your  welfare  and 
success,  dear  sir,  we  entertain  no  fears.  Should  your  life 
be  spared,  you  cannot  fail  of  rendering  it  useful  to 
society,  and  honorable  to  yourself.  That  the  blessing  of 
God  may  follow  you  wherever  you  go,  and  rest  on  all 
you  do,  is  the  prayer  of  your  respectful  and  affectionate 

friends."  1 

WESTERN   TOUR. 

Mr.  Sparks  continued  to  preach  until  the  8th  of  June, 
when  his  health  became  so  impaired  that  he  was  obliged 
to  desist  and  remove  from  the  city.  He  spent  a  week  at 
the  country  house  of  Mr.  Appleton,  one  of  his  most  help- 
ful parishioners.  He  then  went  for  three  weeks  to  Bed- 
ford Springs,  his  former  resort  in  Pennsylvania.  Not 
finding  himself  improved,  he  wisely  resolved  to  pass  the 
remainder  of  the  summer  "  in  traveling  and  constant  ex- 
ercise." These  were  the  things  needful  for  the  diversion 
of  his  mind  and  the  recuperation  of  his  bodily  health.    He 

1  This  letter,  signed  by  Theodorick  Bland,  is  published  in  full, 
together  with  the  letter  of  Mr.  Sparks,  in  the  "Unitarian  Miscel- 
lany," vol.  iv.,  290-296. 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE.        211 

went  westward  to  Pittsburgh,  thence  to  Erie  and  Niagara 
Falls,  then  homewards  across  New  York  State  to  New 
England  and  Boston. 

The  following  interesting  comment  on  the  rapid  growth 
of  western  New  York  is  taken  from  a  letter  written  at 
Auburn,  July  22,  1823,  to  Miss  Williams,  of  Baltimore  : 
"  The  very  spirit  of  magic  is  at  work  in  this  country.  Peo- 
ple are  everywhere  as  numerous  as  bees  in  swarming  time, 
and  the  face  of  things  looks  as  old  as  in  New  England. 
There  is  .more  than  double  the  traveling  every  day  between 
Albany  and  Buffalo  to  what  there  is  between  Baltimore 
and  Washington  during  the  session  of  Congress.  There 
is  no  telling  to  what  the  great  State  of  New  York  will  one 
day  arrive." 

In  his  diary  there  are  some  amusing  observations  upon 
the  classical  names  of  places  in  the  State  of  New  York. 
Mr.  Sparks  writes  in  the  month  of  July,  while  traveling : 
"The  whimsical  mode  of  naming  towns  in  this  country 
has  often  been  the  subject  of  complaint  with  travelers. 
Your  ears  are  perpetually  greeted  with  the  names  of  the 
heroes  of  antiquity,  brought  together  in  the  most  odd 
combinations.  The  canal  boats  are  usually  named  in 
connection  with  the  towns  to  which  they  belong.  I  ob- 
served the  following,  namely,  4  The  Venus  of  Cato,'  ' The 
Franklin  of  Brutus  ; '  and  others  equally  ridiculous.  .  .  . 
Had  I  pursued  my  route,  I  should  have  been  in  half  a 
day  at  Rome,  and  next  in  Athens.  I  am  now  in  Aure- 
lius,  and  I  am  shortly  to  pass  through  Manlius.  I  shall 
think  myself  happy,  indeed,  if  I  can  escape  Homer  and 
Virgil." 

On  the  19th  of  September,  1823,  we  find  Mr.  Sparks 
back  again  in  Baltimore  and  writing  to  his  old  friend, 
Davis  Hurd,  then  living  in  Lockport,1  Niagara  County, 

1  A  subsequent  letter  to  Mr.  Hurd,  dated  Boston,  December  29, 
1823,  indicates  that  Mr.  Sparks'  old  friend  from  Vermont  had  aban- 


212        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN   BALTIMORE. 

New  York.  "  I  have  just  returned  from  a  tour  to  the 
West,  and  it  was  a  part  of  my  plan  to  visit  you  at  Scipio, 
where  I  supposed  you  resided.  You  may  well  imagine 
my  disappointment,  therefore,  at  finding,  after  I  had 
passed  over  the  Ridge  Road  from  Niagara,  that  I  had 
been  within  three  miles  of  you  without  knowing  it.  The 
shortness  of  my  time  would  not  allow  me  to  return.  .  .  . 
My  health  is  considerably  recovered,  although  the  climate 
is  so  unfavorable  to  my  health  in  this  place  that  I  am 
obliged  to  resign  my  situation.  I  have  been  here  more 
than  four  years,  settled  as  a  preacher  of  Unitarian  senti- 
ments. Hereafter  I  shall  reside  in  Boston,  and  take 
charge  of  the  '  North  American  Review,'  ■  a  periodical 
doned  school-keeping  and  surveying,  and  was  now  advancing  with 
the  progress  of  the  country.  "  I  have  no  doubt  your  plan  of  follow- 
ing the  canal  business  is  a  good  one.  The  whole  country  is  running 
crazy  after  canals,  and  the  employment  of  a  good  engineer  must,  for 
a  time  at  least,  be  profitable.' '  Mr.  Hurd  afterwards  applied  his  en- 
gineering talent  at  Farmington,  Conn.,  upon  the  construction  of  the 
canal  through  that  region  now  traversed  by  the  New  Haven  and 
Northampton  Railroad,  or  the  old  "  Canal  Road."  In  a  letter  dated 
Hamden,  Conn.,  December  18,  1825,  Davis  Hurd  informs  Sparks  : 
"  I  have  since  last  June  been  engaged  as  engineer  for  the  Farming- 
ton  Canal  Company,  of  which  work  I  have  the  principal  charge." 
Later  at  various  times  he  appears  as  a  member  of  the  New  York 
Legislature  at  Albany,  and  always  "  on  the  side  of  sound  privileges 
and  good  government." 

1  The  first  proposition  to  resume  the  editorship  of  the  "North 
American  Review"  came  to  Mr.  Sparks  in  Baltimore,  May  29,  1823. 
At  the  time,  there  was  some  disagreement  between  Mr.  Everett  and 
the  other  proprietors.  Mr.  Everett  proposed  to  buy  them  out,  or  else 
to  start  an  opposition  journal.  At  first,  Mr.  Sparks  offered  to  take 
charge  of  the  "  North  American,"  provided  the  proprietors  would 
consent  to  transfer  it  to  Philadelphia.  He  said  in  his  diary  :  "  I 
think  the  country  will  support  two  journals,  if  one  is  at  the  east  and 
the  other  at  the  south."  On  the  1st  of  August,  1823,  Mr.  Sparks 
wrote  in  his  diary,  at  Boston  :  "  Mr.  Everett  is  disposed  to  give  up 
the  editorship  of  the  '  North  American  Review,'  if  the  proprietors 
will  choose  me  to  succeed  him." 


MINISTER  AND   EDITOR   IN  BALTIMORE.        213 

work,  which  has  gained  a  very  extensive  circulation,  and 
holds  a  high  place  in  public  estimation.  The  labors  of 
conducting  it  will  be  less  arduous  than  my  present  duties, 
and  the  climate  is  better  suited  to  my  health." 

SPARKS'    SUCCESSORS   IN   BALTIMORE. 

The  history  of  ministerial  succession  in  the  First  Inde- 
pendent Church  of  Baltimore,  from  1823  to  1848,  is  briefly 
told  by  the  Rev.  George  Washington  Burnap  (1802- 
1859)  in  his  valuable  historical  discourse  preached  and 
published  that  year.  When  Mr.  Sparks  resigned,  "his 
place  as  pastor  of  the  church  and  editor  of  the  '  Miscel- 
lany '  was  temporarily  supplied  by  Rev.  Mr.  (afterwards 
Dr.)  Greenwood,  who  had  lately  retired  in  ill-health  from 
Church  Green  in  Boston,  and  had  sought  restoration  in  a 
milder  climate.  Under  his  management  the  '  Miscellany  ' 
lost  nothing  of  its  literary  power,  though  perhaps  something 
of  the  depth  of  its  theological  discussions.  As  a  preacher, 
Mr.  Greenwood x  had  few  superiors.  He  was  made  for  a 
clergyman.  His  taste  in  composition  was  perfect ;  his 
voice  deep  and  sonorous  ;  his  manner  serious,  affectionate, 
and  impressive.  And  he  was  long  a  bright  and  shining 
light  in  the  churches.  On  the  restoration  of  his  health 
he  returned  to  Boston,  and  became  the  colleague  of  Dr. 
Freeman.  .  .  .  With  his  departure,  the  ■  Miscellany ' 
was  discontinued,  having  reached  its  sixth  volume  and 
done  much  good.  .  .  .  From  1824  to  1827,  the  pulpit 
was  supplied  by  different  clergymen,  generally  from  Bos- 
ton and  the  neighborhood,  many  of  them  highly  distin- 
guished by  position,  talents,  and  acquirements.  In  Sep- 
tember of  1827,  the  present  pastor  [Mr.  Burnap]  preached 
for  the  first  time  from  this  pulpit.    In  the  following  April 

1  A  commemoration  discourse  on  the  death  of  the  Rev.  F.  W.  P. 
Greenwood,  D.  D.,  was  delivered  by  Dr.  Burnap,  September  17, 
1843,  and  was  reprinted  in  Burnap' s  "  Miscellaneous  Writings." 


214        MINISTER  AND   EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

he  was  ordained,  and  from  that  time  to  this  [1848]  the 
pulpit  has  been  closed  but  three  half  days  on  account  of 
the  pastor's  failure  to  officiate."  1 

CORRESPONDENCE   WITH   RAMOHUN   ROY. 

Mr.  Sparks'  ministerial  and  editorial  career  in  Balti- 
more was  not  without  influence  upon  men  in  other  coun- 
tries besides  his  own.  The  following  letter,  written  in  Cal- 
cutta, December  9,  1822,  by  Ramohun  Roy,  the  pioneer  of 
Liberal  Christianity  in  India,  shows  that  Mr.  Sparks'  writ- 
ings had  been   received  with  favor  in  that  far-off  land. 

1  An  excellent  biographical  sketch  of  the  life  and  writings  of 
George  Washington  Burnap,  by  Dr.  N.  H.  Morison,  late  Provost  of 
the  Peabody  Institute,  was  published  in  the  Memorial  Biographies 
of  the  New  England  Historic-Genealogical  Society,  vol.  iii.,  447,  1883. 
In  his  long  and  faithful  pastorate  of  thirty-two  years,  1827-1859,  Dr. 
Burnap  rendered  noble  service  to  religion  and  sound  learning  in  Bal- 
timore. He  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Maryland  Historical 
Society,  and  one  of  the  original  trustees  of  the  Peabody  Institute,  in 
fact  the  only  clergyman  appointed.  He  was  the  author  of  many 
valuable  papers,  historical,  literary,  and  occasional.  His  "  Life  of 
Leonard  Calvert "  was  published  in  Sparks'  "  American  Biography," 
second  series,  vol.  ix.,  1845.  He  delivered  a  discourse  before  the 
Maryland  Historical  Society,  December  20,  1853,  on  "  The  Origin 
and  Causes  of  Democracy  in  America."  He  published  ten  separate 
volumes,  which  were  highly  successful.  His  miscellaneous  writings 
were  collected  and  revised  by  the  author,  and  were  published  in  Bal- 
timore in  1845. 

Upon  a  tablet  in  the  Unitarian  Church  in  Baltimore  are  recorded 
the  names  and  dates  of  the  settled  pastors,  from  Jared  Sparks,  1819- 
1823,  to  the  present  time.  Succeeding  George  W.  Burnap,  who 
died  in  1859,  came  Nathan  H.  Chamberlain,  who  was  installed  in 
1860  and  resigned  in  1863.  John  F.  W.  Ware  was  installed  in 
1864,  and  resigned  in  1867.  Edward  C.  Guild  was  installed  in  1869, 
and  resigned  in  1872.  Charles  R.  Weld  was  ordained  in  1873,  and 
has  continued  the  pastoral  succession  down  to  the  present.  Besides 
his  ministering  service  in  the  church  proper,  Dr.  Weld  is  the  active 
leader  of  a  well-organized  guild  for  educational  and  industrial  work 
in  juvenile  classes. 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.        215 

Ramohun  Roy 2  was  the  first  of  that  remarkable  line  of 
religious  reformers  who  have  attempted  to  graft  English 
enlightened  Christianity  upon  the  native  trunk  of  historic 
and  natural  religion  in  India.  Keshub  Chunder  Sen  and 
Protap  Chunder  Mozoomdar  were  his  apostolic  successors, 
and  the  Brahmo-Somaj,  or  the  Church  of  God,  is  the  liv- 
ing embodiment  of  their  devoted  work.  Ramohun  Roy 
wrote  Mr.  Sparks  from  Calcutta,  December  9, 1822  :  "  As 
our  friend,  Mr.  Poole,  is  about  to  leave  Bengal  for  Amer- 
ica, I  embrace  the  opportunity  afforded  me  of  repeating  my 
acknowledgments  for  your  letter  and  publications,  and  of 
assuring  you  of  my  continued  esteem  for  yourself,  and  re- 
gard for  the  country  of  which  you  are  a  native,  and  where 
the  truths  of  religion  may  be  so  freely  discussed.  We 
have  been  very  much  gratified  by  the  perusal  of  the  pub- 
lications with  which  you  have  favored  us,  and  cannot  but 
anticipate  a  day  when  enlightened  reason  and  sound  learn- 
ing will  obtain  a  signal  triumph  over  polytheism  and  big- 
otry. Any  publications,  particularly  those  that  are  peri- 
odical, with  which  you  may  favor  us,  will  be  gratefully 
received,  and  we,  on  the  other  hand,  will  be  glad  to  sup- 
ply you  with  works  connected  with  this  country  which 
may  be  calculated  to  interest  you.  Although  our  adver- 
saries are  both  numerous  and  zealous,  as  the  adversaries 
of  truth  always  have  been,  yet  our  prospects  are  by  no 
means  discouraging,  if  we  only  have  the  means  of  follow- 
ing up  what  has  already  been  done.  We  rejoice  to  hear 
your  prospects  in  America  are  equally  encouraging,  and 
your  success  much  greater.     We  confidently  hope  that, 

1  For  an  interesting  account  of  Ramohun  Roy  and  Chunder  Sen, 
see  Max  Miiller's  "  Biographical  Essays."  A  reasonable  interpreta- 
tion of  Christian  teaching  may  be  seen  in  Mozoomdar' s  book,  "  The 
Oriental  Christ."  Unimaginative  Occidentals,  with  cast-iron  creeds 
and  Roman  inflexibility  of  doctrine,  often  forget  that  Christ  and  the 
prophets  were  Orientals,  needing  an  Oriental  interpreter  before  their 
language  of  poetry  and  parable  can  be  fully  understood. 


216        MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE. 

through  these  various  means,  that  period  will  be  acceler- 
ated when  the  belief  in  the  divine  unity,  and  in  the  mission 
of  Christ,  will  universally  prevail.  .  .  .  I  shall  in  all  prob- 
ability visit  America  in  1824,  when  I  hope  I  shall  be 
able  to  derive  personal  advantage  from  your  company." 

Mr.  Sparks  received  several  letters  from  Ramohun 
Roy,  and  published  extracts  from  them  in  the  "  Unitarian 
Miscellany."  Copies  of  his  own  letters  to  the  East  Indian 
apostle  of  Unitarianism  are  preserved.  One,  dated  Balti- 
more, March  3,  1822,  contains  the  following :  "  Your 
labors  in  the  cause  of  learning  and  religion  are  well  known 
in  this  country ;  and  much  curiosity  has  been  excited  re- 
specting the  results  to  which  you  have  come  in  relation  to 
the  unity  of  God.  The  pamphlets  which  you  published 
five  or  six  years  ago  in  the  English  language,  concerning 
the  Hindoo  theology,  have  been  read  here,  by  such  per- 
sons as  could  procure  them,  with  much  interest.  Although 
we  know  little  of  the  subject  in  general,  yet  it  is  easy  to 
discover  the  force  of  your  reasoning,  and  the  novelty,  ex- 
tent, and  accuracy  of  your  views.  But  your  later  writings, 
on  the  operations  and  progress  of  the  missionaries  in  In- 
dia, have  attracted  a  more  immediate  notice,  because  they 
relate  to  subjects  in  which  all  Christians  are  intimately 
concerned.  Your  works,  entitled  'The  Precepts  of  Jesus 
the  Guide  to  Peace  and  Happiness,'  and  also  c  An  Appeal 
to  the  Christian  Public  in  Defense  of  the  Precepts  of 
Jesus/  have  not,  I  believe,  come  to  this  country.  We 
have  been  made  acquainted  with  them  through  the  me- 
dium of  publications  received  from  England.  The  ex- 
tracts contained  in  these  have  been  circulated  in  several 
of  our  journals,  and  contain  important  information  respect- 
ing the  doings  of  the  missionaries.  It  has  long  been  the 
opinion  of  many  Christians  that  the  missionaries  defeat 
their  own  purpose  by  teaching  doctrines  wholly  unintelli- 
gible, and  which  have  no  necessary  connection  with  the 


MINISTER  AND  EDITOR  IN  BALTIMORE.        217 

religion  of  Christ.     The  truths  contained  in  your  writings 
confirm  this  impression." 

Writing  again  from  Baltimore,  May  23,  1823,  Mr. 
Sparks  says :  "  I  embrace  the  first  opportunity  to  ac- 
knowledge the  receipt  of  two  kind  letters  from  you,  one 
dated  October  17,  the  other  December  9,  1822,  and  to 
express  the  high  gratification  which  I  have  derived  from 
their  contents,  as  well  as  from  so  flattering  a  token  of 
your  regard.  It  is  but  an  imperfect  indication  of  my 
feelings  to  say,  that  I  am  delighted  with  your  zeal  in  the 
cause  of  religious  truth,  and  admire  the  firmness  and 
ability  with  which  you  engage  in  the  work  of  reformation. 
...  As  you  express  a  desire  to  receive  periodical  works 
from  this  country,  I  send  the  following  from  their  com- 
mencement :  viz. :  '  Christian  Disciple,'  36  nos. ;  *  Uni- 
tarian Miscellany,'  30  nos.  ;  '  Collection  of  Theological 
Essays  and  Tracts,'  2  nos.  This  last  work  is  intended 
to  contain  extracts  from  the  writings  of  some  of  the  most 
eminent  modern  divines.  ...  I  should  be  glad  to  have  a 
copy  of  all  the  works  you  have  written  in  English  ;  and 
also  a  copy  of  the  *  Friend  of  India,'  from  the  beginning, 
if  it  can  be  procured  without  too  much  trouble  on  your 
part.  .  .  .  Please  to  give  my  best  regards  to  Mr.  Adam, 
and  tell  him  that  he  has  the  prayers  and  good  wishes  of 
all  the  friends  of  the  Unitarian  cause  in  America.  His 
motto  must  be  like  that  of  many  others,  'Labor  and 
Hope.' " 


CHAPTER   VIII. 
EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

1823-1830. 

The  origin  and  development  of  American  periodical 
literature  is  a  subject  which  deserves  historical  atten- 
tion. Materials  for  the  study  are  numerous,  but  widely 
scattered.  Doubtless  each  of  the  older  States  and  sections 
of  country  can  contribute  something  to  aid  the  coming 
historian  in  this  field  of  inquiry,  which  will  reveal  more 
elearly  perhaps  than  individual  authors  the  gradual  growth 
of  independence  and  critical  power  in  American  thought 
and  literary  endeavor.  While  the  periodicals  of  the  old 
South  will  some  day  attract  students  of  literature,  New 
England,  and  especially  Massachusetts,  will  always  re- 
main conspicuous  for  the  steady  and  continuous  flow  of 
magazine  life  from  colonial  times  until  now.  It  will  be 
seen  that  the  historic  sources  1  of  this  modern  current  lie 
back  of  the  present  century. 

1  The  "  Boston  Journal,"  in  an  editorial  on  "  The  North  American 
Review,"  August  2,  1859,  says  :  "The  French  were  the  first  to  es- 
tablish critical  reviews,  the  '  Journal  des  Savants '  having  been  started 
in  1665,  a  leading  feature  of  which  was  the  reviewing  of  new  works. 
The  first  monthly  periodical  in  England  was  the  '  Gentleman's  Mag- 
azine,' established  in  1731,  and  which  is  still  in  existence.  The  con- 
tents were  at  first  quite  miscellaneous,  and  consisted  mainly  of  selec- 
tions. The  'Monthly  Review,'  started  in  1749,  was  the  first  critical 
journal  established  in  that  country,  and  is  still  in  existence.  But  Brit- 
ish preeminence  in  periodical  literature  dates  from  the  foundation  of 
the  ■  Edinburgh  Review  '  in  1802,  which  was  the  pioneer  of  the  '  Lon- 
don Quarterly,'  the  •  Westminster,'  the  ■  Foreign  Quarterly,  *  Black- 
wood,' and  other  leading  periodicals  of  a  like  character,  that  have 
attained  world-wide  reputation,  and  have  largely  contributed  to  the 
elevation  of  British  literature.' " 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.  219 


FIRST  MAGAZINES   IN   MASSACHUSETTS. 

In  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society 
in  Boston,  there  are  various  interesting  specimens  of  the 
beginnings  of  periodical  literature  in  the  old  Bay  State. 
Through  the  courtesy  of  the  librarian,  Dr.  Samuel  Abbot 
Green,  the  following  literary  curiosities  were  exhibited  to 
the  present  writer,  who  was  seeking  historic  forerunners 
of  the  "  North  American  Review  :  "  — 

(1.)  "  The  Christian  History,  containing  Accounts  of 
the  Revival  and  Propagation  of  Religion  in  Great  Britain 
and  America."  This  literary  outgrowth  of  Boston  Puri- 
tanism first  appeared  in  1743,  and  was  published  weekly. 
It  contained  some  good  historical  matter  relating  to  the 
Christian  beginnings  of  New  England ;  for  example, 
Prince's  account  of  the  original  settlement. 

(2.)  "  The  American  Magazine  and  Historical  Chroni- 
cle," Boston,  1743-44.  This  short-lived  periodical  had 
44  Jocunda  Yarietas "  for  its  motto,  and  sought  to  col- 
lect "the  best  and  most  approved  pieces  published  in 
Great  Britain  and  the  Plantations,  with  summary  rehear- 
sals and  quotations  from  the  best  Authors."  The  maga- 
zine opens  very  naturally  with  a  "  Dissertation  on  the 
State  of  Religion."  Translations  of  Papal  Bulls  are  in- 
cluded with  other  interesting  historical  matters,  —  for 
example,  the  treaty  with  the  Six  Nations,  —  while  poetry 
and  miscellany  find  their  proper  place. 

(3.)  "  The  Royal  American  Magazine,  or  Universal 
Repository  of  Instruction  and  Amusement,"  Boston,  1774. 
This  professedly  royal  and  loyal  periodical,  devoted  to  his- 
tory, politics,  religion,  poetry,  and  polite  literature,  did 
not  survive  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 

(4.)  "  Massachusetts  Magazine,  or  Monthly  Museum  " 
(of  Knowledge  and  Rational  Amusement),  Boston,  1789. 
This  literary  exponent  of  a  newly  established  State  was 


220  EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

devoted  to  all  the  arts  and  sciences,  to  history,  geography, 
morality,  criticism,  philosophy,  agriculture,  architecture, 
music,  poetry,  chemistry,  biography,  news,  marriages, 
deaths,  and  meteorological  observations.  This  miscella- 
neous, all-embracing  periodical  lived  for  several  years,  and 
probably  died  from  literary  indigestion. 

(5.)  "  The  Monthly  Anthology,"  10  vols.,  1803-1811. 

Of  this  periodical  we  have  an  interesting  account  in 
"  Miscellanies"  by  William  Tudor,1  author  of  the  "  Life  of 

1  Mr.  Tudor,  in  his  article  on  "  The  Monthly  Anthology,"  pp.  6,  7, 
says  :  "  The  following  lists  contain  the  titles  of  all  the  magazines  that 
have  been  published  in  Massachusetts.  They  are  placed  in  the  order 
of  their  dates,  the  first  part  containing  those  which  have  been  discon- 
tinued :  — 

American    Magazine    and    Historical 
Chronicle 

Royal  American  Magazine  . 

Boston  Magazine  .         .         •         • 

Massachusetts  Magazine 

Columbian  Phenix  and  Boston  Review 

New-England  Quarterly  Magazine 

Monthly  Anthology      .... 

Literary  Miscellany     .... 

Emerald  or  Miscellany  of  Literature  . 

Ordeal 

Something,  by  Nemo  Nobody      . 

Omnium  Gatherum      .... 

Cabinet  and  Repository  of  Polite  Lit- 
erature      

General  Repository  and  Review  . 

Panoplist  (Calvinistic),  monthly 

"  The  following  are  still  published  :  — 

New  England  Medical  Journal,  quarterly,  1812. 

North  American  Review,  quarterly,  1815. 

Athena3um   (selections  from  foreign  magazines),  twice  a  month, 

1816. 
Massachusetts  Agricultural  Repository  and  Journal,  1816. 
The  Christian  Disciple  (Unitarian),  every  two  months. 
The  Gospel  Advocate  (Episcopalian),  monthly. 


3  vols. 

1740  to  1743. 

1  vol. 

1774. 

1  vol. 

1784. 

8  vols. 

1789  to  1796. 

1  vol. 

1800. 

1  vol. 

1802. 

10  vols. 

1803  to  1811. 

2  vols. 

1805  and  1806. 

2  vols. 

1806  to  1808. 

1  vol. 

1800. 

1  vol. 

1809. 

1  vol. 

1810. 

1  vol. 

1811. 

4  vols. 

1812  to  1813. 

28  vols. 

1806  to  1820. 

EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    221 

James  Otis,"  and  the  first  editor  of  the  "  North  American 
Review,"  who  was  one  of  the  leading  contributors  to  the 

American  Baptist  Magazine,  monthly. 
The  Missionary  Herald,  monthly. 

"  This  last  is  a  continuation  of  the  'Panoplist,'  but  containing  only 
the  details  that  relate  to  missions,  which  have  now  become  so  numer- 
ous and  important  that  their  concerns  furnish  matter  enough  to  fill 
a  monthly  magazine. 

"  In  addition  to  these  periodical  works,  there  are  publications  by 
three  learned  societies  :  — 

"  1.  The  ■  American  Academy  '  has  printed  four  volumes  4to,  and 
completes  a  volume  in  two  parts  in  about  four  or  five  years. 

"  2.  The  '  Historical  Society '  has  now  in  press  its  nineteenth  vol- 
ume ;  the  form  is  octavo. 

"3.  The  'Antiquarian  Society'  has  published  its  first  volume  iu 
octavo." 

In  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,"  Octo- 
ber 23, 1889,  there  is  a  valuable  contribution  by  Dr.  A.  P.  Peabody,  to 
the  history  of  American  periodical  literature.  The  article  is  entitled 
"  The  Farmers'  Weekly  Museum  "  (1793-1810),  a  paper  started  by 
David  Carlisle  at  Walpole,  N.  H.,  by  the  aid  of  capital  furnished  by 
Isaiah  Thomas,  founder  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  and  pro- 
prietor of  the  "  Massachusetts  Spy  "  (now  the  "  Worcester  Spy  "),  the 
oldest  (1770)  newspaper  in  the  Commonwealth.  Dr.  Peabody  says  : 
"  The  '  Museum  '  obtained  a  circulation  extending  from  Maine  to 
Georgia,  and  as  far  west  as  Ohio,  filling  weekly  a  large  extra  mail- 
bag."  The  account  given  of  the  original  contributions  of  Joseph 
Dennie  (1768-1812)  to  the  "Museum"  is  highly  suggestive.  "Joseph 
Dennie  had,  in  my  opinion,"  says  Dr.  Peabody,  "and  I  think  in  that 
of  the  best  judges  of  his  own  time,  no  contemporary  equal  among  the 
prose-writers  of  America."  Dennie  was  a  good  Federalist,  and  in 
1799  became  the  private  secretary  of  Timothy  Pickering,  the  Secre- 
tary of  State.  In  1800  he  began  in  Philadelphia  to  edit  a  weekly 
literary  journal  called  "The  Portfolio,"  which  obtained  at  once  au 
extensive  circulation,  had  a  very  vigorous  existence  under  a  series  of 
able  editors  till  1825,  and  expired  in  1827.  Dennie  took  for  his  nom 
de  plume  as  editor  the  title  of  "  Oliver  Oldschool,  Esq."  The  influence 
of  "The  Portfolio,"  a  forerunner  of  Philadelphia's  later  literary 
organ,  "  The  American,"  and  the  character  of  Robert  Walsh's  "  Quar- 
terly Review,"  the  Philadelphia  rival  of  the  "  North  American,"  are 
subjects  worthy  of  careful  historical  inquiry. 


222    EDITOR   OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN   REVIEW. 

"  Anthology."  He  says  it  was  begun  by  Mr.  Phinehas 
Adams,  a  graduate  of  Harvard  College,  who  was  teaching 
school  in  Boston.  After  six  months'  experience  as  an  editor, 
Mr.  Adams  transferred  the  magazine  to  the  Rev.  Mr.  Emer- 
son, who  persuaded  two  or  three  gentlemen  to  support  his 
undertaking,  and  thus  laid  the  foundation  for  the  Anthol- 
ogy Club,  which  gradually  increased  its  resident  member- 
ship, which  varied  from  seven  to  fifteen  or  more.  There 
were  a  few  honorary  members  in  other  towns  and  States. 
Tudor  mentions  the  following  names  which  deserve  per- 
petuation, for  these  were  the  fathers  of  the  first  really  crit- 
ical and  scholarly  magazine  in  New  England:  the  Rev. 
Drs.  Gardner,  Kirkland,  M'Kean  ;  the  Rev.  Messrs.  Em- 
erson, Buckminster,  S.  C.  Thacher,  and  Tuckerman ; 
Drs.  Jackson,  Warren,  Gorham,  and  Bigelow ;  Messrs. 
W.  S.  Shaw,  P.  Thacher,  W.  Tudor,  A.  M.  Walter,  E. 
J.  Dana,  William  Wells,  R.  H.  Gardiner,  B.  Welles,  J. 
Savage,  J.  Field,  Professor  Willard,  Winthrop  Sargent, 
J.  Stickney,  Alexander  H.  Everett,  J.  Head,  Jr.,  and 
George  Ticknor. 

THE   ANTHOLOGY   CLUB. 

The  Anthology  Club  was  a  social  as  well  as  a  literary 
society.  It  met  once  a  week  in  the  evening,  and  after  de- 
ciding what  papers  were  worthy  of  acceptance  by  the  mag- 
azine, indulged  in  a  "plain  supper"  and  "literary  chat." 
These  Attic  Nights  were  evidently  very  enjoyable,  and  the 
sessions  were  usually  prolonged  to  a  late  hour.  The  orig- 
inal records  of  the  Anthology  Club  have  been  preserved 
in  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and 
are  described  in  the  latter's  "  Proceedings,"  vol.  xi.,  387. 
The  last  meeting  of  the  club  was  held  July  2,  1811. 

Of  the  records  of  the  Anthology  Club  Mr.  Tudor  said 
in  his  "  Miscellanies :  "  "  If  in  the  next  century  some  col- 
lector of  literary  anecdotes   should  examine  these  docu- 


EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    223 

merits,  he  will  find  materials  connected  with  the  early  state 
of  American  literature  which  may  then  be  interesting." 

Regarding  the  "  Monthly  Anthology,"  Mr.  Tudor  ob- 
served :  "  The  work  undoubtedly  rendered  service  to  our 
literature,  and  aided  the  diffusion  of  good  taste  in  the  com- 
munity. It  was  one  of  the  first  efforts  of  regular  criticism 
on  American  books,  and  it  suffered  few  productions  of  the 
day  to  escape  its  notice.  Some  repining  and  dissatisfac- 
tion arose  amongst  some  of  the  authors  who  were  the  sub- 
jects of  remark,  but  the  public  at  large  generally  assented 
to  the  principles  and  decisions  of  the  critics." 

From  a  business  point  of  view,  the  "  Monthly  Anthol- 
ogy "  was  never  a  success.  Mr.  Tudor  admits  with  evi- 
dent satisfaction  that  the  profits  from  sales  never  amounted 
to  enough  to  pay  even  the  moderate  expense  of  club  sup- 
pers. The  members  wrote  articles  for  "the  pleasure  of 
the  employment,  and  the  satisfaction  of  doing  the  State 
some  good."  The  club  was  able  and  willing  to  pay  for 
these  literary  privileges.  It  may  be  questioned  whether 
Mr.  Tudor  and  his  friends  were  not  quite  correct  in  their 
supposition  that  all  literary  labor  with  a  view  to  pecuniary 
profit  is  doomed  to  disappointment.  At  any  rate,  their 
early  experiments  in  the  conduct  of  a  magazine  were  far 
from  being  mercenary  in  character,  and  undoubtedly  served 
a  generous  purpose. 

Mr.  O.  B.  Frothingham,  in  his  recent  work  on  Boston 
Unitarianism,  says  (p.  206)  that  the  "Monthly  Anthol- 
ogy" was  "  half  theological  and  half  literary,"  and  adds 
that  the  club  was  made  up  of  Unitarian  ministers  and  lay- 
men. Their  magazine  seems  to  have  given  rise  to  two 
independent  currents  of  periodical  literature,  one  religious 
but  liberal,  the  other  literary  and  critical.  Representative 
of  the  first  dividing  stream  are  (1),  the  "  General  Repos- 
itory *  and  Review  "  (1812),  edited  by  Andrews  Norton, 

1  Norton  published  in  this  magazine  his  "Defense  of  Liberal 
Christianity." 


224    EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

sustained  by  J.  S.  Buckminster  and  Edward  Everett; 
(2),  the  "Christian  Disciple"  (1813),  at  first  edited  by 
Noah  Webster;  (3),  the  "  Christian  Examiner  "(1824)  ; 
(4),  "Old  and  New"  (1870-1872),  in  which  the  "Exam- 
iner "  was  merged  by  Edward  Everett  Hale  ;  (5),  the  "  Uni- 
tarian Review,"  a  revival  of  the  "  Examiner,"  by  Rev. 
Joseph  Henry  Allen,  its  former  editor ;  (6),  the  "  Christian 
Register,"  a  weekly  paper,  and  an  organ  of  present  Uni- 
tarianism ;  (7),  "  Lend  a  Hand,"  edited  by  Dr.  Hale,  and 
representing,  as  do  most  contemporary  magazines  and  news- 
papers, a  triumph  of  the  practical  and  secular  spirit  in 
modern  literature.  The  genealogy  of  American  journals 
and  periodicals  would  be  almost  as  interesting  a  line  of 
study  as  the  historic  succession  of  laws  and  institutions. 

THE   BOSTON   ATHEN^UM. 

Besides  developing  a  literary  and  critical  spirit,  and 
transmitting  the  same  to  the  "North  American  Review," 
as  we  shall  shortly  describe,  the  Anthology  Club  left  one 
other  living  memorial  of  itself,  namely,  that  noble  insti- 
tution, the  Boston  Athenaeum,  which  was  the  historic  out- 
growth of  a  plan  for  an  Anthology  Reading-  Room  and 
Library,  originally  proposed  by  Mr.  W.  S.  Shaw,  and  af- 
terwards developed  by  him  and  other  public-spirited  men 
in  Boston.  "  When  it  was  talked  about  in  the  club," 
says  Mr.  Tudor,  "  several  of  the  members  volunteered  at 
once  a  gift  of  books,  and  a  considerable  number  of  vol- 
umes were  thus  immediately  obtained.  It  is  but  justice 
to  mention,  that  in  the  beginning  of  this  business  the  Rev. 
Dr.  Gardiner  contributed  much  to  its  success,  both  by  his 
decided  opinion  in  its  favor,  and  by  his  liberal  present  of 
books.  When  the  plan  was  afterwards  extended,  and 
many  public-spirited  individuals  joined  in  a  subscription, 
that  made  the  establishment  at  once  solid  and  respectable. 
The  members  of  the  Anthology,   in  consequence  of  the 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH   AMERICAN  REVIEW.    225 

books  they  contributed,  and  various  periodical  works 
which  were  received  in  exchange  for  their  journal,  were 
admitted  to  a  life-right  in  the  institution  ;  several  of  the 
members  became,  besides,  proprietors  by  subscription. 
Some  merit  is  due  to  them  for  their  agency  in  bringing 
forward  this  measure ;  and  as  this  excellent  institution 
flourishes,  it  will  serve  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  the 
Anthology  Club."  If  Mr.  Tudor,  whose  "  Miscellanies  " 
were  published  in  1821,  could  have  lived  to  see  the  won- 
derful development  of  the  Boston  Athenaeum x  and  of 
the  Boston  Public  Library,  his  joy  would  have  been  even 
more  abundant  at  the  institutional  fruit  of  that  early  and 
unselfish  planting  by  his  friends  and  associates. 

"  NORTH   AMERICAN   REVIEW."  —  WILLIAM   TUDOR. 

The  u  North  American  Review " 2  was  first  issued  in 
May,  1815,  and  was  published  every  two  months  in  num- 
bers of  one  hundred  and  fifty  pages  each.  In  December, 
1818,  it  became  a  quarterly,  and  was  published  in  num- 
bers of  two  hundred  and  fifty  pages  each.  This  review 
should  be  regarded  as  the  literary  successor  and  historical 
heir  of  the  "  Monthly  Anthology."  The  man  who  wrote 
the  obituary  notice  of  the  old  magazine  became  the  editor 

1  "  The  History  of  the  Boston  Athenaeum,"  by  Josiah  Quincy,  con- 
tains the  best  account  of  that  remarkable  institution. 

2  The  "  North  American  Review  "  was  first  printed  and  published 
by  Wells  &  Lilly,  of  Boston.  "  At  the  outset,"  says  the  "  Boston 
Journal,"  August  2,  1859,  "  the  contents  conformed  more  nearly  than 
at  present  to  the  general  character  of  the  popular  magazines  of  our 
own  day,  including,  besides  reviews,  the  variety  of  miscellaneous  and 
poetical  articles  usually  found  in  magazines.  Mr.  Tudor  was  the 
principal  contributor,  all  the  articles  in  the  first  number,  except  a 
poetical  contribution,  being  from  his  pen.  .  .  .  After  the  seventh 
volume  .  .  .  the  departments  of  poetry  and  intelligence  were  sup- 
pressed, and  the  contents  were  made  to  consist  entirely  of  reviews 
and  miscellaneous  essays,  —  thus  approximating  to  the  general  char- 
acter of  the  leading  British  reviews." 

15 


226    EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

of  the  new.  The  same  coterie  of  Boston  gentlemen  and 
scholars,  who  had  supported  the  "  Anthology  "  in  a  some- 
what dilettante  way,  gave  to  the  "  North  American  "  its 
more  vigorous  life  and  its  national,  patriotic  tone.  The 
larger  scope  and  spirit  of  the  new  magazine  were  simply 
an  historic  expression  of  the  growing  thought  of  national- 
ity and  of  literary  independence  which  resulted  from  the 
War  of  1812.  The  French  Revolution  and  the  Napoleonic 
regime  had  produced  in  New  England  a  kind  of  intellect- 
ual reaction  in  favor  of  our  mother  country.  The  War  of 
1812,  while  unpopular  in  some  parts  of  the  country,  un- 
doubtedly caused  a  firmer  consolidation  of  national  senti- 
ment and  of  the  American  Union.1  The  second  success- 
ful assertion  of  political  independence  by  the  United  States 
prepared  the  way  for  an  American  reaction  in  matters  of 
literary  criticism.  While  admiration  was  justly  felt  in 
America  for  the  great  standards  of  English  literature, 
Americans  began  to  discover  that  they  had  a  right  to  their 
own  judgments  over  against  those  of  English  and  Scotch 
reviewers.  The  "  North  American  Review  "  was  a  patri- 
otic assertion,  not  of  a  mere  geographical  idea,  but  of  a 
growing  feeling  of  literary  independence  of  Great  Britain. 
William  Tudor  published  in  his  u  Miscellanies  "  an  ar- 
ticle on  the  origin  of  the  "  North  American  Review,"  and 
characterized  the  literary  Anglomania  which  had  hitherto 
prevailed  among  American  writers  as  "  a  want,  or  rather 
a  suppression,  of  national  feeling  and  independent  judg- 
ment, that  would  sooner  or  later  have  become  highly  inju- 
rious." Speaking  of  the  new  review,  he  said :  "  The  spirit 
of  the  work  was  national  and  independent  as  regarded  for- 
eign countries,  yet  not  falling  under  the  dominion  of  party 
at  home ;  and  the  tone  of  it,  in  these  respects,  is  1  think 

1  "  The  Influence  of  the  War  of  1812  upon  the  Consolidation  of 
the  American  Union,"  by  Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  Ph.  D.  :  Johns 
Hopkins  University  Studies,  vol.  v.  No.  7. 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH   AMERICAN   REVIEW.    227 

different  from  that  of  any  preceding  journal.  This  tone 
it  has  always  preserved,  with  one  or  two  slight  exceptions, 
and  I  do  not  know  how  far  my  vanity  will  be  pardoned  in 
making  a  claim  to  some  agency  in  establishing  it  as  the 
only  one  I  have  to  any  merit  connected  with  that  work. 

"  The  citizens  of  the  United  States  are  not  yet  emanci- 
pated, nor  can  they  expect  to  be  for  some  time  to  come, 
from  a  degree  of  dependence  on  foreign  opinion  in  every- 
thing regarding  literature.  Yet  criticism  is  every  day 
gaining  ground  among  us,  obtaining  wider  influence  as  it 
displays  greater  talent,  and  the  period  is  perhaps  not  very 
distant  when  foreign  literary  decisions  will  be  sought  for 
principally  under  the  impulse  of  curiosity,  and  our  own 
tribunals  will  be  esteemed  the  supreme  authority.  The 
4  North  American  Review '  is  contributing  in  every  num- 
ber to  produce  this  effect ;  and  it  certainly  shows  that 
there  is  a  considerable  stock  of  literature  already  accumu- 
lated in  the  country,  when  such  a  journal  should  have  con- 
tinued for  several  years  increasing  in  value,  and  preserving 
itself  from  the  bigoted  sway  of  any  political  or  religious 
party.  When  we  consider  what  the  *  Monthly  Anthology  ' 
was  in  1810,  and  what  the  'North  American  Review'  is 
in  1820,  the  increase,  in  this  department  at  least,  rivals 
any  other  in  this  most  prolific  and  expanding  country. 
The  enlightened  observer  will  find  it  to  keep  pace  with 
most  of  the  statistical  facts  connected  with  production  or 
population,  that  are  obvious  enough  to  excite  admiration 
in  many  who  are  indifferent  to  the  progress  of  intellectual 
efforts. 

"  The  4  Review '  passed  from  my  hands  into  the  posses- 
sion of  a  few  gentlemen,1  who  own  it  in  common  ;  writing 

1  The  "  Boston  Journal,"  for  August  2,  1859,  says  :  "  In  March, 
1817,  the  work  was  transferred  by  Mr.  Tudor  to  Mr.  Willard  Phil- 
lips (Judge  Phillips),  and  by  him,  in  the  course  of  the  same  year,  to 
a  small  association  of  gentlemen,  who  at  frequent  meetings  took 


228    EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

in  it  occasionally  themselves,  and  procuring  literary  con- 
tributions from  others.  The  principal  charge  of  editing  it 
is  in  the  care  of  a  gentleman  singularly  qualified  for  the 
task,  and  well  prepared  for  the  highest  departments  of 
editorship.  In  originally  undertaking  the  work,  I  flat- 
tered myself  that  it  would  eventually  come  under  his  di- 
rection, and  I  trust  it  will  continue  for  a  long  period  to 
add  to  his  reputation  and  to  that  of  American  litera- 
ture/' 

This  was  written  by  Mr.  Tudor  in  December,  1820,  two 
years  after  he  had  retired  from  the  editorship.  During 
the  interval  he  had  contributed  nothing  to  the  "  Review," 
so  that  his  observations  were  those  of  a  disinterested  and 
impartial  looker-on.  A  modern  reader,  looking  backwards 
through  those  early  columns  of  the  first  really  successful 
American  review,  will  quickly  discover  why,  of  all  those 
pioneer  magazines,  it  was  the  fittest  to  survive.  From  the 
beginning  it  contained  so  many  articles  of  real  literary 
merit  and  solid  historical  worth  that  it  not  only  attracted 
the  attention,  but  held  the  favor  of  the  most  cultivated  peo- 
ple in  New  England.  The  very  first  number  opened  with 
a  valuable  article  by  Mr.  Tudor  on  "  Books  relating  to 
America,"  and  the  subject  was  continued  by  him  through 
a  long  series  of  bi-monthly  issues.  From  the  start,  the 
"North  American"  was  strong  in  literary  intelligence 
and  substantial  reviews.  It  published  also  brief  reports 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and  Sciences,  and  of  the 
Linnaean  Society,  all  of  which  learned  bodies  had  their 
chief  support  in  Boston  and  Cambridge.  It  gave  pub- 
licity to  the  inaugural  addresses  of  Harvard  professors. 
It  even  reviewed  President  Kirkland's  election  sermon 
preached  before  the  governor,  council,  and  legislature  of 

measures  for  carrying  it  on,  the  execution  of  which  was  confided  to 
Mr.  Jared  Sparks,  then  a  tutor  at  college." 


EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN  REVIEW.    229 

Massachusetts.  When  William  Tudor,  the  editor,  gave 
an  address  before  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  Society  of  Harvard 
College,  what  more  natural  way  of  preserving  the  text 
than  to  print  it  in  his  own  magazine,  the  literary  organ  of 
Boston  and  Cambridge? 

The  "  North  American  "  was,  however,  far  from  being 
local  or  provincial.1  It  was  patriotic  and  national.  It 
published  extracts  from  foreign  literary  journals ;  it  kept 
its  readers  informed  on  foreign  affairs ;  and  noted  the 
transactions  of  the  French  Institute,  and  of  other  learned 
societies  in  Europe.  It  kept  an  eye  on  the  work  of  uni- 
versities in  the  Old  World,  and  recorded  the  most  impor- 
tant scientific  observations,  wherever  made.  It  followed 
with  interest  the  career  of  American  artists  abroad,  and 
encouraged  the  growth  of  all  forms  of  cultivation  at  home. 
Whoever  undertakes  to  write  the  history  of  American 
thought  in  the  nineteenth  century,  and  to  trace  the  grad- 
ual development  of  literary  and  scientific  independence  in 
this  country,  must  study  the  early  series  of  volumes  justly 
called  the  "  North  American  Review,"  and  then  follow 
the  development  of  the  more  recent  and  more  attractive 
periodical  literature  of  which  Americans  have  reason  to 
be  proud. 

JAEED   SPARKS. 

To  the  evolutionary  process,  in  the  first  instance,  Jared 
Sparks,  the  immediate  successor  of  Mr.  William  Tudor,2 

1  Speaking  of  the  "  North  American  Review  "  in  a  letter  to  Sparks, 
March  12,  1817,  Tudor  said  :  "  My  object  in  conducting  it  was  to 
abstract  myself  from  the  narrow  prejudices  of  locality,  however  I 
might  feel  them.  I  considered  the  work  written  for  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States  and  not  for  the  district  of  New  England,  and 
therefore  avoided  the  phraseology  that  indicated  views  bounded  by  a 
more  contracted  horizon.  I  have  always  believed  that  a  work  of  this 
kind,  conducted  in  such  a  way  as  to  give  it  a  general  circulation, 
would  be  both  useful  and  honorable  to  this  part  of  the  country." 

2  The  following  excellent   sketch   of  Mr.  Tudor  appeared  in  the 


230   EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

was  an  editorial  contributor  whose  wide-reaching  influence 
throughout  this  country  has  never  been  duly  appreciated, 
even  by  his  best  friends.  It  is  only  by  tracing  out  the 
various  lines  of  thought  by  him  introduced  into  the 
"  North  American/'  and  by  reading  selections  from  his  ex- 
tensive correspondence  as  editor  of  the  magazine,  that  we 
can  even  begin  to  realize  what  he  did  towards  widening 
the  American  range  of  interest  and  developing  American 
independence  in  literature  and  science.  Mr.  Sparks'  first 
connection  with  the  "North  American  Review"  in  1817 
and  1818,  when  he  was  a  tutor 1  and  a  theological  student 

"Boston  Journal"  August  2,  1859  :  "He  was  a  gentleman  of  fine 
literary  taste,  and  a  lively  and  entertaining  writer.  He  had  trav- 
eled much  in  foreign  lands,  and  had  mingled  in  literary  circles 
abroad.  He  took  an  active  part  in  founding  the  club  immediately 
after  a  trip  to  Europe.  In  1809,  he  delivered  the  Fourth  of  July 
oration  in  Bostcn,  and  in  1810  prepared  the  Phi  Beta  Kappa  address 
for  Harvard,  and  about  this  time  represented  Boston  in  the  legisla- 
ture. He  was  the  first  to  conceive  the  design  of  erecting  on  Bunker 
Hill  a  monument  in  commemoration  of  the  great  conflict  of  the  17th 
of  June,  1775.  We  may  add  in  this  connection,  to  complete  this  out- 
line of  his  life,  that  in  1823  he  received  the  appointment  of  Consul 
of  the  United  States  at  Lima  and  the  ports  of  Peru,  and  went  abroad 
never  to  return.  He  was  transferred  to  Rio  Janeiro  in  1827,  as 
Charge'  d'Affairs,  and  died  there  in  1830  ;  having  rendered  im- 
portant diplomatic  services  to  his  country,  both  in  Peru  and  at  Rio 
Janeiro." 

1  Sparks'  classmate  at  Exeter  and  Harvard,  Charles  Briggs,  then 
a  tutor  at  Bowdoin  College,  wrote  him  from  that  institution,  Febru- 
ary 22,  1817  :  "  I  saw  a  letter  the  other  day  from  Tudor,  editor  of 
the  '  North  American  Review,'  to  Professor  Cleaveland,  saying  that 
*  in  future  the  "  Review  "  will  be  conducted  by  Mr.  Sparks,  a  resident 
graduate  at  Harvard  University,  with  whom  I  am  not  acquainted, 
but  who  is  spoken  of  in  very  high  terms.'  Shall  I  now  call  you  Den- 
nie  or  Jeffrey  ?" 

This  pleasant  allusion  to  the  most  famous  editors  known  to  the 
American  public  is  especially  interesting  in  the  light  of  Dr.  A.  P. 
Peabody's  recently  published  tribute  to  Joseph  Dennie,  editor  of 
"  The  Portfolio,"  in  Philadelphia.  "  Proceedings  American  Antiqua- 
rian Society,"  October  23,  1889. 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.  231 

at  Cambridge,  has  already  been  described  in  a  previous 
chapter.  We  have  seen  how,  even  at  that  early  period, 
he  introduced  into  the  "  Review  "  a  fresh  current  of  ori- 
ginal contributions  to  American  history,  together  with  in- 
teresting reviews  of  African  exploration.  That  current 
has  broadened  and  deepened  in  American  literature,  until 
now  its  yearly  volume  dismays  the  boldest  student.  That 
interest  in  the  Dark  Continent  which  Sparks  was  one  of 
the  first  to  quicken  in  America  has  grown  from  more  to 
more,  until  modern  newspapers  and  magazines  have  been 
filled  with  the  achievements  of  Livingstone  and  Stanley. 

EDWARD   T.    CHANNING. 

When  in  1819  Mr.  Sparks  resigned  his  first  editorial 
connection  with  the  "  North  American  Review,"  in  order  to 
devote  himself  to  the  Unitarian  ministry,  the  management 
of  the  magazine  was  transferred  to  Edward  T.  Channing, 
a  brother-  of  William  Ellery  Channing.  The  new  editor 
conducted  the  "Review"  with  ability  and  success.  He 
kept  up  a  correspondence  with  Mr.  Sparks  after  the  lat- 
ter's  removal  to  Baltimore,  where  he  continued  in  various 
practical  ways  to  promote  the  circulation  of  the  Northern 
periodical.  Mr.  Tudor,  by  his  own  confession,  had  never 
attempted  to  extend  his  subscription  list  by  the  ordinary 
business  methods.  He  said,  however :  "  I  believe  I  was 
more  indebted  to  some  person  in  Baltimore,1  wholly  un- 
known to  me,  for  friendly  notices  of  the  work,  than  to  any 
other  quarter."  This  early  recognition  and  patronage  of 
the  "North  American  Review"  in  Maryland  are  note- 
worthy. The  spirit  of  cordial  appreciation  continued 
during  the  first  editorship  of  Jared  Sparks.  His  friend, 
Edward  Hinkley,  a  Harvard  graduate  studying  law  in 

1  Edward  Hinkley  wrote  Sparks  April  10,  1817,  that  there  were 
forty  subscribers  to  the  "  North  American  Review  "  in  Baltimore. 
Coale  &  Maxwell  were  the  agents  there. 


232    EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

Baltimore,  wrote  him  from  that  city,  December  15,  1817 : 
"Your  4  Review  '  is  in  high  reputation  here.  I  have  heard 
it  called,  by  persons  of  respectable  judgment,  the  first  work 
of  the  kind  in  the  United  States." 

When  Mr.  Sparks  settled  in  Baltimore,  he  was  in  posi- 
tion to  represent  the  editorial  and  business  interests  of  the 
"North  American  Review."  Many  were  the  letters  and 
communications  which  he.  received  from  the  Boston  man- 
agers ;  numerous  and  important  were  the  services  rendered 
by  the  Baltimore  pastor  to  his  Northern  literary  friends. 
In  fact,  Jared  Sparks,  more  than  all  other  men,  widened 
the  influence  of  the  "North  American  Review,"  and  made 
it  truly  national  in  its  character.  He  also  widened  the 
reputation  of  Boston  books  through  the  "  National  Intel- 
ligencer." It  was  a  favorite  amusement  of  Channing  and 
others  to  send  literary  notices  to  Sparks  for  use  in  Balti- 
more or  Washington  papers.  Such  a  review  was  of  course 
promptly  reprinted  or  reported  in  Boston,  and  had  a  stim- 
ulating effect  upon  that  community  and  its  book  trade. 

The  relation  of  the  new  management  of  the  "North 
American  Review"  to  Mr.  Sparks,  after  his  first  with- 
drawal from  the  editorship,  is  well  illustrated  by  the  fol- 
lowing extract  from  a  letter  of  Edward  T.  Channing, 
dated  Boston,  November  9,  1818 :  "  I  thank  you  for  your 
kind  offer  to  do  any  service  in  your  power  for  the  4  North 
American  Review '  during  your  present  journey  to  the 
South.  I  give  you  full  power  to  do  anything  you  may 
think  useful  for  it.  I  shall  name  the  agents  in  the  prin- 
cipal cities  you  will  pass  through.  I  wish  the  agency  to 
be  changed  wherever  you  think  proper.  Especially  should 
something  effectual  be  done  in  New  York.  I  want  the 
agents  to  settle  with  me  immediately  for  7th  and  8th  vols. 
My  agency  began  with  the  7th.  I  wish  them  to  render 
full  accounts,  the  number  of  subscribers,  the  number  of  un- 
sold copies,  and  what  state  they  are  in.     If,  as  you  return, 


EDITOR   OF   THE   NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    233 

you  can  bring  any  money  from  the  agents,  I  should  be 
particularly  obliged.  If  the  numbers  are  not  received 
early  in  distant  places,  will  you  inquire  what  better  mode 
of  conveyance  can  be  found?  Be  good  enough  to  make  a 
minute  of  all  important  information,  and  if  convenient, 
will  you  write  me?  I  suppose  you  are  acquainted  with 
Mr.  Sedgwick,  of  New  York.  If  not,  my  sister  will  assist 
you  in  seeing  him,  if  you  think  it  worth  while.  I  give  you 
a  line  to  him."  Channing  furnished  Sparks  with  the  fol- 
lowing list  of  agents  for  the  "  Review  "  in  the  cities  he 
was  likely  to  visit  en  route  to  the  South.  The  number  of 
copies  taken  in  the  chief  towns  outside  New  England  is 
interesting.  Baltimore  compares  favorably  with  Phila- 
delphia and  New  York  :  — 

Hartford,  S.  G.  Goodrich,  agent  for  . 
New  Haven,  Hezekiah  Howe    . 
New  York,  Kirk  &  Meriam 
Philadelphia,  Edward  Earle     . 
Baltimore,  E.  J.  Coale 
Georgetown,  D.  C,  Joseph  Milligan 
Washington,  D.  C,  Daniel  Rapine    . 
Albany,  E.  F.  Backus 
Richmond,  William  H.  Fitzwhyllson 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  Channing  to 
Sparks,  dated  Boston,  September  4,  1819,  shows  that  the 
American  spirit  of  the  "  Review  "  was  becoming  very  pro- 
nounced. It  was  the  year  before  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise, and  the  Boston  editor  was  clearly  of  the  opinion  that 
politics  were  history  in  the  making :  — 

"  I  wish  most  earnestly  that  you  would  take  up  an 
American  subject.  Our  object  is  to  confine  ourselves,  as 
much  as  possible,  to  such  subjects.  There  is  slavery,  col- 
onization of  blacks,  and  the  introduction  of  slaves  into 
the  new  States  to  be  made  in  the  West.  This  last  is  a 
most  important  subject,  and  so  are  the  others.  They  are 
now  in  everybody's  thoughts.     You  have  considered  them. 


6  copies. 
12     " 

70 

« 

16 

« 

49 

« 

6 

tt 

10 

tt 

20 

a 

10 

it 

234    EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

You  have  facilities  for  studying  them  thoroughly.  Say, 
will  you  write  upon  them  for  the  January  number,  and  do 
great  good  to  your  countrymen  ?  Write  me  soon  about 
this,  for  we  must  set  somebody  at  work.  Any  pamphlet 
will  do  for  a  title."  The  suggestion  regarding  the  colo- 
nization movement  afterwards  bore  fruit,  during  the  sec- 
ond editorship  of  Mr.  Sparks. 

Mr.  Channing  retired  from  the  "  North  American  "  1  in 
1819,  when  he  was  appointed  professor  of  rhetoric  and 
oratory  in  Harvard  University.  He  nevertheless  kept  up 
a  correspondence  with  Mr.  Sparks  upon  literary  subjects. 
In  a  letter  dated  at  Cambridge,  September  11,  1821,  he 
mentions  the  publication  of  Tudor's  "  Miscellanies,"  and 
expresses  some  dissatisfaction  with  Tudor's  short  history 
of  the  "  North  American  Review."  Channing  justly  com- 
plains because  u  our  three  years  of  editorship,  and  Phil- 
lips' services  and  my  own  previously  to  Tudor's  leaving, 
are  as  nothing,  or  less.  ...  I  wish  you  would  feel  it  im- 
portant enough  to  let  the  truth  reach  us  from  one  of  your 
newspapers.     I  should  like  to  send  you  a  squib." 

LITERARY   CLUBS   IN   BOSTON. 

Great  periodicals,  like  great  rivers,  always  have  their 
tributaries  or  sources  of  supply.  The  city  of  Boston  and 
the  university  town  of  Cambridge,  the  Albert  and  the 
Victoria  Nyanza  of  American  letters,  poured  a  steady 
current  of  contributions  into  the  "North  American  Re- 
view," and  together  filled  it  with  a  strength  and  volume 
capable  of  long  flow  through  a  dry  and  thirsty  land. 
There  was  a  source  of  supply  in  the  literary  and  social 
club  founded  by  the  historian,  William  H.  Prescott. 
Jared  Sparks  was  one  of  the  original  and  active  members. 

1  Palfrey  to  Sparks,  January  17,  1820  :  "  I  forgot  whether  I  ever 
told  you  that  Channing  and  Dana  had  left  the  North  American  Re- 
view Club,  and  that  I  have  Channing's  place." 


EDITOR   OF  THE   NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    235 

Ticknor,  in  his  "Life  of  Prescott,"  pp.  52-54,  has  given  us 
a  pleasant  account  of  the  origin  of  this  club,  which  flour- 
ished for  more  than  forty  years  :  "  A  little  before  his 
marriage  he  [Prescott]  had,  with  a  few  friends  nearly  of 
his  own  age  and  of  similar  tastes,  instituted  a  club  for 
purposes  both  social  and  literary.  Their  earliest  informal 
meeting  was  in  June,  1818.  On  the  first  evening  they 
numbered  nine,  and  on  the  second  twelve.  Soon  the  num- 
ber was  still  further  enlarged,  but  only  twenty-four  were  at 
any  time  brought  within  its  circle  ;  and  of  these,  after  an 
interval  of  above  forty  years,  eleven  still  survive  (1862)." 

Ticknor  gives  the  following  list  of  members,  a  star  indi- 
cating all  who  were  dead  at  the  time  the  uLife  of  Prescott " 
was  written  :  Alexander  Bliss,*  John  Brazer,*  George 
Augustus  Frederic  Dawson,*  Franklin  Dexter,*  Samuel 
Atkins  Eliot,*  William  Havard  Eliot,*  Charles  Folsom, 
whom  Prescott  used  to  call  his  "  Cambridge  Aldus," 
William  Howard  Gardiner,  John  Chipman  Gray,  Francis 
William  Pitt  Greenwood,*  Enoch  Hale,*  Charles  Greely 
Loring,  William  Powell  Mason,  John  Gorharn  Palfrey? 
Theophilus  Parsons,  Octavius  Pickering,  William  Hick- 
ling  Prescott,*  Jared  Sparks,  William  Jones  Spooner,* 
Jonathan  Ma}diew  Wainwright,*  John  Ware,  Henry  War- 
ren, Martin  Whiting,*  and  Francis  William  Winthrop.* 

Of  these  men  Ticknor  says  :  "  Although  several  of  the 
most  promising  members  of  the  club  died  so  young  that 
the  time  for  their  distinction  never  came,  more  than  half 
of  the  whole  number  have  been  known  as  authors,  no  one 
of  whom  has  failed  to  do  credit  to  the  association  in  which 
his  youth,  in  part,  was  trained."  This  club,  in  which 
Prescott  was  undoubtedly  the  leading  spirit,  was  a  kind 
of  literary  Seminarium.  Papers  were  read  and  discussed. 
The  members  criticised  one  another  freely,  and  we  may 
be  sure  that  good  standards  of  thought  and  style  were 
cultivated   in  that  little  coterie.     At  the  suggestion   of 


236    EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

Prescott,  a  periodical  called  "  The  Club  Room  "  was  insti- 
tuted, although  its  publication  was  soon  suspended.  The 
first  number  appeared  February  5,  1820,  and  the  last 
July  19,  1820.  During  that  time  Prescott  made  three 
contributions  to  the  journal.  In  Ticknor's  opinion,  Frank- 
lin Dexter,  Prescott's  brother-in-law,  was  one  of  the  best 
writers  for  "  The  Club  Room." 

During  Sparks'  residence  in  Baltimore,  the  following 
letters  were  received  by  him  from  William  H.  Prescott 
regarding  the  affairs  of  the  club.  The  first  letter  was 
dated  Boston,  February  9,  1820  :  "  I  send  you  a  copy  of 
4  The  Club  Room,'  a  paper  which  is  to  be  furnished  out  of 
the  wits  of  the  Tuesday  evening  club,  of  which  you  were 
a  member.  You  will  perceive  that  it  is  miscellaneous ; 
and  we  have  no  subscription,  and  do  not  intend  to  pledge 
ourselves  for  its  periodical  appearance.  As  the  literary 
merits  of  most  of  our  members  have  already  been  decided 
by  their  public  performances,  we  have  little  reason  to 
doubt  our  ability  to  support  such  a  work.  If  you  can  as- 
sist our  cause  by  your  recommendations,  or  in  any  other 
way  for  which  you  have  inclination  and  leisure  (although 
I  suspect  you  are  but  poorly  off  for  the  last),  you  will 
much  oblige  the  club  in  general,  and  me  in  particular  as 
the  editor.  The  pieces  in  this  number  were  written  in 
the  following  order  by  Warren,  Parsons,  Dexter,  Ware." 

Prescott's  second  letter  to  Sparks  is  dated  Boston,  June 
29,  1820  :  "  I  am  very  sorry  to  give  you  so  much  trouble 
about  the  affairs  of  the  club,  and  the  best  apology  I  can 
find  is,  that,  as  you  were  one  of  the  founders,  you  no  doubt 
take  as  much  interest  as  any  one  else  in  the  success  of 
its  enterprises.  Swan,  who  first  published  4  The  Club 
Room,'  has  failed,  and  I  have  now  put  the  work  into 
Cummings  &  Hilliard's  hands.  Swan  is  a  young  man, 
and  my  principal  motive  for  putting  the  work  into  his 
hands  at  all  was  to  benefit  him.     In  town  it  has  taken 


EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN   REVIEW.    237 

care  of  itself,  and  each  number  has  considerably  more 
than  paid  its  expenses,  but  out  of  town  it  has  not  been 
well  managed.  The  agent  in  Baltimore  knew  nothing 
and  cared  nothing  about  Swan,  and  seems  to  have  paid 
little  attention  to  his  orders.  C.  &  Hilliard  have  put  the 
work  into  the  hands  of  Coale,  and  the  greater  number 
into  those  of  Cushing  &  Jewett.  They  are  associated  in 
the  profits  of  the  work,  and  as  they  are  better  known, 
probably  their  wishes  will  be  attended  to.  You  will  much 
oblige  me  if,  in  some  of  your  perambulations  that  way, 
you  would  call  upon  these  gentlemen,  and  request  them 
to  advertise  the  numbers,  and  give  them  a  fair  exposure 
on  their  counters ;  and  if  you  are  disposed  to  assist  us  in 
any  way  that  will  not  cost  you  too  much  time  and  trouble, 
the  club  will  take  it  very  kindly  of  you.  The  third  num- 
ber was  made  up  by  Gray,  Dexter,  Ware,  Everett,  Dr. 
Fisher,  and  myself.  The  fourth  will  be  published  in  the 
course  of  a  week." 

Prescott's  club  was  of  course  very  social  in  its  spirit. 
A  supper  or  a  dinner  was  an  essential  feature  of  every 
meeting,  as  was  the  case  in  the  old  Anthology  Club.  In- 
deed, the  time-honored  institution  of  a  dining  club,  com- 
posed of  literary  and  scholarly  men,  has  never  died  out  in 
either  Cambridge  or  Boston.  The  old  type  has  increased 
and  multiplied,  until  now  it  may  be  found  in  many  inland 
towns  and  cities  of  New  England.  The  influence  of  these 
literary  and  social  reunions  upon  the  intellectual  life  of 
the  members  is  very  remarkable.  In  such  a  municipal 
neighborhood  as  that  of  Boston  and  Cambridge,  a  club 
like  that  to  which  Jared  Sparks,  John  G.  Palfrey,  Charles 
Folsom,  and  William  H.  Prescott  belonged  was  of  incal- 
culable benefit,  not  only  to  themselves,  but  to  the  cause  of 
good  literature  which  they  all  represented.  It  may  safely 
be  said  that,  through  such  a  literary  and  social  exchange, 
Jared  Sparks  became  able,  during  his  second  editorship, 


238    EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

to  procure  desirable  contributions  to  the  "  Review,"  and 
that  the  club  long  remained  one  of  the  literary  fountain 
heads  of  Boston  and  Cambridge. 

The  North  American  Review  Club  was  another  and  far 
more  constant  source  of  supply  for  the  above  magazine. 
This  club  stood  in  much  the  same  relation  to  the  "  Re- 
view "  as  did  the  old  Anthology  to  its  monthly  journal. 
The  Review  Club  was  a  society  of  gentlemen,  some  of 
them  with  a  proprietary  interest  in  the  magazine,  and  all 
with  pronounced  literary  and  critical  tastes.  For  several 
years  this  club  controlled  the  policy  of  the  "  Review,"  and 
exercised  a  marked  influence  upon  the  choice  of  writers 
and  the  fate  of  contributions.  There  is  still  preserved  a 
letter  from  the  chief  proprietor,  Judge  Willard  Phillips, 
to  Jared  Sparks,  written  March  26,  1817,  which  shows 
that  the  club,  at  that  time  at  least,  was  a  real  power  be- 
hind both  capitalist  and  editor.  The  judge  said  :  "  I  find 
that  there  was  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  those  consti- 
tuting our  club,  that  the  work  would  be  within  their  con- 
trol, and  that  the  editor  would  cooperate  with  them,  but 
on  the  whole  be  governed  very  much  by  their  views,  in 
the  admission  of  articles,  etc."  Speaking  of  the  members 
of  the  club,  Judge  Phillips  said :  "  They  are  the  best  sort 
of  people,  as  you  know,  and  esteem  you  from  acquaintance 
or  from  your  reputation,  and  will  doubtless  esteem  you 
still  more  if  you  come  in  sometimes  to  read  and  talk  with 
us."  Mr.  Sparks  early  became  a  member  of  the  North 
American  Review  Club,  and  continued  his  connection  with 
it  throughout  his  ministerial  career  in  Baltimore. 

SPARKS   ON    NORTH   CAROLINA. 

On  the  15th  of  January,  1820,  Edward  Everett,  who 
had  succeeded  Channing  as  editor  of  the  "  North  Amer- 
ican," wrote  to   Sparks:    "The  North   American  Club1 

1  Everett  wrote  Sparks  April  29,  1820  :  "  My  office  of  editor,  and 


EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN   REVIEW.     239 

voted  to  ask  you  to  write  a  paper  on  African  Coloniza- 
tion for  the  next  number.  Pray  do  it,  and  take  the  leisure 
week  which  my  coming  will  procure  you.  .  .  .  They  say 
you  are  master  of  the  topic."  Everett  had  promised  to 
preach  for  Sparks  the  first  Sunday  in  February.  The 
article  on  African  Colonization  was  not  to  be  written, 
however,  upon  such  short  notice.  Mr.  Sparks  promised  a 
review  of  internal  improvements  in  North  Carolina.  His 
ministerial  trip  through  that  section  of  Southern  coun- 
try, and  the  appearance  of  certain  public  documents,  such 
as  the  memoir  by  his  friend  and  correspondent,  Joseph 
Gales,  of  Raleigh,  inspired  Sparks  to  make  this  original 
contribution  to  American  economic  history.  The  article, 
valuable  even  to  the  modern  university  student,  was  pub- 
lished in  January,  1821.  It  was  one  of  a  series  of  papers 
upon  public  works  in  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  which 
may  be  found  in  the  "  North  American  Review  "  of  that 
period.  In  the  above  article  Mr.  Sparks  takes  occasion 
to  review  the  niggardly  policy  of  the  general  goverment 
in  the  matter  of  public  works.  He  asks  with  some  feel- 
ing :  "  What  has  become  of  the  noble  project  for  a  na- 
tional university?  .  .  .  While  small  states  in  Europe, 
whose  positions  we  can  hardly  trace  on  our  maps,  are  en- 
dowing universities,  establishing  and  affording  patronage 
to  numerous  institutions,  we  are  contented  tamely  to  sub- 
mit to  the  reproach  of  doing  absolutely  nothing."  He 
then  reviews  the  more  generous  examples  of  public  policy 
set  by  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  North  Carolina.  "We 
cannot   forbear  mentioning  here   the  University  of  Vir- 

your  duty  as  a  member  of  the  club,  authorize  me  to  put  you  thus  in 
requisition."  Nothing  was  paid  at  this  time  for  articles.  Mr.  T. 
Parsons  wrote  Mr.  Sparks  from  Taunton,  November  24,  1822  :  "  I 
shall  never  write  again  for  the  North  American  without  being  paid 
for  it,  and  the  question  of  pay  or  not  pay  is  now  agitating  in  the 
club.     None  of  the  owners  of  the  book  work  but  Everett  and  you." 


240   EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH   AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

ginia,  not  only  as  bearing  honorable  testimony  to  the  lib- 
erality of  the  State,  but  as  affording  one  of  the  finest 
specimens  of  the  arts  in  this  country.  We  do  not  hesi- 
tate to  say  that,  in  elegance  of  design,  in  correctness  and 
beauty  of  architecture,  nothing  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic 
surpasses  the  group  of  colleges  now  building  near  Char- 
lottesville under  the  immediate  direction  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 
.  .  .  We  are  happy  to  learn  also  that  the  University  of 
Maryland  has,  by  the  spirited  exertions  of  a  few  individ- 
uals, lately  been  gaining  ground.  By  a  late  valuable  ac- 
quisition it  promises,  in  its  medical  department,  soon  to 
rival  the  first  schools  in  this  country." 

Concerning  the  educational  policy  of  North  Carolina, 
Mr.  Sparks  observes :  "  In  an  ardent  and  increasing  zeal 
for  the  establishment  of  schools  and  academies  for  several 
years  past,  we  do  not  believe  it  has  been  outdone  by  a 
single  State.  The  academy  at  Raleigh  was  founded  in 
1804,  previously  to  which  there  were  only  two  institutions 
of  the  kind  in  the  State.  The  number  at  present  is  nearly 
fifty,  and  is  rapidly  increasing.  Great  pains  are  taken  to 
procure  the  best  instructors  from  different  parts  of  the 
country ;  and  we  have  the  best  authority  for  our  opinion, 
that  in  no  part  of  the  Union  are  the  interests  of  education 
better  understood,  and  under  better  regulations,  than  in 
the  middle  counties  of  North  Carolina.  The  schools  for 
females  are  particularly  celebrated,  and  are  much  resorted 
to  from  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  and  Virginia.  In  the 
year  1816  the  number  of  students  at  academies,  within 
the  compass  of  forty  miles,  amounted  to  more  than  one 
thousand.  This  space  comprised  the  counties  of  War- 
ren, Granville,  Orange,  Wake,  Franklin,  and  two  or  three 
adjoining.  All  the  useful  and  ornamental  branches  of 
knowledge  are  taught  at  most  of  these  institutions. 

"  The  University  of  North  Carolina,  which  is  at  Chapel 
Hill,  in  Orange  County,  was  incorporated  about  thirty 


EDITOR   OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    241 

years  ago,  but  did  not  go  into  active  operation  for  nearly 
ten  years  after.  It  is  at  present  flourishing,  contains 
more  than  a  hundred  students,  and  promises  to  become  a 
useful  and  important  institution.  It  is  under  the  direc- 
tion of  fifty-five  trustees,  a  number  which  we  think  five 
times  too  many.  .  .  .  Another  practice,  which  is  followed 
in  some  of  the  States,  must  effectually  stop  the  progress 
of  any  literary  institution.  We  mean  the  custom  of  mak- 
ing the  professors'  salaries  depend  on  the  annual  grants  of 
the  legislature."  Thus,  with  critical  as  well  as  apprecia- 
tive observations,  Mr.  Sparks  reviewed  the  educational 
systems  of  North  Carolina  and  the  South.  His  elaborate 
description  of  the  historic  progress  of,  and  the  plans  for 
the  internal  improvement  of  the  State,  the  student  special- 
ist alone  can  appreciate  and  utilize. 

Of  more  general  interest  is  Mr.  Sparks'  account  of  the 
Mecklenburg  Declaration  of  Independence,  in  1775,  for 
the  proof  of  which  anticipation  of  the  spirit  of  '76,  docu- 
ments had  recently  been  published  by  Mr.  Joseph  Gales,1 
editor  of  the  "  Raleigh  Register."  Mr.  Sparks  says  a 
convention  was  held  in  the  town  of  Charlotte,  with  two 
members  from  each  of  the  military  companies  in  Mecklen- 
burg County.  Resolutions  of  independence  were  passed 
on  the  19th  of  May,  1775,  more  than  thirteen  months  be- 
fore the  declaration  by  Congress.  The  following  resolves 
show  of  what  stuff  the  North  Carolinians  were  made  :  — 

1  With  members  of  the  Gales  family  in  Raleigh,  Mr.  Sparks  kept 
up  an  active  correspondence.  One  of  the  editors  of  the  "  National 
Intelligencer,"  Mr.  Gales,  of  Gales  &  Seaton,  came  to  Washing- 
ton from  Raleigh,  N.  C.  "  Documents  showing  that  Mecklenburg 
County,  N.  C,  declared  Independence  of  Great  Britain,  May  20, 
1775,"  were  published  in  Raleigh  by  Joseph  Gales  &  Son  in  1822. 
There  is  an  extensive  literature  upon  this  vexed  subject.  Among 
the  recent  contributions  are  those  of  General  C.  M.  Wilcox  and  Presi- 
dent James  C.  Welling,  in  the  "  Magazine  of  American  History  "  for 
January  and  March,  1889. 
16 


242  EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

"Resolved,  That  we,  the  citizens  of  Mecklenburgh 
County,  do  hereby  dissolve  the  political  bands  which 
have  connected  us  to  the  mother  country,  and  hereby  ab- 
solve ourselves  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown, 
and  abjure  all  political  connection,  contract,  or  association 
with  that  nation,  which  has  wantonly  trampled  on  our 
rights  and  liberties,  and  inhumanly  shed  the  innocent 
blood  of  American  patriots  at  Lexington.  Resolved,  That 
we  do  hereby  declare  ourselves  a  free  and  independent 
people,  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  a  sovereign  and  self- 
governing  association,  under  the  control  of  no  power  other 
than  that  of  God,  and  the  general  government  of  the 
congress ;  to  the  maintenance  of  which  independence  we 
solemnly  pledge  to  each  other  our  mutual  cooperation,  our 
lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  most  sacred  honor." 

Mr.  Sparks  had  a  poor  opinion  of  Dr.  Williamson's 
"History  of  North  Carolina,"  and  severely  criticised  it 
in  the  concluding  paragraph  of  the  article  on  internal  im- 
provements. He  adds  this  valuable  suggestion  for  the 
coming  historian  of  the  old  North  State:  "North  Caro- 
lina was  among  the  first  States  that  were  settled  ;  many 
events  in  its  history  are  of  the  most  interesting  kind  ;  and 
it  would  be  no  less  a  gratification  and  benefit  to  the  pub- 
lic than  an  honor  to  the  State  to  have  them  faithfully  and 
fully  recorded  by  some  able  hand." 

Concerning  Sparks'  valuable  contribution,  Everett  wrote, 
April  13,  1821,  "Your  article  on  North  Carolina  gave 
great  satisfaction  here."  On  another  occasion,  May  17, 
1821,  Mr.  Everett  jocosely  said,  "  Your  North  Carolina 
piece  was  a  powerful  means  of  grace."  In  the  same  let- 
ter Everett,  who  had  rapidly  conformed  his  magazine  to 
the  English  type,  makes  this  frank  confession  :  "  Your 
remarks  about  the  •  North  American '  are  highly  accept- 
able to  me,  since  I  seek  nothing  so  much  as  hints  toward 
its  improvement.    Your  remark  against  its  want  of  Amer- 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    243 

icanism  is  just,  but  you  must  remember  some  things  : 
1st.  You  cannot  pour  anything  out  of  the  vessel  but  what 
is  in  it.  I  am  obliged  to  depend  on  myself  more  than  on 
any  other  person,  and  I  must  write  that  which  will  run 
fastest.  I  am  ashamed  of  this,  but  cannot  help  it.  2d. 
There  is  really  a  dearth  of  American  topics ;  the  Amer- 
ican books  are  too  poor  to  praise,  and  to  abuse  them  will 
not  do.  3d.  The  people  round  here,  our  most  numerous 
and  oldest  friends,  have  not  the  raging  Americanism  that 
reigns  in  your  quarter.  As  the  vulgar  song  says,  *  While 
one's  back  is  in  joint,  another's  is  out.'  " 

SPARKS   ON   LAND   GRANTS   FOR   SCHOOLS. 
Writing  again  to  Mr.  Sparks,  June  2,  1821,  Mr.  Ever- 
ett said,  "  You  will  not  complain  of  the  want  of  American 
topics  in  the  next  number."     In  this  letter,  Everett  states 
that  he  had  sent  to  the  press  an  American  article  of  his 
own  upon  Maxcy's  reports  and  the  Maryland  memorial 
concerning  the  appropriations  of  public  land  for  educa- 
tional purposes  ;  but,  hearing  that  Sparks  was  about  to 
contribute  a  paper  upon  the  same  subject,  he  had  taken 
back  his  article.     He  adds  that  he  "  will  keep  it  till  I  get 
yours,  and  then  make  up  something  out  of  both,  unless, 
what  is  very  likely,  I  find  you  exhaust  the  subject."     On 
the  14th  of  June,  1821,  Mr.  Everett  sent  this  acknowledg- 
ment: "Your  article,  put  into  the  post  the  7th,  has  just 
arrived,  so  that  you  see  the  return  of  mail  is  a  slower 
process  than  you  thought.     I  told  you  if  I  liked  my  arti- 
cle best  I  would  honestly  print  it.     I  find  yours,  however, 
a  good  deal   better.     Mine  was  written  in   about  three 
hours'  space,  and  was  chiefly  an  analysis  of  Mr.  Maxcy's, 
&c,  *  Refutation  of  Mr.  Thomas'  Report.'     What  I  find 
you  have  omitted  I  will  take  the  liberty  to  add  from  mine. 
If  the  rest  is  not  already  despatched,  pray  lose  no  time." 
Mr.  Sparks'  sojourn  in  Maryland  was  the  occasion  of 


244   EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

the  above  contribution  to  the  "  North  American  Review  " 
upon  the  "  Appropriation  of  Land  for  Schools,"  published 
in  October,  1821.     The  article  was  substantially  a  review 
of   Maxcy's   report  upon  this   subject  to  the   Senate  of 
Maryland,  January  30,  1821,  and  of  two  other  documents 
of  like  character.     Maryland,  as  early  as  the  year  1777, 
had  taken  the  national  position  that  the  Western  lands 
rightfully  belonged  to  the  States  in  their  collective  capa- 
city, and  refused  to  ratify  the  Articles  of  Confederation 
until  Virginia  and  New  York  would  agree  to  cede  their  re- 
spective claims  to  the  United  States.    This  position  estab- 
lished the  territorial  basis  of  the  American  Union.1     In 
1821  the  General  Assembly  of  Maryland  asserted  the  same 
underlying  principle  with  respect  to  the  distribution  of 
public  lands  for  educational  purposes.     The  legislature 
resolved  that  "  each  of  the  United   States  has  an  equal 
right  to  participate  in  the  benefit  of  the  public  lands,  the 
common  property  of  the  Union."    It  was  also  declared  that 
"  the  States  in  whose  favor  Congress  has  not  made  appro- 
priations of  land  for  the  purposes  of  education  are  entitled 
to  such  appropriations  as  will  correspond  in  a  just  propor- 
tion with  those  heretofore  made  in   favor  of  the  other 
States."     Resolutions  of  this  character  were  transmitted 
to  every  member  of  Congress,  and  to  all  the  state  govern- 
ors, with  the  request  that  legislative  action  be  taken  in 
the  matter.     Virginia  and  Connecticut  received  the  reso- 
lutions with   favor,   but  in  New  York   Mr.  G.   C.  Ver- 
planck,  chairman  of  the  committee  on  colleges,  academies, 
and  schools,  reported  adversely  to  the  Maryland  resolu- 
tions, and  his  report 2  was  accepted  by  the  New  York  leg- 
islature. 

1  "  Maryland's  Influence  upon  Land  Cessions  to  the  United  States," 
by  Herbert  B.  Adams,  Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  vol.  iii., 
No.  1. 

2  "  Report  of  the  Committee  on  Colleges,  Academies,  and  Common 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.   245 

It  was  primarily  to  refute  the  points  urged  in  Ver- 
planck's  report  that  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  his  valuable  his- 
toric article  upon  the  "Appropriation  of  Public  Lands  for 
Schools."  He  appears  to  have  had  the  confidence  and 
cooperation  of  Maxcy,1  for  there  is  preserved  among  the 
Sparks  papers  a  long  letter  dated  Belvidere,  the  Balti- 
more home  of  the  Howard  family,  May  23, 1821,  and  writ- 
ten by  the  Maryland  statesman,  who  gives  some  sugges- 
tions regarding  weak  points  in  the  position  taken  by  New 
York.  In  espousing  the  cause  of  Maryland,  Mr.  Sparks 
took  occasion  to  review  the  whole  history  of  the  American 
land  question,  from  the  original  charters  and  various  land 
cessions  down  to  the  matter  then  in  dispute.  Without 
entering  into  the  details  of  the  historic  and  constitutional 
arguments  by  which  Mr.  Sparks  sustained  the  views  of 
Maryland,  it  may  be  confidently  stated  that  the  student 
of  American  agrarian  laws  and  of  American  educational 
history  cannot  well  afford  to  neglect  the  materials  so  well 
reviewed  by  Jared  Sparks  in  1821.  It  may  be  added 
that  the  historic  account  of  education  in  Maryland,  ap- 
pended by  Mr.  Sparks  to  the  above  article,  is  both  in- 
teresting and  valuable.  Sparks  pays  this  suggestive  trib- 
ute to  the  Maryland  spirit  of  toleration  in  educational 
matters :  u  It  is,  indeed,  a  fact,  which  redounds  much  to 
the  honor  of  the  State,  that  in  all  its  charters  to  literary 
institutions,  from  the  time  of  its  first  acts,  it  is  formally 
and  explicitly  stated  that  no  distinctions  shall  be  made 
in  favor  of  any  religious  sentiments,  but  that  students, 

Schools,  in  the  Legislature  of  New  York,  March  30,  1821,  upon  the 
Message  of  his  Excellency  the  Governor  communicating  the  Resolu- 
tions of  the  Legislature  of  Maryland,"  by  G.  C.  Verplanck,  chairman 
of  the  committee. 

1  Maxcy  wrote  to  Sparks,  September  30,  1822  :  "  It  is  upon  your 
exposition  of  the  subject,  in  such  a  publication  as  the  '  North  American 
Review,'  that  I  rely  for  making  a  deep  impression  upon  the  nation." 


246   EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

professors,  visitors,  and  regents  shall  be  taken  from  all 
denominations  and  be  admitted  to  equal  privileges." 

The  project  that  Mr.  Sparks  should  resume  editorial 
management  of  the  "  North  American  Review  "  appears 
in  a  letter  to  him  from  J.  G.  Palfrey,  who  wrote  from 
Boston,  July  29,  1823  :  "  Everett  informs  us,  in  a  note 
which  I  have  received  this  morning,  that  he  has  informed 
you  that  he  resigns  the  4  North  American  Review '  to  you 
on  condition  of  your  editing  it  in  Boston,  and  on  the  same 
terms  that  he  has  done.  If  he  has  written  to  Baltimore, 
as  is  probable,  I  suppose  you  will  not  get  his  letter  in 
New  York.  We  have  had  no  meeting  on  the  subject,  but 
I  apprehend  there  will  be  no  obstacle  to  the  arrangement 
being  made,  unless  it  be  on  your  part ;  and  if,  as  I  ear- 
nestly wish  may  be  the  case,  it  is  agreeable  to  you,  I 
should  think  you  would  come  directly  to  Boston  from  New 
York  to  make  provision  for  the  January  number." 

SPAKKS   ON   COLONIZATION. 

While  living  in  Maryland,  Mr.  Sparks'  interest  in  the 
"  North  American  Review  "  never  ceased.  When  he  re- 
turned to  Massachusetts  he  remained  friendly  to  the  South. 
After  his  removal  from  Baltimore  to  Boston  in  the  autumn 
of  1823,  once  more  to  take  editorial  charge  of  that  famous 
magazine,  his  first  important  contribution  was  upon  a 
subject  which  happily  combined  his  Northern  training 
and  Southern  experience,  his  religious  zeal  and  spirit  of 
propaganda,  with  that  early  enthusiasm  for  the  Dark 
Continent.  Sparks'  article  on  "  The  Colonization  Society, 
or  the  Advantages  and  Practicability  of  Colonization  in 
Africa,"  was  published  in  January,  1824.  It  was  nomi- 
nally a  review  of  "  The  Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  Amer- 
ican Society  for  Colonizing  the  Free  People  of  Color  of 
the  United  States  ;  "  but  in  reality  it  was  the  whole  history 
of  the  colonization  movement,  from  its  first  suggestion  by 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    247 

Thomas  Jefferson  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Finley.  The  Coloni- 
zation Society  was  organized  in  the  city  of  Washington 
in  1816,  through  the  active  agency  of  Dr.  Finley,1  then  of 
New  Jersey,  supported  by  prominent  statesmen  from  the 
South,  among  others  by  Henry  Clay,  John  Randolph,  and 
General  Robert  G.  Harper.  Judge  Washington,  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  was  chosen  president  of  the  society.  An 
auxiliary  was  established  at  Richmond  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Chief  Justice  Marshall.  From  the  high  character 
of  these  officers  and  members  we  must  believe  that  the 
Colonization  Society  represented  in  some  measure  an  ear- 
nest and  philanthropic  enterprise.  The  primary  inten- 
tion was  to  provide  an  asylum  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa 
for  the  free  blacks  and  emancipated  negroes,  who  could 
never  expect  in  this  country  to  acquire  full  civil  rights. 
At  the  same  time,  there  was  a  strong  desire  on  the  part 
of  the  slave-owners  to  get  rid  of  these  freemen  and  freed- 
men,  for  they  were  looked  upon  as  dangerous  elements  in 
a  slaveholding  country.     Mr.  Sparks  himself  says  :  — 

"The  character  of  slavery,  as  it  exists  in  this  country, 
renders  emancipation  to  any  practicable  extent  impossible, 
unless  there  shall  be  some  place  out  of  the  United  States 
to  which  free  persons  of  color  may  be  sent,  where  they 
may  enjoy  the  civil  privileges  of  which,  for  wise  purposes, 
it  is  here  necessary  that  the  laws  should  deprive  them, 
and  where  they  may  obtain  those  means  of  happiness 
which  freedom  and  self-government  will  put  into  their 
hands.     No  dream  can  be  more  wild  than  that  of  emanci- 

1  The  Rev.  Dr.  Finley,  whose  memoirs  are  published,  was  educated 
at  the  College  of  New  Jersey  during  the  administration  of  the  famous 
Dr.  Witherspoon.  Dr.  Finley  was  himself  an  eminent  scholar  and 
a  Christian  philanthropist.  He  wrote  a  pamphlet  in  the  interest  of 
African  colonization,  and  was  really  the  founder  of  the  Colonization 
Society  in  Washington  and  of  an  auxiliary  society  in  New  Jersey. 
He  afterwards  removed  to  Athens,  Georgia,  where  he  had  been 
chosen  president  of  Franklin  College,  and  where  he  soon  died. 


248  EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

pating  slaves  who  are  still  to  remain  among  us  free.  We 
unhesitatingly  express  it  as  our  belief  —  and  we  speak 
from  some  experience  —  that  the  free  people  of  color  as 
a  class  in  the  slaveholding  States  are  a  greater  nuisance 
to  society,  more  comfortless,  tempted  to  more  vices,  and 
actually  less  qualified  to  enjoy  existence,  than  the  slaves 
themselves.  In  such  a  state  of  things,  manumission  is  no 
blessing  to  the  slave,  while  it  is  an  evil  of  the  most  seri- 
ous kind  to  the  whites. 

"  This  we  deem  an  important  consideration,  because  it 
brings  the  subject  of  emancipation  to  a  single  point.  We 
suppose  it  is  the  cherished  hope  of  every  true  patriot,  as 
well  as  of  every  benevolent  man,  that  the  day  will  come 
when  the  scourge  of  slavery  shall  no  longer  be  felt  in  the 
land,  when  the  rod  of  chastisement  shall  be  withdrawn, 
and  all  voices  shall  join  in  the  song  of  freedom.  There 
is  one  possible  way,  and  only  one,  in  which  this  event  can 
be  accomplished,  or  even  approximated.  It  is  by  coloni- 
zation, and  by  this  alone,  that  the  mischiefs  of  slavery, 
and,  what  is  more  to  be  dreaded  than  slavery,  the  living 
pestilence  of  a  free  black  population,  can  be  lessened.  We 
take  the  position  to  be  settled,  that  no  possible  remedy 
can  be  imagined,  while  the  people  of  color  continue  with 
us,  whether  as  slaves,  or  as  freemen  subject  to  their  pres- 
ent legal  disabilities.  Can  any  combination  of  facts  more 
clearly  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  procuring  an  asylum 
for  these  people  in  some  place  remote  from  our  own  terri- 
tory, or  more  loudly  demand  the  union  of  all  hearts  and 
hands  in  aiding  the  benevolent  and  well-designed  begin- 
nings of  the  Colonization  Society  ?  As  all  hope  of  future 
relief  rests  on  some  experiment  of  this  sort,  who  does  not 
see  that  the  sooner  it  is  begun,  the  less  formidable  will  be 
the  obstacles  to  contend  against,  and  the  more  encour- 
aging the  prospects  of  success  ?  " 

Mr.  Sparks   reviews  in  considerable  detail,  from  the 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.   249 

year  1817  to  1823,  all  the  explorations  and  negotiations 
leading  up  to  the  first  abortive  attempts  at  African  coloni- 
zation in  unhealthy  districts  just  before  the  rainy  season. 
Recognizing  all  the  discouraging  facts  connected  with  the 
first  dismal  failure  of  the  movement,  Mr.  Sparks  proceeds 
to  discuss  the  advantages  and  practicability  of  the  ex- 
periment when  conducted  under  proper  conditions. 

Among  the  advantages  of  African  colonization,  Mr. 
Sparks  suggested  the  promotion  of  commerce  and  the 
suppression  of  the  slave  trade.  He  recognized  "  the  open 
sore  of  the  world  "  as  clearly  as  Livingstone,  Stanley,  and 
Drummond  have  done  in  our  times.  Sparks  saw  that  the 
grand  secret  of  African  degradation  was  hid  in  the  slave 
trade.  He  said  all  the  navies  of  the  world  could  not  suc- 
cessfully police  the  coasts  of  Africa.  The  remedy  must 
come  from  within  the  country  itself.  "  A  colony  on  the 
coast,  at  the  same  time  it  affords  facilities  for  carrying 
into  effect  the  laws  against  the  slave  trade,  will  be  a  post 
of  observation  to  detect  illegal  traffickers,  and,  by  heighten- 
ing the  risk,  to  discourage  the  boldness  of  adventurers." 
The  truth  of  these  words  has  been  historically  demon- 
strated by  the  services  already  rendered  by  colonies  on 
the  coast  of  Western  Africa  in  checking  and  suppressing 
the  slave  trade. 

To  show  the  practicability  of  colonizing  the  African 
coast,  Mr.  Sparks  pointed  out  the  fact  that  there  were 
already  colonial  settlements,  Portuguese,  French,  Danish, 
and  English,  along  the  western  shore  of  Africa  from  Cape 
Verde  to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  He  cited  the  case  of 
Sierra  Leone  as  a  good  example  of  African  colonization 
by  American  negroes.  "  At  the  close  of  the  American 
Revolution,"  says  Mr.  Sparks,  "  many  negroes  who  had 
left  their  masters  during  the  war,  and  gone  over  to  the 
British  standard,  were  dispersed  in  the  Bahama  Islands 
and  Nova  Scotia,  where  the  white  loyalists  took  refuge. 


250  EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

Some  found  their  way  to  London.  Four  hundred  of  these 
were  shipped  by  their  own  consent  to  Sierra  Leone  in 
1787.  The  black  settlers  in  Nova  Scotia  became  dissatis- 
fied with  the  rigorous  treatment  they  received,  and  com- 
plained to  the  British  ministry.  Emigration  was  thought 
the  only  remedy,  and  twelve  hundred  accepted  the  invi- 
tation to  be  transported  at  the  expense  of  the  government 
to  Sierra  Leone,  where  they  arrived  five  years  after  those 
from  London.  It  thus  appears  that  the  colony  at  Sierra 
Leone  was  first  settled  by  negroes,  who  had  been  slaves  in 
this  country,  habituated  to  the  same  climate,  and  possess- 
ing the  same  character,  as  the  persons  with  whom  it  is 
contemplated  to  supply  the  new  American  colony." 

The  effect  in  Baltimore  of  Sparks'  article  on  coloniza- 
tion, and  at  the  same  time  his  continued  connections  with 
friends  in  that  city,  are  shown  in  the  following  letter, 
dated  January  28,  1824,  from  Mr.  F.  W.  P.  Greenwood, 
his  successor  as  Unitarian  minister  and  as  editor  of  the 
"  Miscellany  :  "  "  Everybody  is  highly  pleased  here  with 
your  first  number  of  the  4  North  American  Be  view.'  The 
Colonization  article  is  in  great  favor.  I  am  just  now  be- 
ginning to  breathe.  To-morrow  I  shall  finish  the  Febru- 
ary number  of  the  '  Miscellany,'  and  then  shall  immedi- 
ately go  to  work  on  Wordsworth.1  You  will  have  it,  not 
on  the  1st,  but  about  the  12th  of  the  month.  ...  A 
great  deal  of  love  is  sent  you  from  all  quarters.  Accept 
mine." 

Mr.  Sparks'  article  on  African  Colonization  was  heart- 
ily commended  by  friends  of  the  movement.  Mr.  R.  R. 
Gurley,  the  secretary  of  the  colonization  Society,  wrote 

1  Greenwood's  appreciative  review  of  the  "  Miscellaneous  Poems 
of  Wordsworth"  was  printed  in  the  "North  American  Review," 
April,  1824,  and  well  illustrates  the  American  spirit  of  revolt  from 
the  literary  dogmatism  of  the  Scotch  reviewers,  who  at  first  had  little 
sense  for  the  merits  of  the  Lake  poet. 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.  251 

grateful  letters  from  Georgetown.  In  one  letter,  dated 
January  14,  1824,  Gurley  innocently  inquires  "  whether 
the  Massachusetts  society  to  suppress  the  slave  trade  can- 
not be  aroused  to  some  vigorous  effort  in  our  cause,  and 
whether,  through  this  institution,  New  England  generally 
may  not  be  excited  to  aid  our  enterprise."  The  strongest 
commendation  came  from  the  Hon.  C.  F.  Mercer,  in  a 
long  and  historically  interesting  letter,  dated  Washing- 
ton, January  5,  1824.  Mercer  said  :  "  I  have  seldom  met 
with  a  pamphlet  which  afforded  me  more  lively  enjoyment 
than  I  have  derived  from  that  which  accompanied  your 
obliging  letter  of  the  31st  ult.  Apart  from  its  main  pur- 
pose, which  is  worthy  of  the  deepest  interest  and  which 
you  justly  appreciate,  how  many  unfounded  prejudices 
between  the  North  and  the  South  would  the  diffusion  of 
such  works  infallibly  remove !  "  Mercer  proceeds  to  ex- 
plain his  own  interest  and  faith  in  the  colonization  move- 
ment. He  narrates  some  very  interesting  facts  concern- 
ing the  origin  and  history  of  the  Colonization  Society,  and 
the  early  attempts  of  Virginia  to  get  rid  of  slavery  by 
legislative  methods. 

"In  the  winter  of  1815-16,  near  a  twelvemonth  before 
the  society  existed,  I  learnt  by  the  merest  accident  that 
the  legislature  of  Virginia,  of  which  I  had  the  honor  to 
be  a  member,  had  fourteen  years  before  endeavored  to  ob- 
tain through  the  instrumentality  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment a  territory  beyond  the  United  States  for  the  purpose 
of  colonizing  this  class  of  our  population.  So  well  had 
this  state  secret  been  kept  that  until  a  quarrel  between 
a  member  of  the  legislature  and  an  eminent  lawyer,  to 
which  I  happened  to  be  privy,  disclosed  it,  I  never  even 
imagined  that  such  a  measure  had  been  agitated  in  our 
state  councils,  and  much  less  that  it  had  twice  received 
the  unanimous  support  of  both  branches  of  our  legisla- 
ture." 


252    EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

Mercer  then  narrates  very  circumstantially  how  he,  in 
conjunction  with  Francis  T.  Key,  of  Georgetown,  and 
Elias  B.  Caldwell,  of  Washington,  had  renewed  the  old 
project;  how  in  December,  1816,  he  had  introduced  a 
resolution  in  the  Virginia  House  of  Delegates,  authoriz- 
ing the  Governor  of  the  State  to  seek  the  aid  of  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  in  procuring  a  place  suitable 
for  colonizing  the  free  blacks,  and  such  as  might  be  after- 
wards emancipated.  The  resolution  passed  the  popular 
branch  of  the  legislature  with  but  nine  opposing  votes, 
out  of  a  total  of  one  hundred  and  forty-six  ;  and  it  passed 
the  senate  with  but  one  dissenting  voice.  Maryland,  Ten- 
nessee, and  Georgia  passed  resolutions  similar  to  those  of 
Virginia.  The  Colonization  Society  was  the  outgrowth 
of  this  spirit.  Mercer  said  that  he  prepared  the  second 
and  third  annual  reports  of  the  Colonization  Society,  and 
"  every  bill,  resolution,  and  report  relative  to  the  slave 
trade,  since  the  session  of  Congress  of  1818,  I  have  pre- 
pared in  conformity  with  these  reports."  Mercer  con- 
fesses that,  while  piety  and  benevolence  had  their  influ- 
ence even  with  him,  yet  love  for  his  native  State  was 
his  paramount  motive  in  laboring  for  colonization.  He 
mourns  over  the  declining  fortunes  of  Virginia,  and  says, 
"  I  impute  them  to  the  prevalence  of  slavery  through  the 
territory." 

JEFFEKSON  ON   COLONIZATION. 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  deeply  interested  in  the  coloniza- 
tion movement,  and  Jared  Sparks'  able  article  upon  the 
subject  called  forth  from  the  old  statesman  the  following 
interesting  and  valuable  letter,  dated  Monticello,  Febru- 
ary 4,  1824 :  — 

"I  duly  received  your  favor  of  the  13th  and,  with  it, 
the  last  N°.  of  the  N.  A.  Keview.  this  has  anticipated 
the  one  I  should  receive  in  course,  but  have  not  yet  re- 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    253 

ceived  under  my  subscription  to  the  new  series,  the  arti- 
cle on  the  African  colonisation  of  the  people  of  colour,  to 
which  you  invite  my  attention,  I  have  read  with  great 
consideration,  it  is  indeed  a  fine  one,  and  will  do  much 
good.  I  learn  from  it  more  too  than  I  had  before  known 
of  the  degree  of  success  and  promise  of  that  colony. 

'*  In  the  disposition  of  these  unfortunate  people,  there 
are  two  rational  objects  to  be  distinctly  kept  in  view.  1. 
the  establishment  of  a  colony  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
which  may  introduce  among  the  Aborigines  the  arts  of 
cultivated  life,  and  the  blessings  of  civilisation  and  sci- 
ence, by  doing  this,  we  may  make  to  them  some  retribu- 
tion for  the  long  course  of  injuries  we  have  been  com- 
miting  on  their  population,  and  considering  that  these 
blessings  will  descend  to  the  '  natinatorum,  et  qui  nas- 
centur  ab  illis,'  we  shall,  in  the  long  run,  have  rendered 
them  perhaps  more  good  than  evil,  to  fulfil  this  object 
the  colony  of  Sierraleone  promises  well,  and  that  of  Mesu- 
rado  adds  to  our  prospect  of  success,  under  this  view 
the  colonisation  society  is  to  be  considered  as  a  Mission- 
ary society,  having  in  view  however  objects  more  humane, 
more  justifiable,  and  less  aggressive  on  the  peace  of  other 
nations  than  the  others  of  that  appellation. 

"  The  2d  object,  and  the  most  interesting  to  us,  as  com- 
ing home  to  our  physical  and  moral  characters,  to  our 
happiness  and  safety,  is  to  provide  an  asylum  to  which  we 
can,  by  degrees,  send  the  whole  of  that  population  from 
among  us,  and  establish  them  under  our  patronage  and 
protection,  as  a  separate,  free  and  independant  people,  in 
some  country  and  climate  friendly  to  human  life  and  hap- 
piness, that  any  place  on  the  coast  of  Africa  should  an- 
swer the  latter  purpose,  I  have  ever  deemed  entirely  im- 
possible, and,  without  repeating  the  other  arguments 
which  have  been  used  by  others,  I  will  appeal  to  figures 
only,  which  admit  no  controversy.    I  shall  speak  in  round 


254   EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH   AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

numbers,  not  absolutely  accurate,  yet  not  so  wide  from 
truth  as  to  vary  the  result  materially,  there  are  in  the 
U.  S.  a  million  and  a  half  of  people  of  colour  in  slavery, 
to  send  off  the  whole  of  these  at  once  nobody  conceives 
to  be  practicable  for  us,  or  expedient  for  them,  let  us 
take  25.  years  for  its  accomplishment,  within  which  time 
they  will  be  doubled,  their  estimated  value  as  property,  in 
the  first  place,  (for  actual  property  has  been  lawfully 
vested  in  that  form,  and  who  can  lawfully  take  it  from 
the  possessor  ?)  at  an  average  of  200.  D.  each,  young  and 
old,  would  amount  to  600.  millions  of  Dollars,  which  must 
be  paid  or  lost  by  somebody,  to  this  add  the  cost  of  their 
transportation  by  land  &  sea  to  Mesurado,  a  year's  pro- 
vision of  food  and  clothing,  implements  of  husbandry  and 
of  their  trades  which  will  amount  to  300.  millions  more, 
making  36.  millions  of  Dollars  a  year  for  25.  years,  with 
ensurance  of  peace  all  that  time,  and  it  is  impossible  to 
look  at  the  question  a  second  time.  I  am  aware  that  at 
the  end  of  about  16.  years,  a  gradual  detraction  from 
this  sum  will  commence,  from  the  gradual  diminution  of 
breeders,  and  go  on  during  the  remaining  9.  years,  cal- 
culate this  deduction,  and  it  is  still  impossible  to  look  at 
the  enterprise  a  second  time.  I  do  not  say  this  to  induce 
an  inference  that  the  getting  rid  of  them  is  for  ever  im- 
possible, for  that  is  neither  my  opinion,  nor  my  hope, 
but  only  that  it  cannot  be  done  in  this  way.  there  is,  I 
think,  a  way  in  which  it  can  be  done,  that  is,  by  emanci- 
pating the  after-born,  leaving  them,  on  due  compensation, 
with  their  mothers,  until  their  services  are  worth  their 
maintenance,  and  then  putting  them  to  industrious  occu- 
pations, until  a  proper  age  for  deportation,  this  was  the 
result  of  my  reflections  on  the  subject  five  and  forty  years 
ago,  and  I  have  never  yet  been  able  to  conceive  any  other 
practicable  plan,  it  was  sketched  in  the  Notes  on  Vir- 
ginia, under  the  14th  Query,     the  estimated  value  of  the 


EDITOR  OF  THE   NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    255 

new-born  infant  is  so  low  (say  12^  Dollars)  that  it  would 
probably  be  yielded  by  the  owner  gratis,  and  would  thus 
reduce  the  600.  millions  of  Dollars,  the  first  head  of  ex- 
pence,  to  37.  millions  &  a  half,  leaving  only  the  expences 
of  nourishment  while  with  the  mother,  and  of  transporta- 
tion, and  from  what  fund  are  these  expences  to  be  fur- 
nished ?  why  not  from  that  of  the  lands  which  have  been 
ceded  by  the  very  states  now  needing  this  relief?  and 
ceded  on  no  consideration,  for  the  most  part,  but  that  of 
the  general  good  of  the  whole,  these  cessions  already 
constitute  one  fourth  of  the  states  of  the  Union,  it  may 
be  said  that  these  lands  have  been  sold,  are  now  the  prop- 
erty of  the  citizens  composing  those  states,  and  the  money 
long  ago  received  and  expended,  but  an  equivalent  of 
lands  in  the  territories  since  acquired,  may  be  appropri- 
ated to  that  object,  or  so  much,  at  least,  as  may  be  suffi- 
cient ;  and  the  object,  altho'  more  important  to  the  slave- 
states,  is  highly  so  to  the  others  also,  if  they  were  serious 
in  their  arguments  on  the  Missouri  question,  the  slave- 
states  too,  if  more  interested,  would  also  contribute  more 
by  their  gratuitous  liberation,  thus  taking  on  themselves 
alone  the  first  and  heaviest  item  of  expence.  in  the  plan 
sketched  in  the  Notes  on  Virginia  no  particular  place  of 
asylum  was  specified  ;  because  it  was  thought  possible 
that,  in  the  revolutionary  state  of  America,  then  com- 
menced, events  might  open  to  us  some  one  within  prac- 
ticable distance,  this  has  now  happened.  S*.  Domingo 
is  beconfe  independant,  and  with  a  population  of  that 
colour  only ;  and,  if  the  public  papers  are  to  be  credited, 
their  Chief  offers  to  pay  their  passage,  to  receive  them 
as  free  citizens,  and  to  provide  them  employment,  this 
leaves  then  for  the  general  confederacy  no  expence  but  of 
nurture  with  the  mother  a  few  years,  and  would  call  of 
course  for  a  very  moderate  appropriation  of  the  vacant 
lands,     suppose  the  whole  annual  increase  to  be  of  60. 


256    EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW. 

thousand  effective  births.  50.  vessels  of  400.  tons  burthen 
each,  constantly  employed  in  that  short  run,  would  carry 
off  the  increase  of  every  year,  &  the  old  stock  would  die 
off  in  the  ordinary  course  of  nature,  lessening  from  the 
commencement  until  it's  final  disappearance,  in  this  way 
no  violation  of  private  right  is  proposed,  voluntary  sur- 
renders would  probably  come  in  as  fast  as  the  means  to 
be  provided  for  their  care  would  be  competent  to.  look- 
ing at  my  own  state  only,  and  I  presume  not  to  speak  for 
the  others,  I  verily  believe  that  this  surrender  of  property 
would  not  amount  to  more  annually  than  half  our  present 
direct  taxes,  to  be  continued  fully  about  20.  or  25.  years, 
and  then  gradually  diminishing  for  as  many  more  until 
their  final  extinction  ;  and  even  this  half  tax  would  not 
be  paid  in  cash,  but  by  the  delivery  of  an  object  which 
they  have  never  yet  known  or  counted  as  part  of  their 
property:  and  those  not  possessing  the  object,  will  be 
called  on  for  nothing.  I  do  not  go  into  all  the  details  of 
the  burthens  and  benefits  of  this  operation,  and  who 
could  estimate  it's  blessed  effects  ?  I  leave  this  to  those 
who  will  live  to  see  their  accomplishment,  and  to  enjoy  a 
beatitude  forbidden  to  my  age.  but  I  leave  it  with  this 
admonition  to  rise  and  be  doing,  a  million  and  a  half 
are  within  their  controul ;  but  6.  millions  (which  a  ma- 
jority of  those  now  living  will  see  them  attain)  and  one 
million  of  these  fighting  men,  will  say  '  we  will  not  go.' 

"  I  am  aware  that  this  subject  involves  some  constitu- 
tional scruples,  but  a  liberal  construction,  justified  by 
the  object,  may  go  far,  and  an  amendment  of  the  consti- 
tution the  whole  length  necessary.  The  separation  of  in- 
fants from  their  mothers  too  would  produce  some  scruples 
of  humanity,  but  this  would  be  straining  at  a  gnat,  and 
swallowing  a  camel. 

"  I  am  much  pleased  to  see  that  you  have  taken  up  the 
subject  of  the  duty  on  imported  books.     I  hope  a  crusade 


EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.    257 

will  be  kept  up  against  it  until  those  in  power  shall  be- 
come sensible  of  this  stain  on  our  legislation,  and  shall 
wipe  it  from  their  code,  and  from  the  remembrance  of 
man  if  possible.  I  salute  you  with  assurances  of  high 
respect  and  esteem. 

"Th.  Jefferson. 
"  To  J.  Sparks." 


Mr.  Sparks  long   retained    his  active  interest  in  pro- 
moting the  colonization  movement.    To  the  "  North  Amer- 
ican "  for  January,  1825,  he  contributed  an  article  upon 
emigration  to  Africa  and  Hayti,  in  review  of  certain  re- 
ports and  published   correspondence  regarding  the  emi- 
gration of  free  people  of  color  from  the  United  States. 
While  confessing  his  partiality  for  the   colonial  experi- 
ment in  Africa,  Mr.  Sparks  saw  no  reason  for  not  en- 
couraging negro  emigration  to   Hayti.      Its  climate  was 
healthful,   and  its  government   liberal.      Special  induce- 
ments had  been  held  out  to  free  negroes  in  America  by 
President  Boyer,  of  Hayti.    This  asylum  seemed  fitted  for 
free  negroes  from  the  Western  States  on  account  of  the 
easy  access  to  the  West  Indies  by  way  of  the  Mississippi 
River.     Mr.  Sparks  described  the  uncomfortable  situation 
of  the  free  blacks  in  Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  the  bold 
attempts  that  had  been  made  to  introduce  slavery  into 
those  States.     "  A   resident  of  Kentucky  would  sell  his 
slave  to  an  inhabitant  of  Illinois,  and  give  him  over  to  his 
new  master  by  an  indenture,  in  which  the  slave  bound 
himself  to  service  for  ninety-nine  years,  and  confirmed  the 
agreement  by  a  mark  made  with  his  own  hand  at  the  bot- 
tom of  the  instrument.     Thus  transferred,  the  slave  was 
taken  into  a  free  State,  and  was  said  to  be  bound  to  ser- 
vice for  a  term  of  years."     It  was  found,  however,  that 
purchasers  could  not  thus  hold  men  as  indented  slaves 
upon  free  soil  northwest  of  the  Ohio.     But  the  position  of 
17 


258  EDITOR  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN   REVIEW. 

negroes  in  Indiana  and  Illinois  was  nevertheless  far  from 
secure.  There  was  constant  plotting  and  agitation  against 
them.  It  was  felt  by  some  of  their  best  friends  that  emi- 
gration to  Hayti  would  be  a  wise  measure  for  all  free 
blacks  along  the  northern  shore  of  the  Ohio.  A  small 
colony  actually  removed  from  Illinois,  and  settled  upon 
the  lands  of  President  Boyer,  at  Logan,  twenty  miles  from 
Port  au  Prince. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

CONTRIBUTIONS    TO    ECONOMIC    HISTORY,  INDIAN 
POLICY,   ETC. 

ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

Mr.  Sparks  further  showed  his  interest  in  the  eco- 
nomic history  of  the  South,  and  at  the  same  time  his  loyal 
remembrance  of  the  city  in  which  he  had  lived  for  four 
years,  by  a  very  elaborate  article  of  forty  pages  upon 
Baltimore,  published  in  the  "  North  American  Review  " 
for  January,  1825.  It  was  a  time  when  Maryland  was 
beginning  with  great  vigor  to  develop  her  commercial 
connections  between  the  Chesapeake  Bay  and  the  Ohio 
Valley.  It  was  the  year  before  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio 
Railroad  was  projected.  General  Harper  and  others  were 
still  advocating  George  Washington's  early  and  favorite 
idea  of  a  connection  with  western  waters  by  means  of  a 
canal  along  the  line  of  the  Potomac.  The  Erie  Canal 
was  now  completed,  and  the  merchants  of  Baltimore  were 
bending  every  energy  to  prevent  the  loss  of  their  Western 
trade.  It  is  interesting  to  see  the  commercial  spirit  and 
municipal  enterprise  of  Baltimore  in  1825  reflected  in 
the  pages  of  Mr.  Sparks,  who,  by  long  acquaintance  and 
correspondence  with  Baltimoreans,  knew  well  their  reso- 
lute character.  After  reviewing  the  early  history,  eco- 
nomic development,  and  resources  of  the  city,  he  says :  — 

"  The  great  national  road  from  Wheeling  to  Cumber- 
land has  been  continued  by  the  banks  in  Baltimore,  and 
three  other  banks  in  the  western  districts  of  Maryland. 
They  were  required  by  the  State  to  make  fifty-eight  miles 
of  this  road  on  the  same  construction  as  the  renewal  of 


260  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

their  charters  in  1814,  and  the  average  cost  was  some- 
thing more  than  8,000  dollars  a  mile.  The  banks  are 
allowed  to  establish  toll  gates.  A  break  of  a  few  miles 
between  the  termination  of  this  road  and  of  the  Freder- 
icktown  turnpike  has  since  been  finished,  and  now  the 
line  of  communication  between  Baltimore  and  Wheeling 
is  complete,  over  one  of  the  best  roads  in  the  world.  .  .  . 
The  New  York  canal  will  draw  through  Lake  Erie  for  the 
present  the  produce  of  the  northern  parts  of  Ohio  and 
Indiana ;  but  when  the  magnificent  project  of  threading 
the  Alleghanies  with  a  canal,  and  uniting  the  Ohio,  nay, 
the  Great  Lakes  themselves,  with  the  Chesapeake,  shall 
be  put  into  execution,  which,  since  recent  surveys  would 
seem  to  prove  it  practicable,  may  be  expected  at  no  dis- 
tant day,  then  the  entire  trade  of  these  three  States  [Ohio, 
Kentucky,  and  Indiana]  will  flow  into  this  channel,  as 
being  the  shortest  and  most  expeditious  route  to  the  tide 
waters  of  the  Atlantic. 

"In  this  event,  Baltimore  will  inevitably  become  the 
chief  mart  of  Western  produce,  and  possess  an  almost  ex- 
clusive privilege  of  sending  over  the  mountains  supplies 
of  home  manufactures  and  foreign  products.  George- 
town, Washington,  and  Alexandria  will  doubtless  be 
greatly  benefited  by  such  a  communication  to  the  West, 
but  the  local  situation  of  these  towns  is  not  such  as  to 
enable  any  one  or  all  of  them  to  gain  the  ascendency  al- 
ready held  by  Baltimore.  .  .  .  But  without  reference  to 
this  brilliant  and  as  some  think  rather  dubious  scheme 
of  joining  the  great  waters  of  the  East  and  West,  Balti- 
more must  in  any  event  derive  a  great  and  an  increasing 
profit  from  its  intercourse  with  the  interior,  partly  for 
reasons  already  suggested,  and  partly  from  the  fact  that 
manufacturing  establishments  cannot  be  advantageously 
erected  on  a  large  scale  either  to  the  east  or  the  west  of 
the  mountains." 


ECONOMIC  HISTORY.  261 

Mr.  Sparks  attributed  the  growth  of  Baltimore  to  vari- 
ous economic  causes  :  first,  to  its  local  situation,  being  the 
nearest  market  to  the  Western  country;  second,  fast-sail- 
ing vessels,  the  once  famous  Baltimore  clippers,  built  in 
the  Chesapeake  ;  third,  a  virtual  monopoly  of  trade  with 
San  Domingo  during  a  long  period ;  fourth,  the  handling 
of  two  great  staples,  flour  and  tobacco ;  and,  fifth,  "  by  no 
means  the  least  cause,  the  enterprising  spirit  of  the  peo- 
ple, much  more  energetic  in  its  combined  and  continued 
action  than  that  of  any  other  city  in  the  United  States." 
This  was  doubtless  the  honest  opinion  of  the  editor  of  the 
"  North  American  Review,"  —  of  a  Northern  man  writing 
economic  history  in  the  city  of  Boston  at  the  close  of  the 
first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century,  before  the  rank  of 
American  cities  was  in  all  respects  determined,  before 
the  energy,  enterprise,  and  intelligence  of  New  England 
had  borne  their  splendid  municipal  fruits,  before  Eastern 
capital  had  built  up  Western  towns.  In  1825,  Baltimore 
appeared  to  Jared  Sparks  somewhat  as  Chicago  or  Min- 
neapolis appears  to  an  Eastern  man  to-day.  Indeed,  Balti- 
more has  projected  her  life  westward  as  truly  as  did  New 
England.  It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  centre  of 
population  is  in  a  sense  the  true  centre  of  a  nation's 
energy.  That  centre  in  the  United  States,  as  may  be 
seen  in  Walker's  Statistical  Atlas,  has  moved  gradually 
westward  from  Baltimore,  along  the  line  of  the  great  na- 
tional road  and  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  past 
Cincinnati,  and  towards  the  Mississippi  valley.  Balti- 
more is  now  simply  an  Eastern  terminus  of  a  great  na- 
tional highway.  George  Washington  and  Jared  Sparks 
early  recognized  that,  for  the  whole  Northwest,  the  Poto- 
mac route  is  the  shortest  cut  to  the  sea.  Upon  this  fact 
in  physical  geography  the  city  of  Baltimore  will  stand 
firm  and  continue  to  grow. 

Concerning  Mr.  Sparks'  article  upon  the  Monumental 


262  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

City,  Mr.  Bancroft  wrote  him  from  Northampton,  August 
25,  1827  :  "  I  think  your  article  on  Baltimore  was  judi- 
cious, well  written,  and  of  permanent  interest,  worth  a 
dozen  doses  of  sentimental  criticism,  and  that  similar 
articles  on  various  sections  of  the  country  would  be  of 
great  and  general  value."  It  is  pleasant  to  note  in  this 
connection  Mr.  Bancroft's  expression  of  interest  in  the 
economic  development  of  the  Connecticut  valley  and  of 
the  town  (now  the  city)  of  Northampton :  "  The  valley  of 
the  Connecticut  is  but  just  coming  to  a  consciousness  of 
its  resources.  Agriculture  is  fast  improving,  and  lands, 
heretofore  desolate,  our  farmers  are  fast  bringing  under 
culture.  You  know  what  vast  expenditures,  chiefly  for 
the  cotton  business,  have  been  made  at  Ware,  Three  Riv- 
ers, and  Chicopee.  Besides  this,  there  are  very  large 
manufactures  of  paper,  which  are  constantly  increasing, 
and  which  already  do  a  prodigious  business.  .  .  .  Mean- 
time our  own  village  is  almost  the  most  thriving  in  the 
commonwealth.  I  feel  myself  identified  with  it ;  and  in- 
deed it  is  not  without  a  joy  in  creation,  and  a  sentiment 
of  gratitude  and  pleasure,  that  from  the  balcony  of  my 
own  house  I  am  able  to  look  out  upon  so  large  and  so 
prospering  a  country.  My  prospect  extends  through  va- 
rious openings  in  the  hills  to  the  Monadnock  of  New 
Hampshire,  on  the  north ;  on  the  south,  the  view  is 
bounded  only  by  the  mountains  in  Stafford,  Connecticut, 
and  the  intermediate  distance  crowded  with  objects  of 
interest,  lovely  scenery,  and  numerous  villages." 

INTEKNAL  IMPKOVEMENT  AND  SLAVEEY. 

The  following  letter,  written  from  Boston,  December 
11,  1826,  to  the  Hon.  Thomas  W.  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  by 
Jared  Sparks,  shows  his  interest  in  the  internal  improve- 
ment of  that  State,  and  at  the  same  time  illustrates  his 
views  upon  the  subject  of  slavery :  u  Your  favor  of  22d 


ECONOMIC   HISTORY.  263 

ult.  has  been  this  day  received,  together  with  the  ■  Re- 
port of  the  Board  of  Public  Works  in  Georgia.'  I  regret 
that  this  document  did  not  come  till  it  was  too  late  to 
prepare  a  notice  of  it  for  the  January  number  of  the 
4  North  American  Review.'  A  suitable  notice  will  ap- 
pear in  the  number  following.  I  was  in  Milledgeville 
last  May,  and  became  acquainted  with  the  exertions  mak- 
ing on  the  part  of  Georgia  to  forward  the  purposes  of 
internal  improvements.  A  few  remarks  on  the  subject 
are  contained  in  the  *  North  American  Review  '  for  July. 
The  enterprise  is  highly  creditable  to  the  State,  and  I 
shall  take  care  that  it  is  properly  set  forth  in  the  *  Review,' 
as  far  as  the  facts  can  be  brought  to  my  knowledge,  and 
shall  always  be  greatly  obliged  to  you  if  you  will  send 
me  any  documents  relating  to  the  progress  of  events  in 
Georgia. 

"  As  to  the  '  inheritance  of  an  evil '  which  you  mention, 
I  think  you  have  not  seen  anything  in  the  '  North  Ameri- 
can Review,'  latterly  at  least,  which  is  unreasonable  on 
this  subject,  or  which  ought  to  give  offense  to  any  party. 
I  agree  very  nearly  with  your  doctrine,  that  those  who 
suffer  the  ■ evil,'  of  which  we  are  apt  to  talk  so  much  in 
this  quarter,  should  be  '  let  alone  '  till  they  begin  to 
complain  and  seek  for  a  remedy.  I  have  resided  several 
years  in  a  slave  State,  and  understand  the  condition  of 
things  perfectly  well,  and  am  fully  convinced  that  no 
good  will  be  done  by  violent  measures  in  this  business. 
Slavery,  in  the  abstract,  I  consider  a  great  calamity,  and 
a  reproach  to  a  free  government,  and  one  which  every  true 
patriot  should  desire  to  see  removed  as  soon  as  it .  can  be 
done  ;  but  in  the  present  state  of  things  we  have  little  to 
do  with  the  question  in  the  abstract.  Slavery  exists  by 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws ;  rights  have  grown  out  of 
this  institution  which  ought  to  be  protected,  and  which  it 
is  the  duty  of  every  man  in  the  country  to  respect.     I 


264  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

hold  it  to  be  wrong,  therefore,  for  any  persons,  except 
those  immediately  concerned,  to  interfere  with  those 
rights. 

"  When  I  travel  through  the  Southern  States,  and 
witness  the  immense  difference  between  the  prosperity, 
wealth,  progress  in  the  arts  of  life,  and  in  everything  which 
indicates  the  improvements  and  comforts  of  society,  be- 
tween those  States  and  the  others  where  free  labor  only 
prevails,  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  slavery  is  a  national 
evil,  and  particularly  an  evil  to  those  who  are  obliged 
to  endure  its  effects.  No  man  can  shut  his  eyes  to  these 
things,  and  they  will  become  more  and  more  imposing 
every  year.  If  there  were  not  a  slave  in  Georgia,  that 
State  would  be  advanced  as  far  in  fifty  years  in  property, 
and  every  kind  of  improvement,  as  it  will  be  under  the 
present  dispensation  in  a  hundred  years.  Look  at  Vir- 
ginia and  New  York  for  the  last  fifty  years,  —  the  one, 
with  slavery,  going  backward  and  becoming  impoverished ; 
the  other,  with  free  labor  only,  moving  rapidly  onward 
with  unexampled  prosperity. 

"But  after  all  this,  I  return  to  my  former  position, 
that,  as  it  is  an  affair  which  concerns  the  slaveholders 
most  intimately,  it  ought  to  be  left  for  them  to  manage 
as  they  may  deem  expedient.  When  they  ask  for  relief, 
let  the  whole  country  join  in  rendering  it ;  while  they 
are  contented,  let  those  who  have  no  personal  interest  in 
the  matter  spare  themselves  the  pain  of  being  annoyed 
and  afflicted  on  their  account.  This  I  believe  to  be  the 
sentiment  of  the  more  enlightened  part  of  the  community 
in  this  part l  of  the  country.     There  will  be  enthusiasts 

1  See  O.  B.  Frothingham's  "Boston  Unitarianism, "  pp.  194-199. 
Mr.  Sparks  well  represents  the  views  of  his  time  with  respect  to 
the  policy  of  non-interference  in  the  affairs  of  the  South.  Edward 
Everett  even  defended  slavery  as  "a  condition  of  life,  as  well  as 
any  other,  to  be  justified  by  morality,  religion,  and  international 
law." 


ECONOMIC   HISTORY.  265 

and  men  whose  zeal  will  outrun  their  knowledge  and  dis- 
cretion everywhere ;  but  these  are  not  the  men  who  give 
the  tone  to  public  opinion  or  action. 

"  You  will  excuse  the  freedom  I  have  taken  in  speak- 
ing thus,  from  the  hints  contained  in  your  letter.  What- 
ever may  be  written  in  the  '  North  American  Review ' 
on  the  subject  in  question,  I  trust  will  be  found  discreet 
and  respectful,  having  a  due  regard  to  the  interests  and 
rights  of  all,  whatever  opinion  it  may  in  the  main  be 
thought  proper  to  support." 

POLITICAL   ECONOMY. 

Mr.  Sparks  seems  to  have  developed  considerable  inter- 
est in  political  economy  during  his  second  editorship  of 
the  "  North  American  Review."  It  was  a  time  when  the 
first  American  contributions  were  being  made  to  that  sub- 
ject by  men  like  Thomas  Jefferson,  Dr.  Thomas  Cooper, 
Daniel  Raymond,  of  Baltimore,  M.  Carey1  (father  of 
Henry   C.    Carey),    Edward   Everett,2   and   his   brother 

1  Carey's  "Essays  on  Political  Economy,"  Philadelphia,  1822. 

2  Edward  Everett's  article  on  "The  Tariff  Question,"  in  the 
"  North  American  Review  "  for  July,  1824,  has  a  practical  as  well  as 
an  historic  interest  to  modern  students.  Senator  Hoar,  of  Massachu- 
setts, referred  doubtless  to  this  article  in  his  reply  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  August  30, 1890,  to  the  charge  of  Mr.  Plumb,  of  Kansas,  that 
New  England  was  showing  a  disposition  to  lay  the  rest  of  the  coun- 
try under  tribute  through  the  maintenance  of  a  high  tariff.  Mr. 
Hoar  said  :  "These  communities  were  driven  into  manufacture  out 
of  commerce  by  the  protective  policy  established  by  the  South,  under 
the  lead  largely  of  Mr.  Calhoun  in  the  period  just  following  the  War 
of  1812.  Among  the  great  arguments  against  the  protective  system 
is  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives  by  Mr.  Webster,  and  an 
article  in  the  '  North  American  Review '  by  Edward  Everett.  They 
voiced  the  interest  and  the  opinion  of  the  communities  which  they 
represented  in  that  day.  But  contrary  to  their  protests,  they  were 
forced  to  take  to  this  new  occupation.  They  have  built  it  up  and 
made  it  what  it  is,  not  originally  of  their  own  volition." 


266  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

Alexander  H.  Everett.1  During  his  residence  in  Balti- 
more, Mr.  Sparks  had  probably  become  acquainted  with 
Daniel  Raymond's  treatise,  called  "  Thoughts  on  Political 
Economy,"  published  in  Baltimore,  1820.  A  second  edi- 
tion of  this  work,  in  two  volumes,  entitled  "  The  Elements 
of  Political  Economy,"  2  appeared  in  Baltimore  with  the 
imprint  of  Lucas  and  Coale  in  1823.     The  future  histo- 

1  Alexander  H.  Everett's  book  on  "  Population  "  went  through  sev- 
eral editions.  He  sent  an  article  on  political  economy  from  Madrid 
to  the  "  North  American  Review  "  in  1827. 

2  Mr.  Sparks  quotes  Raymond,  and  also  Count  Destutt  Tracy,  a 
translation  of  whose  work,  with  an  introduction  by  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son, was  published  at  Georgetown,  D.  C,  in  1817.  Dr.  Cooper  had 
written  economic  articles  for  "  The  Emporium  of  Arts  and  Sciences," 
which  he  edited  from  1812  to  1814.  In  1819,  Dr.  Cooper  brought 
out  an  American  adaptation  of  Say's  "  Political  Economy,"  which, 
with  McVickar's  adaptation  of  McCulloch  (1826),  long  continued  to 
guide  American  classes  in  political  economy. 

In  1826,  Dr.  Cooper  published  in  Charleston,  S.  C,  his  own  "  Lec- 
tures on  the  Elements  of  Political  Economy."  From  the  preface  to 
this  book  it  appears  that  the  first  proposal  for  a  chair  of  political 
economy  at  South  Carolina  College  was  made  at  Commencement  in 
1824.  Dr.  Cooper,  then  president  of  the  college  and  professor  of 
chemistry,  was  appointed  professor  also  of  political  economy.  At 
the  same  time  he  was  relieved  of  belles-lettres  and  rhetorical  criti- 
cism. "  In  the  first  year  of  these  Lectures,"  he  says,  "  I  made  use 
of  Mrs.  Marcet's  very  neat  compendium  of  political  economy,  in 
her  published  •  Conversations '  on  that  subject  ;  afterwards  of  Mc- 
Vickar's republication  of  McCulloch's  '  Outline,'  to  which  he  has 
added  some  very  useful  notes."  Concerning  the  beginnings  of  Amer- 
ican political  economy,  see  H.  B.  Adams'  "  Study  of  History,  in 
American  Colleges,"  pp.  61-63,  "  Thomas  Jefferson,"  pp.  59, 136, 142. 
With  such  practical  economists  as  Benjamin  Franklin,  Robert  Mor- 
ris, Alexander  Hamilton,  and  Albert  Gallatin,  America  need  not  be 
ashamed  of  her  centennial  record  in  this  modern  science,  which  dates, 
some  think,  from  the  year  1776,  when  Adam  Smith  published  his 
"Wealth  of  Nations."  Samuel  Blodget's  "Economics,"  published 
in  Washington  in  1806,  is  said  by  Dr.  G.  Brown  Goode  to  be  "  the 
first  work  on  political  economy  written  in  America."  See  "  Papers 
of  the  American  Historical  Association,"  vol.  iv.,  109. 


ECONOMIC   HISTORY.  267 

rian  of  American  political  economy  will  examine  with  care 
the  works  of  these  early  writers,  and  also  the  economic 
contributions  to  the  "  North  American  Review."  In  Oc- 
tober, 1824,  Mr.  Sparks  published  an  article  on  agricul- 
ture, in  "  Review  of  the  American  Farmer,  containing 
Original  Essays  and  Selections  on  Rural  Economy  and  In- 
ternal Improvements,"  a  weekly  quarto  journal  published 
in  Baltimore,  and  begun  in  April,  1819.  In  this  article 
Sparks  discusses  the  theories  of  the  physiocrats  with  re- 
gard to  the  principal  sources  of  wealth.  He  criticises 
Adam  Smith's  distinction  between  productive  and  unpro- 
ductive labor.  Sparks  says  :  "All  labor  is  productive 
which  promotes  the  end  it  designs,  and  when  this  end  is 
a  benefit  to  the  laborer  himself,  or  to  any  other  individual, 
it  has  value,  and  as  far  as  it  ministers  to  the  wants  or 
comforts  of  society,  or  any  members  of  society,  it  is  an 
item  of  the  general  wealth.  The  labor  of  the  servant  is 
as  really  productive  labor  as  that  of  the  cultivator  or  the 
cotton  spinner,  but  in  a  different  way.  It  produces  the 
means  of  living  for  himself,  and  the  means  of  comfort 
for  his  employer,  and  for  every  person  who  is  benefited 
by  his  services.  That  is,  it  adds  to  the  mass  of  national 
wealth,  not  in  food  or  clothing,  or  any  kind  of  manufac- 
tured fabrics,  but  in  keeping  up  the  order  of  society,  and 
increasing  the  happiness  of  human  existence  to  a  certain 
number  of  individuals.  So  with  the  professional  musician : 
his  labor  accumulates  nothing ;  it  produces  the  means  of 
his  own  subsistence,  and  gives  pleasure  to  others,  or,  in 
other  words,  it  produces  such  results,  in  regard  to  human 
enjoyment,  as  accumulated  wealth  would  produce.  The 
same  may  be  said  of  other  professions,  employed  in  pre- 
serving the  intercourse  of  society.  They  add  nothing  to 
the  amount  of  agricultural  or  manufactured  products, 
they  bring  no  new  combinations  of  matter  into  existence ; 
yet  it  would  be  a  great  error  to  say  that  they  are  unpro- 


268  ECONOMIC  HISTORY. 

ductive,    since   they  are   among   the  principal  agents  of 
social  order  and  comfort." 

Thus  the  argument  of  Knies,  Roscher,1  and  other  Ger- 
man critics  against  the  somewhat  arbitrary  distinction 
between  productive  and  unproductive  labor  was  antici- 
pated by  Jared  Sparks  long  before  the  rise  of  the  histor- 
ical school  of  political  economy.  Sparks  criticises  Adam 
Smith  for  ascribing  to  agriculture  the  chief  power  in  pro- 
ducing wealth,  and  shows  that  the  productive  powers  of 
Nature  work  as  much  for  the  manufacturer,  the  merchant, 
and  the  mariner  as  for  the  farmer.  "  Nature,"  says  Mr. 
Sparks,  "  works  for  the  -manufacturer  by  upholding  the 
mechanical  powers ;  and  by  lending  her  streams,  the 
agency  of  her  fires,  and  her  great  law  of  attraction,  to  put 
his  machinery  in  motion,  and  give  efficiency  to  his  enter- 
prise. She  supplies  the  bounties  of  her  forests,  her  mines, 
and  fields  to  the  shipwright,  and  freely  offers  her  waves 
and  her  winds  to  waft  the  goods  of  the  merchant  from 
one  clime  to  another  in  obedience  to  his  will.  In  short, 
without  the   helping   hand  of  Nature  nothing  could   be 

1  "  Dr.  Roscher  has  called  attention  to  the  intrinsic  absurdity  of 
calling  a  violin  manufacturer  a  productive  laborer,  and  the  artist 
who  plays  the  violin  an  unproductive  one,  as  is  expressly  done  by  Mr. 
Mill  and  his  followers.  The  violin  would  thus  be  classed  as  wealth  ; 
the  music,  the  sole  end  of  its  manufacture,  not  wealth.  The  product, 
music,  satisfies  a  direct  want,  the  violin  only  an  indirect  one  ;  the  lat- 
ter is  an  instrument  for  producing  that  which  satisfies  direct  desire. 
The  direct  want- satisfying  product  is,  if  anything,  more  obviously 
wealth  than  the  indirect  one.  Relative  durability  and  tangibility  are 
non-essential  attributes.  The  mechanic  who  makes  the  violin  im- 
parts utility  to  wood  ;  the  artist  who  plays  it  imparts  utility  to  air 
vibrations.  One  product  is  perceived  by  the  senses  of  sight  and 
touch,  the  other  by  the  sense  of  hearing.  One  is  extremely  durable, 
the  other  extremely  perishable  ;  but  both  alike  come  under  our  defi- 
nition. In  both  a  natural  agent  has  received  a  utility  through  human 
effort ;  both  products  are  wealth,  and  both  laborers  productive." 
—  "  Labor  and  its  Relation  to  Wealth,"  by  John  B.  Clark,  p.  16. 


ECONOMIC   HISTORY.  269 

brought  to  pass  ;  she  works  everywhere  and  at  all  times, 
and  that  is  a  fallacious  theory  which  claims  her  partiality 
to  any  particular  branch  of  human  exertion.  If  she  does 
more  for  one  than  another,  it  is  because  a  superior  inge- 
nuity succeeds  in  gaining  a  more  effectual  control  over 
her  agency." 

The  opening  of  communications  between  the  "North 
American  Review"  and  the  leading  economist  of  the 
South  appears  in  the  following  notes  from  J.  G.  Palfrey 
and  Dr.  Thomas  Cooper :  — 

Mr.  Palfrey,  temporarily  in  charge  of  the  "  Review " 
during  the  absence  of  Mr.  Sparks  in  the  South,  writes 
to  him,  February  22,  1826  :  "  With  this  came  Cooper's 
4  Political  Economy,' 1  two  pamphlets  on  Materialism,  and 
another  containing  two  essays  :  1,  on  the  Foundation  of 
Civil  Government ;  2,  on  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  What  shall  be  done  with  them  ?  "  Dr.  Cooper, 
then  professor  at  Columbia,  South  Carolina,  addressed 
the  following  to  the  editor  of  the  "  North  American," 
November  18,  1826  :  "  I  send  you  some  works  of  mine  to 
be  reviewed,  or  not,  as  you  think  fit.  But  pray  do  not 
omit  to  think  fit  to  accept  them  as  a  token  of  my  respect 
and  kind  wishes.  If  you  review  the  two  small  pamphlets 
on  Materialism  (both  of  them  mine),  review  them  as  being 
anonymous.  I  promised  to  send  Mr.  Frothingham,  when 
I  was  in  Boston  last,  half  a  dozen  copies  of  Cobbett's 
'  History  of  the  Reformation,'  but  I  have  not  yet  been  able 
to  get  but  one  copy,  and  that  lately,  which,  being  in  sepa- 
rate parts,  I  have  sent  to  be  bound,  that  I  may  read  it. 
Cobbett  and  Lingard  I  suppose  will  be  in  the  pit  as  two 
fighting  cocks,  on  one  side.    Your  friends  here  inquire  after 

1  Of  Cooper's  contribution  to  economics,  McCulloch,  in  his  "  Lit- 
erature of  Political  Economy,"  says  :  "  This  work,  though  not  writ- 
ten in  a  very  philosophical  spirit,  is  the  best  of  the  American  works 
on  political  economy  that  we  have  ever  met  with." 


270  ECONOMIC  HISTORY. 

you  with  all  kind  wishes.     Remember,  I  take  for  granted 
that  in  Politics  and  Metaphysics  we  do  not  agree." 

Mr.  Sparks  endeavored  to  secure  articles  and  reviews 
upon  economic  subjects  from  public  men,  for  example, 
Daniel  Webster,  to  whom  he  wrote  the  following  letter 
from  Boston,  March  4,  1826  :  "  A  new  work  has  reached 
me  from  London,  and  is  in  press,  I  understand,  in  this 
country,  entitled  *  Principles  of  Political  Economy,  with 
a  Sketch  of  the  Progress  of  the  Science,'  by  J.  R.  McCul- 
loch,  Esq.  It  is  the  article  in  the  supplement  to  the 
4  Encyclopaedia  Britannica,'  enlarged  and  made  into  a 
book.  You  know  McCulloch  is  now  considered  a  leading 
writer  on  this  subject,  and  is  Ricardo  Lecturer.  It  will 
be  an  important  thing  if  we  can  have  a  good  review  of 
this  book  in  the  '  North  American  Review,'  and  still 
more  important  if  you  can  find  leisure  and  inclination  to 
do  it.  Political  economy,  although  a  science  of  great  in- 
trinsic value,  is  gaining  very  slowly  in  this  country,  and 
it  seems  to  me  a  duty,  for  those  who  are  skilled  in  the 
matter,  to  take  some  pains  to  bring  it  often  and  forcibly 
before  the  public.  It  has  many  points,  too,  peculiar  to 
this  country,  which  have  not  been  sufficiently  elucidated. 
If  you  will  favor  the  readers  of  the  •  North  American  Re- 
view' with  an  article  on  this  work,  you  can  take  your 
own  time,  and  I  do  believe  your  labor  would  be  well 
bestowed." 

In  a  letter  to  John  Neal,  of  London,  July  26, 1826,  Mr. 
Sparks  speaks  of  the  importance  of  articles  on  political 
economy  for  the  "  Review,"  and  says  :  "  Mr.  Webster  has 
promised  to  write  on  this  subject,  and  I  hope  to  bring 
him  up  to  the  task  before  the  next  session  of  Congress, 
but  it  is  uncertain.  He  is  now  engaged  in  preparing  an 
address  or  oration  on  Adams  and  Jefferson,  by  appoint- 
ment of  the  city  of  Boston,  to  be  delivered  within  a  week. 
The  whole  nation  is  expressing  its  astonishment  at  the 


ECONOMIC  HISTORY.  271 

strange  coincidence  of  the  death  of  these  two  ancient 
patriots  ou  the  jubilee  of  independence,  and  the  whole 
nation  is  mourning  their  loss  with  every  possible  demon- 
stration of  respect  for  their  memory." 

Mr.  Sparks  again  addressed  Mr.  Webster,  September 
6,  1826  :  "  The  friends  of  Mr.  Cardozo,1  author  of  the 
tract  on  political  economy,  have  beset  me  about  his  book, 
and  complained  that  it  has  not  been  noticed  in  the  '  North 
American  Review.'  I  suppose  the  book  has  merit,  and 
perhaps  their  complaints  are  just.  I  write  to  say,  there- 
fore, that  I  hope  you  will  go  on  with  the  review,  for  this 
and  many  other  reasons.  The  truth  is,  we  have  somewhat 
neglected  the  department  of  political  economy  lately,  and 
it  is  desirable  we  should  have  something  on  the  subject 
sound  and  good  ;  and  this  seems  a  favorable  opportunity 
for  promulgating  useful  doctrines,  and  keeping  alive  in 
the  community  an  interest  in  a  science  which  must  gradu- 
ally exercise  a  wide  influence.  With  your  thorough  ac- 
quaintance with  the  subject,  it  will  probably  not  require  a 
great  demand  on  your  time  to  commit  your  thoughts  to 
writing.  And  I  flatter  myself,  moreover,  that  you  will 
not  be  unwilling  to  do  a  little  towards  adding  to  the  value 
and  reputation  of  the  '  North  American  Review,'  at  the 
same  time  you  are  conferring  a  public  benefit.  You  can 
refer  to  McCulloch's  book  or  not,  as  you  like,  or  you  may 
connect  your  remarks  wholly  with  Cardozo's  tracts.  If 
you  can  have  an  article  ready  by  November  1,  it  will  be 
in  good  time  for  the  January  number. 

"  If,  from  a  pressure  of  business  or  any  other  cause, 
you  make  up  your  mind  that  you  cannot  furnish  the  arti- 
cle, you  will  do  me  a  favor  to  let  me  know  soon,  as  I 
must  put  Cardozo's  book  into  a  train  of  examination.  I 
ardently  hope,  however,  that  not  only  your  inclination,  but 
your  leisure,  will  allow  you  to  pursue  the  subject  in  the 
shape  of  a  review." 
1  Mr.  Cardozo,  of  Charleston,  S.  C.  :  "Notes  on  Political  Economy." 


272  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

Mr.  Webster  wrote  to  Mr.  Sparks,  October  12,  1826  : 
"  I  have  read  Mr.  Cardozo's  book,  and  looked  into  McCul- 
loch ;  but  the  field  spread  out  so  wide  before  me  that  I 
gave  up  the  idea  of  entering  upon  it  with  any  view  of 
writing.  A  great  part  of  Mr.  Cardozo's  notes  are  taken 
up  in  commenting  on  Smith  and  Ricardo.  The  very  state- 
ment of  the  questions  in  difference  between  him  and  them, 
so  as  to  be  intelligible  to  general  readers,  would  occupy 
the  space  of  a  short  article.  I  must  confess,  moreover,  that 
there  is  a  great  deal  of  solemn  commonplace,  and  a  great 
deal  also  of  a  kind  of  metaphysics,  in  all  or  most  of  the 
writers  on  these  subjects.  There  is  no  science  that  needs 
more  to  be  cleared  from  mists  than  that  of  political  econ- 
omy. If  we  turn  our  eyes  from  books  to  things,  from 
speculation  to  fact,  we  often,  I  think,  perceive  that  the 
definitions  and  the  rules  of  these  writers  fail  in  their  ap- 
plication. If  I  live  long  enough,  I  intend  to  print  my 
own  thoughts  (not,  however,  in  any  more  bulky  form  than 
a  speech,  or  an  article  in  the  i  North  American  ')  on  one 
or  two  of  the  topics  discussed  by  Mr.  Cardozo.  But  when 
that  leisure  day,  necessary  even  to  so  small  an  effort,  may 
come,  is  more  than  I  can  say." 

The  following  letter  was  written  to  Jared  Sparks,  Feb- 
ruary 8,  1827,  by  Alexander  H.  Everett,  the  American 
minister  at  Madrid :  "  I  send  you  herewith  through  the 
Department  of  State  the  article  on  political  economy 
mentioned  in  my  last.  The  subject  is  highly  important, 
and  engages  the  public  attention  to  a  considerable  extent 
both  in  Europe  and  America.  In  order  to  recommend  it 
to  as  large  a  circle  of  readers  as  possible,  I  have  treated 
it  in  a  rather  more  popular  way  than  perhaps  strictly 
comports  with  its  character.  The  course  of  thinking  is  in 
general  the  same  as  in  my  '  New  Idea  on  Population,'  but 
I  have  added  a  good  many  hints.  The  article  contains 
the  seeds  of  a  more  extended  work  on  political  economy 


ECONOMIC   HISTORY.  273 

which  I  hope  to  publish  one  day  or  another,  and  which  I 
thought,  when  I  wrote  you  last,  of  undertaking  immedi- 
ately. I  incline  now  to  lay  it  aside  for  a  while,  and  give 
the  materials  opportunity  to  ripen.  In  the  mean  time  I 
shall  try  the  public  sentiment  upon  them  by  this  and  per- 
haps other  detached  essays." 

In  reply  to  this  letter,  Sparks  wrote  to  Everett  from 
Mt.  Vernon,  May  14,  1827 :  "  Your  article  on  political 
economy  I  trust  is  now  in  press,  and  I  take  the  earliest 
opportunity  to  thank  you  for  so  excellent  a  contribution 
to  the  '  Review,'  as  well  as  for  the  pleasure  and  profit  I 
have  derived  from  the  perusal.  Your  popular  manner  of 
discussing  the  subject  will  recommend  the  article  to  all 
classes  of  readers,  and  no  one  can  read  it  with  a  fair 
mind  and  resist  conviction.  The  scheme  of  Malthus  is  a 
mere  invention,  a  castle  in  the  air,  reared  with  ingenuity 
and  fancifully  decorated,  but  which  must  fall  to  pieces  the 
moment  it  is  touched  with  the  wand  of  truth.  That  such 
a  delusion  should  have  gained  favor  at  any  time  is  a 
wonder,  but  for  this  very  reason  it  will  cling  the  more 
firmly  where  it  has  got  a  hold.  Credo  quia  impossibile 
est  was  not  a  maxim  peculiar  to  Tertullian  alone ;  most 
men  are  in  love  with  it  under  certain  circumstances.  In 
this  class  Malthus  will  continue  to  have  disciples,  but  in 
no  other.  You  bear  hard  upon  McCulloch.  Perhaps 
you  are  right.  I  know  not  enough  of  him  to  say  nay, 
and  shall  leave  him  in  your  hands.  He  seems  to  have  a 
name,  and  if  it  is  a  humbug,  let  his  wings  be  plucked  off. 
If  he  is  a  mere  spinner  out  of  other  men's  false  ideas, 
cut  his  thread,  stop  his  wheel,  and  let  him  go  to  some 
other  trade." 


18 


274  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 


INDIAN   POLICY.  —  VIEWS   OF  CASS   AND   SCHOOLCRAFT. 

Mr.  Sparks  received  several  letters  from  that  remark- 
able man,  Lewis  Cass,  the  pioneer  of  New  England  influ- 
ence in  Michigan,  the  organizer  of  institutions  of  govern- 
ment in  the  region  of  the  old  Northwest  Territory,  and 
the  defender  of  our  Indian  policy.  The  following  letter 
is  dated  Detroit,  April  22,  1826  :  "  Your  letter  addressed 
to  me  here,  I  did  not  receive  till  long  after  its  date,  in 
consequence  of  my  visit  to  Washington.  I  am  every  way 
satisfied  with  the  changes  made  in  the  review  on  Indian 
subjects,  and  were  it  not  so,  I  should  have  no  just  cause 
of  complaint,  as  I  entrusted  the  whole  arrangement  of 
the  manuscript  to  your  discretion.  The  verbal  alterations 
are  all  evidently  improvements,  and  you  have  justly  re- 
garded the  feelings  and  views  of  the  literary  public  in 
the  omissions.  There  is  but  one  point  on  which  I  differ 
from  you  in  opinion,  and  that  is  the  policy  of  keeping 
terms  with  the  '  Quarterly.'  On  this  subject  I  am  no 
doubt  influenced  by  my  feelings,  and  you  are  in  a  better 
situation  than  I  am  to  ascertain  the  probable  effects  upon 
the  character  of  your  journal  of  a  more  Hannibalian 
mode  of  warfare. 

"  The  reputation  of  the  •  North  American  Eeview '  is 
the  property  of  the  nation.  In  all  questions  affecting  the 
literature,  the  history,  or  the  policy  of  the  United  States, 
it  must  stand  between  our  country  and  her  traducers. 
And,  thanks  to  the  ability  and  taste  displayed  in  its  con- 
duct, this  defense  is  now  a  secure  one.  And  it  appears 
to  me  that  the  cardinal  object  in  the  management  of  the 
journal  should  be  to  make  it  respectable,  abroad  and  at 
home,  for  its  discussion  of  American  affairs  and  its  de- 
fense of  American  measures.  But  it  ill  becomes  me,  liv- 
ing at  the  very  outskirts  of  the  empire  of  literature,  to 
obtrude  my  opinion  on  these  subjects. 


INDIAN  POLICY.  275 

"  I  will  furnish  you  with  an  article  for  the  next  Jan- 
uary number  of  the  '  North  American.'  The  subject  will 
probably  be  the  conduct  of  the  British  and  American 
governments  towards  the  Indians,  and  the  famous  num- 
ber of  the  '  Quarterly '  will  furnish  the  textbook.  Some 
facts  are  certainly  stated  there,  and  stated  too  with  an 
affectation  of  truth,  from  which  the  character  of  our 
country  should  be  redeemed.  We  owe  a  correct  dis- 
closure of  the  circumstances  to  ourselves  and  to  the 
world.  In  the  prosecution  of  the  subject  I  must  refer  to 
the  slanders  of  the  '  Quarterly '  in  order  to  refute  them.  I 
will  endeavor  to  do  this  in  a  proper  spirit  of  literary 
comity,  but  fully  and  fearlessly.  I  must  ask  your  advice 
respecting  the  best  book  to  place  at  the  head  of  the  arti- 
cle, —  an  American  one,  if  possible.  I  must  also  ask 
you  to  send  me  the  book,  —  by  mail,  if  there  is  no  im- 
mediate private  opportunity.  My  public  duties  will  prob- 
ably call  me  into  Lake  Superior  this  season,  and  it  is 
desirable  I  should  have  with  me  all  the  necessary  mate- 
rials. What  number  of  pages  can  you  allow  me  ?  It  is 
so  difficult  for  me  to  keep  my  industry  to  the  sticking 
place,  that  I  am  anxious  to  know  the  extent  of  the*  field 
before  I  begin  my  labor.  I  shall  endeavor  not  to  waste 
a  single  line." 

Sparks  replied  to  this  letter,  July  26,  1826 :  "  On  my 
return  recently  from  a  long  absence  of  nearly  four  months 
to  Georgia  and  the  other  Southern  States,  I  found  your 
letters  of  April  22  and  June  17.  As  you  mention  in 
the  latter  that  you  were  to  depart  immediately  for  Lake 
Superior,  I  know  not  whether  this  will  reach  you  before 
your  return  to  Detroit.  I  shall  only  say,  therefore,  that 
I  am  very  glad  you  are  resolved  to  go  on  with  the  article 
you  proposed,  and  hope  it  will  be  in  my  hands  as  soon,  at 
the  latest,  as  the  10th  of  November. 

"  I  shall  write  to  Washington  requesting  the  Reports 


276  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

about  Indians,  presented  to  Congress  last  winter,  to  be 
sent  you.  These  can  be  put  at  the  head  of  the  article, 
and  also  Mr.  Barbour's  letter,  and  make  such  critical  re- 
marks on  them,  in  connection  with  your  subject,  as  you 
think  proper. 

"  As  to  the  ■  Quarterly,'  I  am  fully  convinced  you  had 
better  say  as  little  in  the  way  of  a  direct  collision  as  the 
nature  of  the  subject  will  admit.  Since  the  change  of 
editors,  no  uncivil  things  of  America  have  been  said ;  and 
in  your  criticisms,  I  think  it  will  be  best  to  refer  rather 
to  the  article  in  question  than  to  the  ■  Quarterly '  in  gen- 
eral terms.  Little  is  gained  to  any  cause  by  vehement 
and  indiscriminate  censure,  and  when  this  is  too  promi- 
nent it  carries  the  appearance  of  some  private  feeling  or 
motive,  rather  than  a  disinterested  wish  to  correct  errors 
and  substantiate  truth.  .  .  . 

"  Your  other  article  has  been  very  popular,  and  of  ser- 
vice to  the  '  North  American  Review.'  You  have  doubt- 
less seen  some  of  the  attacks  upon  it  in  the  papers.  A 
pamphlet  of  some  pretensions  has  just  come  from  Lon- 
don defending  Hunter ;  it  is  reprinted  in  the  '  National 
Gazette.'  I  shall  send  you  a  copy.  Encouraged  by  this 
attempt,  I  doubt  not  Hunter  will  come  out  in  his  own 
defense,  and  it  may  be  necessary  for  the  4  Eeview '  to 
take  up  the  matter  again.  For  this  purpose  all  the  facts 
should  be  collected  which  can  be  come  at.  General  Clark 
and  others,  I  hope,  will  be  more  full  and  explicit." 

Governor  Cass  had  embodied  in  his  article  General 
William  Clark's  testimony  regarding  the  untrustworthi- 
ness  of  John  Dunn  Hunter  and  his  "  Narrative  "  of  ad- 
ventures among  the  Kansas  and  Osage  Indians.  Hun- 
ter's "  Narrative "  had  attracted  favorable  notice  in 
England,  and  he  himself  had  been  received  with  marked 
attention  in  that  country.  Cass  and  Clark  exposed  many 
of  his  blunders,  and  raised  the  suspicion  in  America  that 


INDIAN  POLICY.  277 

Hunter  was  more  or  less  of  an  impostor.  In  a  letter  to 
Cass,  November  18,  1826,  Sparks  said :  "  As  to  Hunter, 
the  documents  furnished  by  Major  Biddle,  and  published 
in  the  *  Intelligencer '  of  November  9,  afford  so  decided 
a  confirmation  of  all  you  have  said,  that  there  seems  no 
occasion  to  add  another  word.  .  .  . 

"  In  the  second  volume  of  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society,  recently  published,  I  observe  by  the  advertise- 
ment that  Mr.  Rawle  has  inserted  an  article  defending 
Heckewelder  from  some  of  your  charges.  As  I  have 
not  seen  the  book,  I  know  not  the  nature  of  the  piece. 
You  had  better  write  to  some  person  in  Philadelphia  to 
forward  the  book  to  you  immediately.  This  article  comes 
from  so  respectable  a  source  that  it  ought  to  be  noticed, 
and  with  proper  respect.  Perhaps  it  will  be  well  to  put 
this  book,  with  Schoolcraft's,  at  the  head  of  your  article. 
You  can  judge  when  you  see  it."  As  there  seems  to  be  no 
little  excitement  on  the  subject  of  the  theory  of  the  In- 
dians, drawn  from  Heckewelder's  book,  it  seems  desir- 
able to  discuss  the  matter  at  large.  Indeed,  there  is  so 
much  the  air  of  romance  about  Heckewelder's  notions, 
aided  by  Mr.  Duponceau's  learning,  that  the  public  have 
inclined  to  adopt  the  whole,  and  to  take  those  representa- 
tions as  the  basis  of  the  Indian  character.  .  .  . 

<;  It  is  with  pleasure  I  learn  that  your  important  pub- 
lic duties  for  the  year  are  so  far  accomplished  that  you 
have  leisure  to  take  up  the  pen  in  earnest  for  another 
article.  I  can  assure  you  that  the  readers  of  the  '  Review ' 
will  greet  your  reappearance  with  a  pleasure  not  less 
than  my  own.  No  article  in  the  work  has  been  more 
popular  than  yours  on  the  Indians ;  and  the  subject  is 
one  in  which  the  public  manifestly  feels  so  lively  an  in- 
terest, that  I  trust  you  will  not  be  reluctant  to  com- 
municate freely  from  the  full  stores  of  your  knowledge. 
Although  the  world  has  been  filled  with  books  about  In- 


278  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

dians,  they  have  been  copies  of  copies,  containing  little 
that  was  true,  and  less  that  was  worth  knowing.  It  is 
a  new  thing  to  have  the  subject  ably  discussed  by  one 
thoroughly  and  practically  acquainted  with  its  details. 

"  The  Indian  treaties,  and  public  documents  relating 
to  Indians,  have  just  been  published  in  a  separate  volume 
in  Washington.  Had  you  not  better  hereafter  make  this 
work  the  basis  of  an  article  devoted  mainly  to  a  considera- 
tion of  the  manner  in  which  the  government  has  treated 
the  Indians,  that  is,  its  objects,  policy,  and  the  effects  of 
its  policy  and  practice,  from  the  formation  of  the  new 
government  down  to  the  present  time  ?  These  will  afford 
rich  topics  for  a  highly  interesting  article,  particularly 
when  connected  with  remarks  on  the  comparative  policy 
of  England." 

The  fruit  of  all  this  characteristic  correspondence  is 
seen  in  Governor  Cass'  letter  to  Jared  Sparks,  Detroit, 
October  4,  1829 :  "  Your  favor  of  the  21st  ult.  found  me 
busily  engaged  in  the  preparation  of  my  article  for  the 
next  number  of  the  'North  American  Review.'  I  shall 
be  able  to  forward  it  to  you  in  the  course  of  next  week. 
My  object  in  now  troubling  you  is  to  say,  that  the  subject 
has  increased  under  my  hands  to  a  greater  length  than  I 
anticipated.  I  am  apprehensive  it  will  reach  to  forty  or 
fifty-five  pages  of  the  *  Be  view.'  I  have  endeavored,  as 
much  as  possible,  to  condense  it  within  more  reasonable 
limits,  but  I  cannot  succeed  consistently  with  the  object 
I  have  in  view.  I  have  taken  a  general  survey  of  the 
past  condition  and  declension  of  the  Indians,  of  the  ef- 
forts made  to  save  and  improve  them,  and  of  the  fruitless 
results  of  these  efforts.  I  have  then  glanced  at  the  diffi- 
culties in  the  South,  and  have  considered  the  practical 
principles  of  the  intercourse  of  the  civilized  States  of  this 
continent  with  the  Indians,  both  in  respect  to  jurisdiction 
and   title.     I  have  arrived   at  the   conclusion,   that   the 


INDIAN  POLICY.  279 

establishment  of  independent  governments  by  the  Indian 
tribes,  within  the  limits  of  any  of  our  States,  would  be 
inexpedient  for  both  parties,  and  in  the  actual  state  of 
things  was  not  to  be  expected.  I  have  taken  up  the  ques- 
tion of  a  removal  to  the  country  beyond  the  Mississippi, 
and  urged  it  as  a  measure  which  offers  the  only  chance 
for  their  preservation.  The  whole  subject  I  have  con- 
sidered as  an  eminently  practical  one,  not  to  be  deter- 
mined by  speculative  notions,  but  by  the  state  of  society 
as  it  is.  I  disavow  all  intention  of  using  the  slightest 
force  to  operate  upon  the  Indians,  or  the  remotest  idea 
of  violating  any  promise  made  or  right  secured  to  them. 
The  motives  must  be  addressed  to  their  reason  and  feel- 
ings, and  they  must  decide  for  themselves."  If  they  stay, 
well ;  if  they  go,  better.  But  we  must  not  only  place  be- 
fore them  a  just  view  of  the  subject,  but  must  pay  them 
liberally,  bountifully,  not  only  because  we  acquire  the 
country,  but  because  they  leave  it.  You  will  not  find  a 
word  in  the  article  harsh  towards  these  unfortunate  be- 
ings, but  on  the  contrary  you  will  find  it  written  in  that 
spirit  of  kindness  which  I  cannot  but  feel  for  them.  You 
will  perhaps  not  be  prepared  to  expect  that  I  should  put 
so  low  an  estimate  upon  the  actual  result  of  the  mission- 
ary labors ;  but  so  it  is,  and  so  I  know  it  to  be.  If  the 
community  is  not  ready  for  the  whole  truth,  you  must 
soften  down  the  expressions  to  their  standard  of  belief. 
You  will  not  understand  that  the  motives  or  conduct  of 
those  engaged  in  this  task  are  in  the  slightest  degree  im- 
peached. On  the  contrary,  they  are  spoken  of  as  their 
zeal,  disinterestedness,  and  piety  will  deserve.  It  is  only 
the  final  result  I  question." 

Henry  R.  Schoolcraft  wrote  to  Sparks  from  Detroit,  Oc- 
tober 13,  1829  :  "  I  had  already  made  some  examination 
preparatory  to  an  article  in  which  it  was  my  object  to 
take  up  the  history  and  condition  of  the  fur  trade  on  this 


280  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

frontier,  when  I  learned  that  Governor  Cass  was  engaged 
in  a  review  of  the  policy  of  our  government  respecting 
the  Indians,  based  upon  recent  documents  transmitted 
from  Washington,  and  intended  to  appear  in  your  Janu- 
ary number.  As  both  discussions  would  hinge  mainly 
upon  the  relations  of  the  white  man  to  the  Indian,  it  was 
desirable  to  avoid  a  too  frequent  introduction  of  the  topic, 
and  I  concluded  to  defer  my  design.  It  is  now  my  im- 
pression that  it  had  better  be  deferred  at  least  a  twelve- 
month, and  this  would  also,  as  now  circumstances,  best 
suit  my  convenience. 

"  Governor  Cass  has  completed  his  review,  and  will 
transmit  it  as  soon  as  his  private  secretary  can  complete 
the  copying.  I  have  had  the  pleasure  to  hear  it  read. 
The  high  tone  of  the  whole  article,  and  the  boldness  of 
some  of  the  positions,  and  the  strength  and  color  with 
which  they  are  illustrated  and  supported,  will  probably 
arrest  your  attention.  The  great  question  of  the  removal 
of  the  Indians  is,  as  I  conceive,  put  at  rest.  Time  and 
circumstances  have  decided  it  against  them.  The  govern- 
ment, and  a  great  portion  of  the  people,  have  also  decided 
it  against  them.  It  only  requires  the  moral  courage  ne- 
cessary to  avow  the  principle,  and  to  reconcile  the  kindly 
feelings  of  the  friends  of  the  Indians  to  their  withdrawal, 
under  a  proper  system,  and  with  suitable  respect  to  their 
claims  on  our  justice  and  on  our  sympathy.  All  this  has 
been  done,  and  done,  too,  in  a  manner  suited  to  produce 
conviction  upon  the  mind  of  every  candid  reader  who  will 
give  his  attention  to  this  review. 

"  Many  of  the  conclusions  with  respect  to  the  moral 
and  intellectual  state  and  actual  condition  of  the  Indian 
will  appear  startling  to  those  who  have  heretofore  rested 
in  full  confidence  upon  the  poetic  view  of  his  character. 
The  heart  gathers  no  consolation  from  the  sternness  of 
the  fate  which  surrounds  him,  and  turns  in  vain  to  ask  if 


INDIAN   POLICY.  281 

there  be  no  practical  mode  by  which  he  can  be  permitted 
permanently  to  remain  upon  the  lands  where  his  ancestors 
have  lived  and  died.  Fate  answers,  there  is  none.  Sound 
policy  answers,  there  is  none.  And  philanthropy  and  be- 
nevolence must  also  yield  their  slow  assent  to  the  neces- 
sity which  points  him  on. 

"  Harsh,  however,  as  these  conclusions  may  appear  to 
those  who  have  passed  their  lives  remote  from  the  Indian 
country,  my  own  experience  and  observation  fully  satisfy 
me  that  they  are  just  in  their  utmost  extent.  It  is  proper 
that  the  nation  should  know  that  the  Indian  is  the  weak, 
vacillating,  and  desponding  and  suffering  being  which  he 
is  painted  in  this  review,  wasting  his  time  in  sensual  qui- 
escence, occasionally  roused  to  active  exertion  by  war  or 
hunger,  but  soon  sinking  back  to  a  state  of  mental  lassi- 
tude, in  which  he  neither  governs  those  around  him  nor 
is  capable  of  being  governed,  and,  above  all,  subject  to 
the  combined  effects  of  every  deteriorating  cause  which 
an  industrious  exerts  upon  an  idle  population.  West  of 
the  Mississippi  he  may  revive,  he  may  recover  the  equi- 
librium he  has  lost,  and  may  even  justify  the  noblest  ex- 
pectations entertained  for  him. 

"  True  as  these  positions  are,  respecting  our  Northwest- 
ern tribes,  I  am  satisfied  from  recent  information,  from 
officers  of  the  army  and  merchants  who  have  resided  at 
the  South,  that  they  are  no  less  applicable  to  the  great 
body  of  the  Creek  and  Cherokee  nations,  where  the  com- 
bined causes  of  negro  slavery,  and  the  advantages  of  liv- 
ing on  certain  great  roads  and  ferries  leading  through  the 
nation,  had  created  partial  wealth,  without  obliterating 
from  the  minds  and  manners  of  its  possessors  the  indo- 
lence and  improvidence  of  the  native  character,  and  with- 
out even  partially  benefiting  the  great  body  of  these  na- 
tions. 

"  I  have  made  these  remarks  from  a  conviction  of  their 


282  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

pertinency  to  the  review  upon  which  you  will  be  called  to 
exercise  your  critical  judgment ;  and  from  a  conviction 
that  the  article  itself  is  of  a  nature  and  character  to  per- 
mit very  little  alteration  or  omission  of  any  part  of  it 
without  material  and  positive  detriment." 

A  copy  of  Sparks'  reply  to  Cass  is  preserved,  and  is 
dated  Boston,  October  28,  1829 :  "  Your  favor  of  the  13th 
inst.,  together  with  the  article  on  the  removal  of  the  In- 
dians, has  arrived.  I  have  read  the  article  with  great 
care  and  sent  it  to  press.  In  its  main  particulars  the 
argument  seems  to  me  conclusive.  No  alteration  what- 
ever is  made,  except  perhaps  in  half  a  dozen  words  or 
phrases,  and  the  omission  of  a  short  extract.  I  cannot 
say  that  I  agree  with  you  in  every  particular,  but  your 
article  has  removed  all  my  important  doubts,  and  sheds 
much  new  light  on  the  subject.  After  all,  this  project 
only  defers  the  fate  of  the  Indians.  In  half  a  century 
their  condition  beyond  the  Mississippi  will  be  just  what 
it  now  is  on  this  side.  Their  extinction  is  inevitable.  I 
received  an  excellent  letter  from  Mr.  Schoolcraft  respect- 
ing your  article.  If  he  is  now  at  Detroit,  I  beg  you  will 
express  to  him  my  thanks.  Above  all,  persuade  him  to 
write  for  the  '  Keview.'  You  will  receive  the  fifty  copies,1 
as  you  desired." 

RELATIONS   WITH   THE   SOUTH. 

Communication  with  the  Southern  States  was  neither 
quick  nor  easy  in  the  days  of  stage-coaches  and  packets. 
Copies  of  the  "North  American  Review,"  designed  for 
the  Charleston  book  market,  were  a  month  in  reaching 
their  destination,  as  appears  from  the  following  letter, 
January  28,  1824,  to  Mr.  Sparks,  from  his  old  friend  the 
Rev.  Samuel  Gilman :  "  An  awful  retribution  hangs  over 

1  Two  hundred  copies  of  Governor  Cass'  article  on  Indian  affairs 
were  ordered  by  the  Secretary  of  War  for  public  use. 


RELATIONS  WITH  THE  SOUTH.      283 

the  Boston  booksellers  for  their  vile  neglect  of  sending 
periodical  publications  to  Charleston.  We  never  get  them 
till  more  than  a  month  after  their  publication.  I  entreat 
you  to  look  to  this  thing.  Do  take  every  possible  pains 
to  have  the  ■  North  American  Review '  sent  to  us  by  the 
first  opportunity  ;  and  stir  up  the  '  Christian  Disciple ; ' 
and  rouse  up  Welles  and  Lilly.  My  mouth  is  filled  with 
sand  at  the  thoughts  of  what  we  all  suffer  here.  ...  I 
am  making  applications  for  contributors  which  you  re- 
quested. I  shall  ask  Mr.  Elliott,  Mr.  Legare,  and  one  or 
two  others.  ...  I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  sending  my 
brother-in-law,  J.  G.  King,  of  Salem,  all  pamphlets  printed 
here,  and  newspapers  containing  interesting  local  docu- 
ments. I  will  now  send  them  to  you,  requesting  you  to 
forward  them  again  to  him  when  you  have  done  with 
them." 

Sparks  endeavored  thus  to  collect  Southern  materials 
for  the  "  North  American  Review,"  and  to  keep  up  liter- 
ary connections  with  distant  Charleston.  Another  Uni- 
tarian correspondent  in  that  city,  Mr.  M.  L.  Hurlburt,  a 
bookseller  and  at  one  time  a  teacher,  wrote  April  21, 
1824 :  "  I  will  readily  undertake  to  procure  for  you  the 
works  which  may  appear  in  this  State  and  Georgia,  at 
least  so  many  of  them  as  I  shall  find  practicable  to  ob- 
tain. You  are  aware  that  our  press  is  a  very  sterile 
one.  I  know  not,  at  present,  a  single  book  of  any  kind, 
either  in  press  or  proposed,  with  the  exception  of  Elliott's 
1  Botany.'  Periodical  publications,  I  conclude,  are  hardly 
embraced  in  your  design.  Of  these,  we  have  one,  the 
4  Southern  Christian  Register,'  an  Episcopalian  magazine 
issued  monthly.  This  you  may  have  seen.  I  know  of  no 
other  work  which  does  not  strictly  belong  to  the  class  of 
newspapers." 

The  Rev.  Samuel  Gilman  was  a  frequent  contributor 
to  the  "  Review,"  and  Mr,  Sparks  always  regarded  him 


284  ECONOMIC  HISTORY. 

as  his  best  friend  and  ally  in  South  Carolina.  Gilraan 
wrote  from  Charleston,  February  16,  1826  :  "  Your  work 
grows  more  and  more  into  public  esteem  and  affection 
here,  and  is  about  identified  with  the  essence  of  American 
literature.  I  congratulate  you  on  this  result."  From  the 
time  Mr.  Sparks  took  charge  of  the  "  North  American 
Eeview  "  its  circulation  rapidly  increased.  Not  only  was 
the  magazine  made  more  attractive  and  more  truly  na- 
tional, from  the  wider  range  of  contributors  secured  by 
the  editor,  but  he  employed  better  business  agents  than 
his  predecessors  had  done,  and  sought  many  new  local 
connections  through  the  influence  of  men  whom  he  had 
known  at  college,  or  had  met  in  his  Southern  and  West- 
ern travels.  It  may  with  confidence  be  asserted  that 
Jared  Sparks  was  the  first  to  give  the  "North  American" 
a  truly  national  circulation,  and,  to  some  extent  at  least, 
an  international  reputation. 

"NORTH  AMERICAN"  IN  EUROPE.  —  EVERETT  AND  IRVING. 

The  extent  of  the  circulation  of  the  "  North  American 
Keview  "  in  England  is  indicated  by  the  following  extract 
from  a  letter  of  J.  G.  Palfrey,  who  wrote  to  Sparks  from 
London,  October  6,  1826  :  "  Miller  says  that  it  would  be 
of  no  use,  but  rather  injury,  to  put  half  a  dozen  copies 
of  the  '  North  American  Eeview '  in  public  rooms.  And 
he  adds  that  his  demand  for  100  copies  is  in  a  course  of 
rapid  extension  to  150 ;  so  that  you  will  do  well  to  be 
satisfied,  for,  when  it  gets  a  little  beyond  150,  an  edition 
will  be  published  here."  The  "  North  American  Review  " 
was  not  republished  in  England,  but  the  suggestion  of  the 
idea  by  a  London  bookseller,  and  the  regular  sale  of  over 
one  hundred  copies,  shows  that  American  periodical  lit- 
erature was  beginning  to  be  appreciated  by  English  peo- 
ple as  early  as  1826.  Another  agent,  O.  Rich,  who  suc- 
ceeded Miller  in  the  English  management  of  the  "  North 


NORTH  AMERICAN  IN  EUROPE.      285 

American,"  wrote  Mr.  Sparks  that  five  hundred  copies  of 
his  "Review"  ought  and  might  be  disposed  of  in  England. 

One  of  the  best  indications  that  the  "  North  American 
Review"  made  its  influence  felt  beyond  American  bor- 
ders is  the  fact  that  it  was  not  allowed  to  enter  France 
during  the  reactionary  Bourbon  reign  of  Louis  XVIII. 
France,  in  1823,  had  intervened  for  the  suppression  of 
the  Spanish  revolution.  The  "North  American  Review" 
had  encouraged  the  revolutionary  spirit  in  Greece,  Italy, 
and  South  America,  and  had  promoted  the  development 
of  the  Spanish  republics.  In  a  letter  written  to  Jared 
Sparks  from  Paris,  May  29,  1824,  by  John  F.  Steele, 
occurs  this  striking  passage  :  "  You  know  perhaps  that 
the  '  North  American  Review '  is  prohibited  in  France. 
Last  week,  in  coming  from  Geneva  to  Lyons,  the  dili- 
gence was  stopped  at  Bellegarde  by  the  custom-house  offi- 
cers. While  they  were  inspecting  the  baggage  I  amused 
myself  with  reading  over  the  '  Index  Expurgatorius,'  when 
to  my  surprise  I  saw  my  old  acquaintance,  the  '  North 
American '  figuring,  but  I  assure  you  in  company  which 
does  not  disgrace  it."  The  stopping  of  Mr.  Sparks'  "  Re- 
view "  on  the  French  frontiers  was  quite  as  complimentary 
to  American  enlightenment  in  1824,  and  quite  as  shame- 
ful to  the  French  government,  as  was  the  prohibition  of  the 
"  Century  Magazine,"  and  Mr.  George  Kennan's  articles, 
by  the  Russian  government  in  our  own  day.  The  same 
disgraceful  espionage  upon  American  magazine  literature 
appears  to  have  been  practiced  to  some  extent  in  Spain. 

Alexander  H.  Everett,  the  American  minister  to  Ma- 
drid, writing  from  that  city,  April  19, 1826,  says  :  "lam 
without  any  of  the  numbers  of  the  ■  North  American ' 
which  have  appeared  since  I  left  home,  but  expect  daily 
to  receive  them."  Mr.  Everett  makes,  in  this  letter,  this 
interesting  allusion  to  Washington  Irving :  "  Irving  is 
hard  at  work  upon  some  new  sketches,  which  will  proba- 


286  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

bly  be  forthcoming  next  winter,  but  will  treat,  I  imagine, 
of  some  of  his  preceding  adventures.  He  will  not  think 
of  meddling  with  Spain  till  he  has  seen  more  of  it.  I  find 
great  comfort  in  his  conversation,  and  have  given  him,  for 
the  honor  of  letters  and  the  credit  of  the  country,  the 
character  of  attache  d  la  legation.  The  people  here  are 
greatly  pleased  with  him,  but,  not  knowing  much  of 
American  literature  (or,  indeed,  any  other),  have  con- 
founded him  with  Cooper,  and  he  generally  goes  under 
the  title  of  the  American  Walter  Scott." 

Mr.  Alexander  H.  Everett  was  a  brother  of  Edward 
Everett,  and,  like  him,  was  a  regular  contributor  to  the 
"  North  American  Eeview."  He  was  called  "  the  Cory- 
phaeus of  our  present  list  of  writers."  Enjoying  abun- 
dant leisure  in  Spain,  he  was  able  to  send  Mr.  Sparks 
more  articles,  perhaps,  than  did  any  contemporary  writer 
in  America.  The  following  selections  from  his  letters 
show  that  he  appreciated  the  character  and  standing  of 
the  "North  American,"  and  gave  its  editor  the  most 
hearty  support :  "  Madrid,  November  18,  1826.  ...  I 
received  lately  with  much  pleasure  your  polite  letter  of 
September  12.  The  «  Reviews  '  which  you  say  were  sent 
with  it  have  not  come  to  hand.  I  have  written  to  Mr. 
Henry  to  inquire  about  them,  and  am  still  in  hopes  to  re- 
cover them.  It  is  somewhat  singular  that  I  should  not 
have  yet  received  a  single  number  of  your  journal  since 
I  left  home,  while  I  get  regularly  two  or  three  files  of 
newspapers,  with  pamphlets  quantum  sufficit,  and  even 
the  *  Athenaeum  Magazine,'  which  I  am  glad  to  find  has 
given  up  the  ghost.  When  you  have  no  direct  channel, 
you  may  always  transmit  a  number  to  the  Department  of 
State,  so  I  shall  receive  it  in  due  time  free  of  all  expense. 
"I  am  glad  to  find  that  you  continue  your  literary 
labors  with  so  much  activity  and  zeal.  The  'Review' 
should  be  the  first  object.     It  is  a  work  of  national  im- 


EVERETT  AND  IRVING.  287 

portance,  and  a  most  effective  instrument  for  all  good 
purposes.  To  possess  the  direction  of  it  is  to  hold  an 
office  of  profit  and  honor  that  may  well  satisfy  the  ambi- 
tion of  any  individual,  and  I  may  add  of  responsibility 
that,  justly  weighed,  might  occasionally  give  him  some 
anxious  moments.  I  doubt  whether  the  President  of  the 
United  States  has  a  higher  trust  to  be  accountable  for 
than  the  editor  of  the  '  North  American.'  This  journal 
has  now  an  established  reputation,  —  the  great  condition 
for  producing  effect,  —  and  should  on  no  account  be  suf- 
fered to  decline.  I  regret  that  it  has  not  been  in  my 
power  to  send  you  anything  since  I  have  been  here  (as 
you  are  pleased  to  think  that  my  contributions  would 
have  been  of  use),  but  shall  certainly  do  it  after  a  while, 
and  shall  always  be  happy  to  aid  you  as  far  as  possible. 
Properly  managed  and  followed  up  with  spirit,  the  '  Ke- 
view,'  I  should  think,  ought  in  time  to  take  the  lead  of  the 
4  Edinburgh  '  and  '  Quarterly,'  which  are  at  present  mostly 
job-work,  and  have  nearly  lost  the  vital  spark  that  made 
them  popular.  As  to  Irving,  I  .have  communicated  your 
request  to  him,  but  doubt  whether  he  will  contribute.  He 
has  no  resource  for  a  living  but  his  pen,  and  thinks  he 
can  employ  it  more  profitably  in  a  different  way.  Besides 
this  he  has  no  great  taste,  or  perhaps  ability,  for  criticism. 
His  range  of  thought  and  reading  is  limited  to  the  line  in 
which  he  works,  and  this  is  one  reason  why  he  works  so 
well  in  it  as  he  does.  He  has  not  the  stock  of  facts,  nor 
the  familiarity  with  general  principles,  necessary  for  a  re- 
viewer, and  is  better  employed  in  making  work,  as  he 
does,  for  that  useful  class  of  persons.  He  is  putting  the 
best  hand  to  his  '  Life  of  Columbus,'  and  collecting  mate- 
rials for  future  sketches  of  Spain.  He  seems  to  be  very 
happy  here,  and  will  probably  remain  a  year  or  two  more. 
"  I  approve  very  much  your  project  of  a  history  of  the 
Revolution,  and  the  thorough  way  in  which  you  are  going 


288  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

about  it  by  bringing  together  all  the  valuable  documents 
that  can  be  obtained.  The  latter  part  of  the  business  is 
of  itself  an  important  service  done  to  letters  and  the  coun- 
try. The  papers  you  collect  should  themselves  be  printed 
at  the  expense  of  the  Historical  Society,  or  some  college. 
The  history  is,  as  you  say,  still  unwritten,  and  furnishes  a 
glorious  subject.  As  respects  the  probability  of  success, 
the  great  point  is  style.  Precision  and  accuracy  in  dates 
and  facts,  correct  views  of  morals  and  politics,  are  taken 
for  granted,  but  contribute  very  little  to  the  popularity  of 
the  work.  A  history  would  have  no  value  without  them, 
but  even  with  them  will  have  no  success  unless  the  author 
narrate  his  events  and  state  his  reflections  in  such  a  way 
as  to  please  the  taste  and  ear.  It  was  remarked  by  Buf- 
fon,  who  was  very  proud  of  his  own  manner,  that  style  was 
the  whole  man,  —  a  dictum  which  it  would  perhaps  be  dif- 
ficult to  prove  or  even  explain  ;  but  we  may  well  say  (as 
regards  all  works  excepting  those  of  pure  science)  that 
style  is  the  whole  book.  I  mention  this,  not  from  any 
doubt  as  to  the  sufficiency  of  your  style,  which  I  have  al- 
ways thought  remarkably  good  and  peculiarly  well  fitted 
for  historical  composition,  but  in  order  to  give  you  a  hint 
as  to  the  part  that  requires  most  attention.  Style  is 
partly  the  effect  of  natural  sensibility,  and  so  far  beyond 
the  reach  of  rules :  as  far  as  art  goes,  the  secret  seems  to 
be,  write  down  honestly  and  naturally  the  full,  free  flow  of 
your  thoughts  and  feelings,  and  then  at  a  cooler  moment 
revise  with  care.  This  process  will  bring  out  the  best 
that  a  man  is  capable  of.  .  .  . 

"  Madrid,  March  4,  1827.  ...  I  send  you  herewith  a 
copy  of  a  curious  document  connected  with  the  history  of 
our  Eevolution  which  has  now  been  published.  It  is  pre- 
served in  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  the  Academy, 
from  which  I  have  been  enabled,  through  the  kindness  of 
one  of  my  friends,  to  procure  a  transcript.     The  author, 


ECONOMIC   HISTORY.  289 

Count  de  Aranda,  was  ambassador  at  Paris,  and  signed 
the  Treaty  of  1783  on  the  part  of  Spain.  He  was  a  per- 
son of  high  reputation  and  distinguished  talent.  From 
his  residence  at  Paris,  while  the  war  was  going  on  he  had 
no  doubt  communicated  freely  with  the  French  ministry 
on  the  subject  of  their  policy  in  relation  to  the  indepen- 
dence of  the  United  States.  The  opinions  he  expresses 
may  therefore  be  considered  as  those  of  the  French  min- 
istry of  that  period,  and  as  they  are  decidedly  unfavor- 
able to  the  interest  of  our  country,  they  serve  to  justify 
the  suspicions  that  were  felt  at  the  time  respecting  the 
intentions  of  France  by  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Jay.  .The 
paper  is  therefore  a  document  of  some  importance  as  re- 
gards our  history ;  and  as  you  are  collecting  material  for 
a  work  on  that  subject,  I  have  thought  that  a  copy  of  it 
would  be  agreeable  to  you.  The  document  is  also  curi- 
ous in  reference  to  the  history  of  the  Spanish  colonies, 
and  shows  a  good  deal  of  political  sagacity  and  fore- 
thought in  the  author. 

"  I  think  it  not  improbable  that  I  shall  have  it  in  my 
power  during  my  residence  here  to  procure  other  inter- 
esting papers  of  a  similar  kind  from  the  public  archives 
and  libraries,  to  all  of  which  I  have  full  and  free  access. 
Should  this  be  the  case  I  shall,  if  you  wish  it,  be  happy 
to  communicate  them  to  you  ;  and  if  there  are  any  points 
upon  which  you  wish  particularly  to  obtain  information, 
which  is  likely  to  be  found  here,  and  will  let  me  know 
what  they  are,  I  will  endeavor  to  satisfy  you.  Irving  has 
finished  his  '  Biography  of  Columbus,'  and  it  is  now  being 
copied  for  the  press.  I  have  not  read  it;  but  am  sure 
from  the  thorough  way  in  which  he  has  gone  about  it,  and 
the  ample  materials  he  has  had  at  his  disposal,  that  the 
work  will  be  highly  honorable  to  himself  and  the  country. 
Since  I  wrote  you  last  I  have  received  the  January  num- 
ber of  the  *  Review.'  It  contains  several  valuable  and  in- 
19 


290  ECONOMIC   HISTORY. 

teresting  papers.  There  is  rather  a  deficiency  as  respects 
European  and  particularly  Continental  literature,  which 
perhaps  you  find  it  difficult  to  supply.  If  my  leisure  per- 
mits, I  will  endeavor,  according  to  my  poor  ability,  to  help 
you  out  a  little  in  that  department.  Let  me  advise  you 
seriously  to  act  upon  the  suggestions  in  my  last,  respect- 
ing Oliver  and  William  Peabody.  Accept  my  thanks  for 
your  very  civil  notice  of  the  second  edition  of  my  '  Essay 
on  Population.'  I  am  with  great  regard,  my  dear  sir, 
your  very  faithful  friend  and  servant." 

Twelve  copies  of  the  "  North  American  Eeview  "  were 
sold  in  Calcutta.  Sparks  had  correspondents  in  India,  as 
well  as  in  most  European  countries,  and  in  all  the  South 
American  republics.  The  national  if  not  the  international 
character  of  the  "  North  American  Review  "  was  estab- 
lished during  his  editorship,  before  he  undertook  those 
larger  literary  enterprises  which  will  be  described  in  spe- 
cial chapters.  After  he  had  begun  his  extended  itineraries 
for  the  collection  of  his  historical  manuscripts,  and  at  the 
very  time  he  was  first  beginning  to  examine  the  Washing- 
ton papers,  he  wrote,  May  14,  1827,  from  Mount  Vernon 
to  his  friend  Alexander  H.  Everett :  "  Think  not  that  my 
attention  to  the  •  North  American  Review '  will  in  the 
smallest  degree  be  diminished.  Its  success  at  this  time  is 
quite  equal  to  what  it  ever  has  been,  and  I  do  not  think 
its  literary  character  has  suffered  in  my  absence.1  I  have 
exercised  a  constant  supervision  over  the  work,  engaged 
nearly  every  article,  and  read  it  before  it  went  to  the 
press,  in  whatever  part  of  the  United  States  I  might  for 
the  moment  be  stationed.  All  the  substantial  writers  re- 
main firm  and  obliging.  Your  brother  contributes  largely 
and  cheerfully.     Mr.  Cruse,  a  young  gentleman  in  Balti- 

1  During  Mr.  Sparks'  occasional  absence  from  Boston  the  neces- 
sary office  work  was  carried  on  by  Folsom,  Palfrey,  or  Gray. 


ECONOMIC  HISTORY.  291 

more,  who  reviewed  Pinkney's  Life,  is  a  valuable  acces- 
sion. He  has  talent,  taste,  and  attainments,  is  fond  of 
writing,  and  courts  industry.  The  reputation  of  the  ■  Re- 
view '  is  solidly  established,  and  no  small  matter  will 
throw  it  from  the  broad  pedestal  on  which  it  stands.  Yet 
I  am  aware  that  vigilance  should  not  be  remitted,  and  I 
have  also  so  much  confidence  in  my  own  resolution  as  to 
believe  it  will  not  be,  while  I  retain  the  work  under  my 
charge." 


CHAPTER  X. 

CONTRIBUTIONS    TO    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND    MEXI- 
CAN HISTORY. 

1823-1830. 

In  this  chapter  will  be  undertaken  a  special  treatment  of 
Jared  Sparks'  contributions  to  the  constitutional  history  of 
the  South  American  republics,  a  subject  which  is  destined 
to  command  increasing  attention  from  students  in  these 
United  States.  In  this  field,  as  in  others,  Sparks  was  an 
editorial  pioneer.  His  attention  was  early  attracted  to 
the  South  American  republics,  which  soon  after  1820 
secured  their  political  independence  by  successful  revolu- 
tion. In  1823  we  find  him  purchasing  Tanner's  map 
of  South  America,  and  attempting  through  Gales  and 
Seaton  in  Washington  to  obtain  a  full  set  of  public  docu- 
ments relating  to  South  America.  Although  he  was  un- 
successful in  this  latter  project,  he  obtained  from  his 
Washington  friends  a  good  list  of  references  to  document- 
ary materials  on  South  American  affairs,  and  these  refer- 
ences were  a  guide  to  the  collections  preserved  in  the 
libraries  of  Boston  and  Cambridge.  Sparks'  method  of 
proceeding  at  once  to  the  original  sources  of  information 
upon  his  chosen  subjects  was  very  characteristic  of  the 
man. 

ORIGINAL   SOURCES. 

John  Bailey,  of  the  State  Department,  wrote  to  Mr. 
Sparks  from  Washington,  December  4,  1823  :  "  I  have 
spoken  with  Mr.  Adams  on  the  subject  of  your  letter ; 
and  he  says  there  will  be  no  objection  to  your  perusal  of 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN   HISTORY.     293 

Mr.  W.'s  papers  on  file  in  the  Department,  if  he  has 
no  objection.  Mr.  W.  has  in  his  possession  some  of  his 
papers  on  South  America  loaned  to  him  some  months 
ago ;  but  others  are  in  the  Department. 

"  As  to  other  documents,  perhaps  not  much  can  be  ex- 
pected. There  are  newspapers  of  South  America,  but  in 
Spanish ;  and  some  correspondence  of  other  gentlemen. 
The  statements  of  Messrs.  Rodney,  Graham,  and  Bland, 
and  of  Mr.  Poinsett  (printed  by  Congress  in  the  winter  of 
1818-9),  you  probably  have,  or  have  seen.  They  would 
be  found  in  Boston  in  the  Congressional  Documents  of 
1818-9  sent  to  the  governor  and  two  branches  of  the 
Legislature,  and  to  Harvard  and  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society.  Dare  you  enter  that  labyrinth  of  history?  I 
confess  to  you,  I  would  not  undertake  to  get  and  give 
a  distinct  view  of  events  in  South  America,  since  1805, 
under  many  thousands.  It  must  be  a  task  of  Hercules. 
I  am  glad,  however,  if  it  is  to  be  done,  that  a  Hercules 
has  it  in  hand.  I  hope  great  success  may  attend  you  in 
its  prosecution." 

The  following  letter  from  W.  (jr.  D.  Worthington  to 
Jared  Sparks,  Baltimore,  April  26, 1824,  is  a  further  illus- 
tration of  Sparks'  method  of  obtaining  original  informa- 
tion :  "  On  returning  from  the  country  the  Tuesday  before 
you  left  here,  I  saw  your  card  at  my  office,  which  was  the 
first  time  that  I  knew  of  your  presence  in  our  city.  I 
called  the  next  day  to  see  you,  and  was  much  disappointed 
to  learn  you  had  returned  to  Boston.  Agreeably  to  your 
wish,  I  have  sent  to  N.  Willing,  Esq.,  and  he  to  Mr. 
Lucas,  certain  documents  on  the  affairs  of  Buenos  Ayres, 
Chili,  etc.  You  will  see  by  a  memorandum  accompanying 
them  what  I  received  from  Mr.  Willing,  and  what  are 
now  forwarded.  I  gave  you  my  opinion  fully  and  can- 
didly on  all  those  matters  ;  and  if  you  should  require  any 
more,  if  in  my  power  it  shall  be  furnished  you.     When 


294    SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

you  shall  have  done  with  the  papers,  please  have  them 
safely  restored.  I  feel  very  considerable  anxiety  for  a 
full  and  critical  article  in  your  paper  on  South  American 
affairs.  For  I  am  still  and  ever  have  been  of  opinion 
that  it  will  be  attacked  by  the  Holy  Allies,  that  England 
may  perhaps  play  a  false  game  between'  us,  the  Colonies, 
and  the  Allies ;  and  if  so,  the  whole  of  those  countries  on 
or  near  the  seaboard  will  for  a  time,  and  that  not  a  short 
one,  be  overrun.  If  England  be  faithful  to  us  and  them, 
then  there  is  no  fear.  Should  you  in  any  of  your  num- 
bers refer  to  me  by  name,  as  my  family  are  very  numer- 
ous, you  perhaps  might  designate  me  '  Colonel  W.  G.  D. 
Worthington,  Special  Agent  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Provinces  of  Buenos  Ayres,  Chili,  and  Peru,  and  late 
Governor  of  East  Florida,  etc.,  etc.'  If  the  Allies  should 
invade  and  repossess  the  country,  then  my  materials  will 
be  every  day  more  valuable,  because  there  will  supervene 
a  state  of  things  under  which  the  times  in  which  I 
viewed  those  people  will  be  completely  buried.  As  you 
may  have  some  friends  who  may  be  pleased  to  read  the 
inclosed,  copies  of  which  I  heretofore  sent  you,  they  are 
humbly  offered  to  them.  Should  I  visit  the  s  Cradle  of 
our  Independence  '  I  will  beat  up  your  quarters.  I  ex- 
pect fully  to  be  on  the  wing  once  more." 

On  the  9th  of  March,  1824,  Mr.  Sparks  addressed  the 
following  letter  to  the  Hon.  John  Quincy  Adams,  then 
Secretary  of  State :  "  Sir :  For  several  months  past  I  have 
been  endeavoring  to  collect  particulars  respecting  the  po- 
litical changes  in  South  America  during  the  last  fifteen 
years,  with  a  view  of  communicating  in  a  historical  form, 
through  the  medium  of  the  '  North  American  Eeview,'  such 
facts  as  may  have  a  general  value  and  public  interest.  It 
has  occurred  to  me  that  our  ministers  in  Colombia,  Buenos 
Ayres,  and  Chili,  if  properly  applied  to,  might  be  willing 
to  forward  for  this  purpose  such  books,  papers,  and  printed 


SOUTH   AMERICAN   AND  MEXICAN   HISTORY.    295 

documents  as  would  easily  come  within  their  reach.  I 
have  no  personal  acquaintance  with  these  gentlemen,  and 
I  fear  that,  if  I  write  them  simply  on  the  strength  of  my 
own  name,  they  may  doubt  whether  such  an  application 
will  be  worthy  of  their  special  notice.  Should  you  deem 
the  object  of  sufficient  importance,  and  feel  that  it  can  be 
done  with  propriety,  you  will  confer  a  favor  by  sending 
me  a  line  addressed  to  each  of  those  gentlemen,  which 
I  may  inclose  in  a  letter,  and  which  may  express  your 
approbation  of  my  motives,  and  your  belief  that  such 
materials  as  they  may  forward  to  me  will  be  converted 
to  purposes  useful  and  proper. 

"  I  know  not  but  this  request  may  be  considered  out  of 
place,  but  if  so,  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  excuse  the 
intrusion,  and  give  yourself  no  trouble  on  the  subject.  I 
shall  ask  of  Mr.  Bailey  the  favor  to  hand  you  this  letter, 
and  acquaint  me  with  your  decision."  In  a  footnote  to 
the  copy  of  this  letter,  preserved,  with  others  of  this  pe- 
riod, in  Mr.  Sparks'  Letter  Books,  it  is  stated  that  Mr. 
Adams  complied  with  the  above  request,  and  forwarded 
letters  to  our  ministers  in  South  America. 

The  substance  of  the  following  letter,  addressed,  June 
28,  1824,  to  Caesar  A.  Rodney,  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
of  the  United  States  at  Buenos  Ayres,  was  sent,  together 
with  a  line  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  Mr.  Anderson, 
American  minister  at  Bogota,  Colombia,  and  to  Mr.  Al- 
len, American  minister  in  Chili :  "  Sir,  —  I  trust  you  will 
pardon  me  for  writing  to  you  on  a  subject  in  which,  I  flat- 
ter myself,  you  feel  some  interest.  The  important  events 
which  have  occurred,  and  which  are  daily  occurring,  in 
South  America,  are  so  little  known  in  the  United  States 
that  I  have  thought  it  an  object  worthy  of  special  atten- 
tion to  collect  such  authentic  materials  as  can  be  obtained, 
and  publish,  from  time  to  time,  in  the  •  North  American 
Review,'  a  historical  sketch  of  the  revolutionary  proceed- 


296     SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

ings  of  the  South  American  republics.  In  attempting  to 
prosecute  this  design,  I  have  found  it  extremely  difficult  to 
arrive  at  a  knowledge  of  the  facts  which  are  essential  to 
give  such  an  outline  as  will  be  accurate  and  full  in  itself, 
and  useful  to  the  public.  Our  newspapers  are  treacherous 
guides,  and  often  relate  things  without  good  authority. 

"  The  best  sources  of  information,  and  indeed  the  only 
sources  on  which  much  reliance  can  be  placed,  are  the 
public  documents  and  journals  published  in  the  countries 
where  the  events  happen.  In  the  promotion  of  so  good  a 
cause,  I  have  thought  you  might  be  willing  to  procure 
such  materials  of  this  description,  relating  to  Colombia 
and  its  dependencies,  as  come  readily  within  your  reach, 
and  forward  them  to  the  United  States.  It  is  desirable 
for  me  to  have  every  public  document,  accredited  news- 
paper, or  other  work,  which  has  appeared  since  the  revo- 
lutionary contest  commenced.  I  am  far  from  presuming 
to  task  you,  however,  to  this  extent,  for  I  am  aware 
that  it  is  no  easy  thing,  even  on  the  spot,  to  procure  all 
these  materials.  As  I  am  a  warm  friend  of  what  is 
called  the  South  American  cause,  and  as  it  is  my  inten- 
tion to  present  favorable  and  encouraging  views  of  the 
subject,  it  is  possible  some  gentleman  who  is  a  native  of 
the  country,  and  who  will  have  the  means  of  procuring 
everything  valuable,  may  be  disposed  to  take  a  little 
trouble  for  this  purpose.  And,  indeed,  I  should  be  very 
glad  to  open  a  correspondence  with  any  literary  gentle- 
man who  may  have  leisure  and  inclination  to  further  my 
design  of  making  the  historical  events  of  South  America 
better  known  in  the  United  States.  Whatever  you  can 
obtain  for  me,  either  in  this  way  or  any  other,  will  be  of 
essential  service,  and  the  substance  of  it  will  be  com- 
municated to  the  public,  as  far  as  is  consistent  with  the 
general  character  and  purposes  of  the  'North  American 
Review.' " 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.    297 

Mr.  Sparks  learned  the  Spanish  language  in  the  years 
1824  and  1825.  He  opened  a  correspondence  with  the 
Hon.  Jose  Manuel  Restrepo,  of  Bogota,  Secretary  of  the 
Home  Department  of  Colombia,  who  was  writing  a  history 
of  the  revolution  in  that  republic.  One  extract  shall  suf- 
fice to  illustrate  the  spirit  of  this  correspondence.  "  It  is 
important,"  said  Mr.  Sparks,  August  10,  1825,  "  for  the 
future  prosperity  of  nations,  that  the  interests  of  North 
and  South  America  should  be  intimately  blended,  and 
that  each  part  should  be  well  acquainted  with  the  history 
and  internal  condition  of  the  others.  All  the  printed 
documents  you  can  furnish,  therefore,  in  relation  to  the 
revolutionary  proceedings  in  Colombia  since  1810,  and 
such  as  may  from  time  to  time  appear,  will  be  highly  use- 
ful In  aiding  my  purpose." 

To  Lucas  Alaman,  Secretary  of  State  in  Mexico,  Mr. 
Sparks  wrote  September  27,  1825,  urging  his  cooperation 
with  Mr.  Poinsett  in  procuring  documentary  materials 
for  the  history  of  the  Mexican  revolution,  and  adding  this 
sentiment :  "  There  is  universal  sympathy  in  this  country 
with  the  rising  republics  of  the  south,  but  the  knowledge 
of  the  actual  state  of  things  is  limited  and  imperfect.  It 
ought  not  to  be  so,  since  the  interests  of  the  two  parts  of 
the  continent  are  so  intimately  blended,  and  their  politi- 
cal spirit  and  institutions  are  so  similar.  I  wish  to  do 
all  in  my  power  through  the  channel  of  the  'North 
American  Review,'  to  disseminate  the  knowledge  so  much 
desired,  and  to  draw  more  closely  the  bonds  of  union  and 
interest  between  the  free  governments  of  the  Western 
World." 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  written  Sep- 
tember 15,  1826,  by  Mr.  Sparks  to  Henry  Clay,  then  Sec- 
retary of  State  in  the  Cabinet  of  John  Quincy  Adams : 
"  I  am  now  engaged  in  an  article  on  Chili.  Mr.  Allen 
has  furnished  me  with   printed  papers   and  documents, 


298     SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

and  I  have  manuscripts  by  a  gentleman  who  has  resided 
several  years  in  the  country ;  but  from  all  these  I  can 
make  out  no  connected  account  of  the  political  history  of 
Chili  during  the  last  three  years,  either  in  regard  to  the 
general  form  of  the  government,  or  the  mode  of  conduct- 
ing the  same.  Now  I  write  you  to  inquire  whether  Mr. 
Allen  has  forwarded  to  you  a  journal  of  political  events, 
or  any  kind  of  documents  not  strictly  official,  from  which 
you  should  be  willing  to  have  extracts  copied  for  my  use, 
and  which  would  enable  me  to  draw  up  a  connected  his- 
torical sketch,  even  if  it  were  no  more  than  three  or  four 
pages  in  length.  Should  there  be  any  such,  you  will  con- 
fer on  me  a  great  favor,  and  be  aiding  in  some  degree 
the  extension  of  knowledge  of  South  American  aifairs, 
by  sending  me  copies  of  such  parts  as  you  think  proper. 
Such  materials  would  not  be  printed  in  detail,  but  used 
only  as  a  source  of  facts.  .  .  . 

"  I  received  your  kind  favor,  communicating  the  title 
of  the  book  on  South  America,  which  you  mentioned  to 
me  in  Washington.  For  this  mark  of  your  attention, 
please  accept  my  thanks. 

"  I  shall  avail  myself  of  your  kind  permission  to  ex- 
amine the  revolutionary  papers  in  the  office  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  as  soon  as  my  other  engagements  admit ; 
probably  not  till  the  spring,  at  the  close  of  the  session  of 
Congress." 

To  this  letter  Henry  Clay  made  the  following  reply, 
dated  Washington,  October  4,  1826 :  "  I  duly  received 
your  favor  of  the  15th  ult.  I  would  take  great  pleasure 
in  supplying  you  with  any  materials,  not  of  a  confidential 
nature,  from  the  Department  of  State,  illustrative  of  the 
political  condition  of  Chili,  but  Mr.  Allen  has  transmitted 
none  but  copies  of  the  same  pamphlets  and  printed  papers 
as  those  which  you  have  obtained  from  him,  —  at  least  I 
presume  them  to  be  the  same.     Should  there  be,  among 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  A^D  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     299 

those  which  we  have,  any  that  you  have  not,  which  can 
be  ascertained  when  you  execute  your  intention  of  visit- 
ing this  city,  they  shall  be  at  your  service.  Of  all  the 
southern  republics,  Chili  appears  to  have  made  the  small- 
est progress  in  the  consolidation  and  improvement  of  her 
institutions.  It  has  not  recovered  from  the  disorders 
created  by  the  ambition  of  the  family  of  Carrera,  and 
other  untoward  events.  Colombia  is,  on  the  contrary,  the 
most  advanced  ;  at  least  so  I  thought  before  the  insurrec- 
tion of  her  military  chieftain.  I  shall,  therefore,  eagerly 
read  the  article  to  which  you  refer  from  the  pen  of  my 
poor  friend  Anderson.  I  expect  in  it  no  ornament,  but, 
what  is  much  better,  good  sense,  clear  discrimination, 
and  sound  views." 

FIRST   CONTRIBUTIONS. 

The  first  contribution  to  South  American  history  that 
appeared  in  the  "  North  American  Review  "  under  Mr. 
Sparks'  direction  was  on  Chili  in  April,  1824.  The  article 
was  nominally  a  review  of  a"  Journal  of  a  Residence  in 
Chili,  by  a  Young  American,  detained  in  that  Country 
during  the  Revolutionary  Scenes  of  1817, 1818, 1819.  Bos- 
ton, 1823."  The  paper  is  really  a  valuable  account  by  Ed- 
ward Everett  of  the  original  sources  of  Chilian  history, 
from  the  time  of  Father  Ovalle  and  the  Jesuits  of  the  sev- 
enteenth century,  together  with  sketches  of  the  physical 
geography,  resources,  and  commerce  of  the  country.  The 
writer  reserved  the  revolutionary  history  and  political 
condition  of  Chili  for  a  future  article.  He  refers  to  valu- 
able "  reports  made  five  years  ago  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  concerning  Chili  by  Judge  Bland,  and  Mr.  Poin- 
sett." 

A  very  elaborate  article  on  South  America  from  Mr. 
Sparks'  own  pen  appeared  in  the  "  Review "  for  July, 
1824.     He  considered  in  a  scholarly  and  suggestive  way 


300    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

the  nature  of  Spanish  colonial  government,  the  state  of 
commerce  and  trade,  the  history  of  taxation  in  the  Span- 
ish colonies,  the  nature  of  the  ecclesiastical  establishment 
in  South  America,  the  progress  of  education,  and  the  con- 
dition of  the  Indians.  Under  the  head  of  education,  Mr. 
Sparks  took  occasion  to  review  the  origin  and  history  of 
South  American  colleges  and  universities,  from  the  ordi- 
nance of  1551  (Laws  of  the  Indies),  establishing  two 
universities,  one  in  Mexico  and  the  other  at  Lima.  Sim- 
ilar institutions  were  afterwards  opened  at  Bogota,  Quito, 
Cuzco,  Caracas,  Cordova,  Santiago,  and  in  other  cities. 
In  nearly  all  of  them  the  course  of  study  was  confined 
chiefly  to  Latin,  scholastic  philosophy,  Roman  and  canon 
law,  the  laws  of  Castile  and  the  Indies,  with  some  atten- 
tion to  medicine  and  music.  The  arts  and  sciences  were 
for  the  most  part  excluded.  In  1796,  however,  a  school 
of  mathematics  and  nautical  studies  was  successfully  es- 
tablished at  Buenos  Ayres ;  but  soon  there  came  a  royal 
order  from  Madrid  to  close  the  school.  It  was  declared 
by  sovereign  authority  that  an  acquaintance  with  the 
mathematics,  and  a  cultivation  of  the  arts,  were  not 
suited  to  America.  Nevertheless,  the  University  of  Mex- 
ico paid  considerable  attention  to  mathematics  and  the 
natural  sciences,  for  the  sake  of  developing  the  mining 
interests  of  that  country.  Humboldt  spoke  with  respect 
of  the  attainments  of  Mexican  professors  of  mineralogy. 
But  on  the  whole  the  educational  policy  of  Spain  in  her 
American  colonies  was  not  enlightened.  Sparks  quotes  a 
report  to  the  Congress  of  Colombia  in  1823,  showing  that 
"  the  Spanish  government  in  three  hundred  years  did  not 
endow  a  single  school." 

It  would  be  interesting  for  any  student  of  South  Ameri- 
can history  in  these  modern  days,  when  commerical  and 
diplomatic  relations  between  the  three  Americas  are  grow- 
ing closer,  to  glance  at  the  pioneer  contributions  made  by 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     301 

Mr.  Sparks  to  the  subject  in  days  before  the  Panama 
Congress.  If  one  tithe  of  the  intelligent  interest  shown 
by  the  editor  of  the  "  North  American  Review  "  in  the 
South  American  republics  had  been  shared  by  our  states- 
men and  economists  of  that  period,  this  country  would 
not  have  been  allowed  the  diplomatic  fiasco  of  1826,  and 
the  gradual  drifting  apart  of  states  that  ought  to  have 
formed  a  commercial  union.  Pan-American  Congresses 
in  our  time  can  hardly  recover  for  this  country  those 
economic  advantages  which  have  slipped  away  to  England 
through  American  neglect  of  a  good  commercial  situa- 
tion. 

Mr.  Sparks  announced  in  his  able  review  of  South 
America,  in  1824,  that  "  in  the  future  pages  of  our  jour- 
nal we  hope  to  exhibit  from  time  to  time  as  full  and 
minute  a  view  of  the  revolutionary  history  of  South  Amer- 
ica as  the  nature  of  our  work  will  admit.  We  have  ac- 
cess to  materials  which,  we  trust,  will  enable  us  to  do 
reasonable  justice  to  a  subject  which  is  much  less  under- 
stood in  this  country  than  its  merits  deserve,  or  than  our 
interests  as  a  nation  would  seem  to  require,  especially 
when  relations  of  the  most  intimate  kind  are  daily  gain- 
ing strength  between  the  United  States  and  the  new 
republics  of  the  south." 

REPUBLIC   OF   COLOMBIA. 

A  second  article  on  South  America  by  Mr.  Sparks  was 
published  in  his  "  Review  "  for  July,  1825,  and  is  entitled 
"  Travels  in  Colombia."  In  conformity  with  the  custom 
of  magazine  articles  in  those  times,  the  title  of  a  book  — 
Cochrane's  "  Journal  of  a  Residence  and  Travels  in  Co- 
lombia during  the  years  1823  and  1824  "  —  served  as  a 
literary  pretext  for  a  wide  excursus.  While  giving  a  fair 
account  of  Captain  Cochrane's  travels  and  original  obser- 
vations, Mr.  Sparks  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  this 


302    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

officer  of  the  royal  navy  plagiarized  his  entire  account  of 
the  history  of  Colombia,  embracing  nearly  two  thirds  of 
his  first  volume,  from  the  "  Outline  of  the  [Revolution  in 
Spanish  America,"  published  in  1817.  Mr.  Sparks'  own 
knowledge  of  sources  is  indicated  by  the  following  ob- 
servations :  — 

"  The  '  Outline '  may  be  looked  upon  as  a  book  of  au- 
thority, respecting  the  revolutionary  history  of  South 
America,  till  the  date  of  its  publication.  The  materials 
were  supplied  by  intelligent  South  Americans,  then  resi- 
dent in  London,  and  they  are  put  together  with  literary 
skill  and  judgment.  For  the  last  eight  years  there  is  no 
good  history  of  South  American  affairs.  The  compila- 
tions that  have  been  made  by  travelers  are  meagre,  dis- 
connected, and  frequently  inaccurate.  The  work  published 
in  London,  two  years  and  a  half  ago,  entitled  '  Colombia,' 
in  two  cumbersome  octavo  volumes,  seems  to  have  been 
designed  to  promote  certain  commercial  projects,  con- 
nected in  some  way  with  Mr.  Zea's  loan,  and  cannot  be 
regarded  as  authority  any  farther  than  it  professes  to  be 
indebted  to  authors  of  known  credit.  The  geographical, 
statistical,  and  commercial  accounts  are  chiefly  taken  from 
Depons  and  Humboldt ;  the  history  is  transcribed  from 
the  ■  Outline,'  to  the  year  1817,  and  afterwards  hastily 
collected  from  the  common  sources.  The  volumes  con- 
tain several  important  and  interesting  public  documents. 
There  are  some  well-written  notices  of  revolutionary  events 
in  the  '  Bibliotheca  Americana,'  recently  published  in  Lon- 
don* Mr.  Kestrepo,  the  present  able  and  learned  secre- 
tary of  the  Home  Department  in  Colombia,  is  understood 
to  be  engaged  in  writing  a  history  of  the  revolution." 
Mr.  Sparks  adds  in  a  footnote,  "  Mr.  Restrepo's  Reports 
to  Congress,  concerning  the  internal  state  of  Colombia, 
and  particularly  that  of  1823,  are  documents  of  great 
value." 


SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND   MEXICAN  HISTORY.     303 

Mr.  Sparks  then  proceeds  to  discuss  the  character  and 
government  of  the  republic  of  Colombia.  He  shows  the 
points  of  resemblance  in  its  Constitution  to  that  of  the 
United  States  and  the  points  of  difference.  Following 
the  constitutional  history  are  sketches  of  General  Bolivar 
and  other  distinguished  public  men  of  Colombia.  Sparks 
notes  two  important  laws  passed  by  the  original  consti- 
tutional congress,  —  one  providing  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  by  gradual  manumission,  and  the  other  establish- 
ing schools,  colleges,  and  universities.  "  Numerous  Lan- 
castrian schools,  and  a  few  seminaries  of  the  higher  order, 
have  since  been  put  in  operation.  A  portion  of  the  old 
ecclesiastical  revenue  is  appropriated  by  law  to  this  pur- 
pose, and  especially  the  property  of  certain  monasteries 
and  nunneries.  .  .  .  As  a  further  aid  to  the  progress  of 
knowledge,  science,  and  the  arts,  all  books  in  every  lan- 
guage are  allowed  to  be  imported  free  of  duty,  and  also 
maps,  charts,  philosophical  instruments,  engravings,  paint- 
ings, statuary,  collections  of  antiquities,  busts,  and  medals." 
This  was  remarkably  enlightened  legislation  for  an  inex- 
perienced South  American  republic.  The  practical  enjoy- 
ment of  many  years  of  tariff-imposition  on  foreign  books 
and  works  of  art  has  not  yet  convinced  the  American  peo- 
ple of  its  own  superior  wisdom. 

MEXICO. 

A  valuable  economic  article  by  Mr.  Sparks  on  the  "  Gold 
and  Silver  of  Mexico  "  appeared  in  the  "  North  American 
Review"  for  October,  1825.  The  immediate  occasion  was 
a  "  Eeport  on  the  Expediency  of  augmenting  the  Duties 
on  the  Exportation  of  Gold  and  Silver,"  presented  to  the 
General  Constituent  Congress  of  Mexico  by  the  Commit- 
tee of  Finance  and  Mines,  August  9,  1824.  "  Before  the 
breaking  out  of  the  revolutions  in  South  America,"  says 
Mr.  Sparks,  "  the  whole  product  of  the  precious  metals 


304     SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND   MEXICAN   HISTORY. 

yearly,  in  the  Spanish  colonies  and  the  Brazils,  was  forty- 
three  millions  of  dollars,  and  of  this  amount  about  twenty- 
three  millions  were  produced  in  Mexico.  The  product  of 
the  eastern  continent  was  less  than  five  millions  annu- 
ally, so  that  one  half  of  the  annual  supply  of  the  precious 
metals,  of  the  whole  globe  was  derived  from  the  Mexican 
mines."  There  had  arisen  a  question  in  the  Mexican  Con- 
gress, whether  the  export  duty  on  silver  ought  not  to  be 
raised  from  three  and  one  half  per  cent,  to  that  formerly 
required  by  the  Spanish  government,  namely,  eleven  and 
one  half,  and  even  higher,  in  order  to  increase  the  revenue 
and  keep  the  precious  metals  from  sliding  out  of  the  coun- 
try too  rapidly.  The  report  of  the  Mexican  Committee 
on  Finance  and  Mines  was  adverse  to  the  above  policy  of 
increasing  the  export  duty  on  silver.  Sparks  intelligently 
reviewed  the  whole  matter  in  the  light  of  English  eco- 
nomic science,  with  which  he  was  familiar.  He  showed 
the  defects  of  the  old  political  economy  called  the  mercan- 
tile system,  and  of  the  theory  of  preserving  the  balance  of 
trade  by  keeping  precious  metals  in  the  country.  He 
argued  very  properly,  that  for  Mexico  gold  and  silver 
were  products  of  the  soil,  indeed  one  of  the  great  staples 
of  the  country.  It  was  the  true  policy  of  Mexico  to  en- 
courage the  exportation  of  coin,  —  to  remove  rather  than 
to  increase  export  duties.  "  The  value  of  gold  and  silver 
in  Mexico  must  be  regulated  by  their  value  in  other  parts 
of  the  world,  and  if,  by  any  forced  measures,  the  price 
there  be  raised  above  this  level,  no  purchasers  will  appear 
to  take  them  away.  Hence,  in  the  present  commercial 
state  of  Mexico,  such  a  duty  would  derange  rather  than 
benefit  the  revenue." 

Mr.  Sparks  embraced  the  opportunity  afforded  by  this 
economic  article  on  the  "  Gold  and  Silver  of  Mexico  "  to 
describe  the  progress  of  the  country  in  agriculture  and 
manufactures,  in  education  and  science.     "In  San  Luis 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND   MEXICAN  HISTORY.     305 

Potosi  there  has  been  a  voluntary  subscription  of  forty- 
two  thousand  dollars  for  establishing  a  college  ;  measures 
are  adopting  to  restore  another  in  Guanaxuato  ;  and  in 
Celaya  one  is  now  in  operation  in  which  scholarships  are 
endowed.  Primary  schools  are  formed,  and  the  govern- 
ments of  some  of  the  states  are  preparing  to  establish 
them  in  all  the  towns  and  villages  by  passing  laws  and 
appropriating  funds  for  the  purpose.  Schools  on  the  plan 
of  mutual  instruction  have  been  successfully  established 
in  San  Luis  Potosi,  Guadalaxara,  Guanaxuato,  and  other 
places.  It  is  an  omen  in  the  highest  degree  auspicious 
for  the  future  liberty  and  prosperity  of  the  southern  re- 
publics, that  their  rulers  apply  themselves  with  so  much 
zeal  in  advancing  the  cause  of  education.  Colombia  has 
set  a  brilliant  example,  both  by  her  laws  and  her  prac- 
tice ;  and  the  recent  munificence  of  Bolivar  in  aiding  the 
schools  of  his  native  city,  Caracas,  has  added  a  lustre  to 
his  name,  which  can  never  fade  away,  even  if  the  glory 
of  his  conquests  in  defense  of  justice  and  liberty  should 
perish. 

"  It  is  a  laudable  effort,  which  the  Mexican  government 
are  making,  to  restore  and  preserve  all  the  ancient  docu- 
ments in  the  archives  of  the  viceroyalties,  and  also  the 
relics  of  antiquity  now  remaining.  Several  persons  are 
constantly  engaged  in  this  work,  and  the  arrangement  of 
some  of  the  branches  is  already  completed  in  alphabetical, 
order.  Mr.  Alaman 1  relates  that  the  index  alone  to  the 
documents  pertaining  to  the  branch  of  tobacco,  which 
have  been  assorted  and  arranged,  comprises  two  folio  vol- 
umes. The  branch  of  excise  has  an  index,  which,  together 
with  the  printed  tracts  on  the  subject,  extends  to  eighty- 
two  volumes.    The  number  of  documents  which  have  been 

1  The  Mexican  Secretary  of   State,  concerning  whose  European 
training  and  practical  statesmanship  Mr.  Sparks  gives  a  good  ac- 
count in  the  above  article. 
20 


306     SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

transferred  to  the  secretary's  office  in  three  branches  alone, 
namely,  finance,  ecclesiastical  benefices,  and  indulgences, 
amounts  to  four  thousand  five  hundred  and  ninety-six. 
All  these  are  so  arranged  that,  by  the  aid  of  the  index, 
any  document  can  be  immediately  found.  A  curious  his- 
tory of  the  oppression,  folly,  and  superstition  of  the  old 
Spanish  government  in  Mexico  will  probably  be  one  day 
drawn  from  this  mass  of  materials.  Many  specimens  of 
antiquity  are  still  preserved.  A  museum  to  contain  the 
whole  is  proposed." 

Thus,  not  long  before  Mr.  Sparks  began  actively  to  in- 
terest himself  in  making  historical  collections  for  his  own 
country,  he  notes  with  approval  the  good  example  of 
Mexico.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  United  States 
should  have  been  anticipated  by  its  southern  republican 
neighbors,  not  only  in  a  liberal  economic  policy  as  regards 
the  importation  of  foreign  books  and  works  of  art,  but 
even  in  taking  proper  care  of  historical  records.  Proba- 
bly the  most  extraordinary  case1  of  national  protection 
on  record  is  the  duty  imposed  at  United  States  custom 
houses  upon  facsimile  transcripts  of  American  records 
preserved  in  foreign  archives,  and  imported  for  the  ben- 
efit of  American  citizens  and  for  the  promotion  of  Amer- 
ican history.  It  was  said  by  Mr.  William  H.  Smith,2  the 
president  of  the  Associated  Press,  at  the  second  meeting 
of  the  American  Historical  Association  in  Washington, 
that  he  was  disposed  to  favor  an  extension  of  the  Cana- 
dian government  over  the  United  States  long  enough  to 
inspire  our  legislators  with  sufficient  patriotism  to  secure 
the  collection  and  preservation  of  historical  manuscripts 
relating  to  America.  The  Canadian  system  of  caring  for 
historical  archives  had  been  described  at  a  previous  meet- 

i  "  The  Nation,"  March  14,  1890,  "  Notes." 

2  "  Papers  of  the  American  Historical  Association,"  vol.  iv.,  part  3. 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     307 

ing  of  the  American  Historical  Association  by  Douglas 
Brymner,1  Dominion  archivist. 

REVIEW   OF   POINSETT. 

Mr.  Sparks  wrote  a  second  article  on  Mexico,  and  pub- 
lished it  in  the  "North  American"  for  January,  1825. 
This  article  is  called  u  Mr.  Poinsett's  Notes  on  Mexico." 
It  was  in  review  of  a  volume  of  352  pages  published 
in  Philadelphia  by  Carey  &  Lea,  in  1824,  and  entitled 
"  Notes  on  Mexico  made  in  the  Autumn  of  1822  ;  accom- 
panied by  an  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Revolution,  and 
Translations  of  Official  Reports  on  the  Present  State  of 
the  Country ;  with  a  Map.  By  a  Citizen  of  the  United 
States."  Sparks  identifies  the  author  with  Joel  Roberts 
Poinsett,2  representative  in  Congress  from  South  Caro- 
lina, who  had  early  interested  himself  in  the  cause  of 
South  American  freedom.  Soon  after  the  first  uprising, 
Poinsett  had  been  sent  by  President  Madison  to  Buenos 
Ayres  and  Chili  to  negotiate  commercial  treaties,  if  prac- 
ticable. He  became  known  in  the  War  of  1812  as  the 
arch  enemy  of  English  interests  in  South  America.  In 
1818  he  had  made  a  report  on  Chili  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  in  Washington.  Mr.  Poinsett  first  went  to  Mexico 
in  1822,  on  a  tour  of  observation,  as  the  confidential  agent 
of  President  Monroe.  Afterwards,  in  1825,  he  went  again 
as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  and  ne- 
gotiated certain  treaties.  While  living  in  Mexico  he  had 
some  correspondence  with  Mr.  Sparks,  and  gave  him  an 
inside  view  of  Mexican  politics,  so  that  the  "  North  Amer- 

1  See  Douglas  Brymner's  paper  on  "  Canadian  Archives,"  "  Papers 
of  the  American  Historical  Association,"  vol.  iii.,  pp.  395-407. 

2  An  interesting  sketch  of  this  remarkable  South  Carolinian  is  that 
called  "  The  Life  and  Services  of  Joel  R.  Poinsett,  the  Confidential 
Agent  in  South  Carolina  of  President  Jackson  during  the  Nullifica- 
tion Troubles  of  1832,"  by  Charles  J.  Stille',  LL.  D.,  reprinted  from 
the  "  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History  and  Biography." 


308    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

ican  Review  "  and  the  American  people  might  be  kept 
properly  informed.  In  his  review  of  Poinsett's  "Notes 
on  Mexico,"  Sparks  said :  "  The  present  federal  system  of 
government,  instituted  in  imitation  of  the  United  States, 
is  an  experiment.  Its  success  is  quite  uncertain,  and  on 
the  whole  it  may  possibly  be  considered  as  rather  an  un- 
fortunate step  at  so  early  a  stage.  The  affairs  of  Vene- 
zuela, before  the  union,  went  on  but  very  indifferently 
under  this  system.  The  change  is  probably  too  great, 
from  such  a  despotism  as  has  brooded  over  the  South 
American  colonies  for  three  centuries,  to  so  high  a  degree 
of  freedom  as  must  necessarily  be  enjoyed  under  a  system 
of  separate,  independent  confederacies,  bound  together 
only  by  a  loose  chain  of  common  interest.  The  Colom- 
bians have  thought  so,  at  least,  and  adopted  what,  they 
call  the  central  form  of  government,  allowing  to  its  fullest 
latitude  the  electoral  franchise,  but  concentrating  all  the 
legislative  powers  of  government  into  the  hands  of  a  body 
composed  of  national  representatives." 

The  following  letter  was  addressed  to  the  Hon.  Joel  R. 
Poinsett,  American  minister  in  Mexico,  by  Jared  Sparks, 
August  9,  1825 :  "  When  Mr.  Ticknor  returned  from 
Washington  last  winter,  he  entered  your  name  as  a  sub- 
scriber to  the  '  North  American  Review.'  There  is  so  lit- 
tle intercourse  between  Boston  and  Mexico,  that  it  will 
not  be  possible  to  send  the  numbers  with  any  regularity 
from  this  place  direct.  They  will,  therefore,  be  uniformly 
sent  to  New  York,  and  forwarded  by  the  first  vessel.  The 
July  number  goes  with  this  letter,  and  I  hope  you  will 
receive  it  safe. 

"  If  it  can  be  done  without  too  much  trouble  to  yourself, 
I  shall  be  glad  if  you  can  procure  through  some  agent  a 
full  set  of  all  the  documents  which  have  been  published 
from  time  to  time  on  public  affairs  since  the  beginning 
of  the  revolution  in  Mexico.     How  far  this  is  feasible  I 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND   MEXICAN  HISTORY.     309 

know  not,  but  I  presume  an  intelligent  person,  who  has 
resided  in  the  country,  may  without  difficulty  collect 
everything  important.  All  expense  attending  the  busi- 
ness shall  be  paid  in  such  way  as  you  may  point  out,  or 
to  your  order  whenever  it  shall  come  to  hand. 

"  I  am  very  anxious  of  obtaining  the  regular  file  of  a 
newspaper  from  Mexico,  that  is,  the  paper  which  gives 
the  most  full  and  authentic  account  of  the  proceedings  of 
government.  It  is  my  purpose  to  devote  a  reasonable 
share,  of  the  '  North  American  Review  '  constantly  to  the 
interests  of  South  America.  Little  is  known  in  this  coun- 
try of  the  history  of  the  revolutions  in  the  southern  re- 
publics, and  indeed  we  receive  very  imperfect  sketches  of 
passing  events.  Our  newspaper  editors  are  mostly  igno- 
rant of  Spanish,  and  give  only  obscure  and  broken  hints, 
and  these  often  erroneous ;  and  yet  all  our  knowledge 
comes  through  the  newspapers.  In  the  '  North  American 
Review '  I  wish  to  present  more  full  and  connected  ac- 
counts, but  I  cannot  do  this  without  materials  from  the 
fountain  head.  I  should  like  to  exchange  my  '  Review ' 
for  a  Mexican  paper,  or  even  two  papers,  if  you  can  make 
such  an  arrangement  with  the  publishers.  I  send  an  ex- 
tra copy  as  a  sample,  which  you  can  dispose  of  as  you 
think  proper.  There  may  be  some  Americans  residing  in 
the  city  inclined  to  take  the  work ;  if  so,  they  can  procure 
it  from  any  of  the  Southern  cities  in  the  United  States, 
through  the  agents  whose  names  are  printed  on  the  cover. 
As  I  intend  the  work  to  be  a  steady  and  zealous  advocate 
of  the  independence  and  free  institutions  of  the  South 
American  republics,  I  would  wish  to  have  it  as  much 
known  there  as  can  be  expected  under  the  circumstances 
of  the  case. 

"Will  you  do  me  the  favor  to  send  anything  which 
shall  appear  in  relation  to  the  doings  of  the  Congress  of 
Panama,  and  also  any  books  published  in  Mexico  ?   These 


310     SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

latter  shall  be  noticed  in  the  '  Review '  whenever  their  con- 
tents are  of  general  interest. 

"  The  account  of  your  private  audience  with  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Mexican  Republic  has  been  published  through- 
out the  United  States,  and  given  universal  satisfaction. 
It  was  a  proud  day  for  America,  and  the  beginning  of  an 
amicable  intercourse  between  two  nations  that  are  des- 
tined to  be  among  the  most  powerful  on  earth. 

"  I  fear  your  present  weighty  avocations  will  retard  the 
revision  and  republication  of  your  Chili  report.  That 
country  seems  in  a  forlorn  condition.  Hereafter,  per- 
haps, you  will  have  more  leisure  to  continue  your  history. 
After  a  good  deal  of  ineffectual  exertion,  I  despair  of 
learning  any  facts  on  the  recent  affairs  of  Chili.  In 
short,  I  suspect  there  is  exceedingly  little  to  be  learnt. 

"  I  make  no  apology  for  the  freedom  with  which  I  have 
laid  before  you  my  wants  and  wishes,  feeling  assured  that 
as  far  as  it  is  convenient  you  will  cheerfully  promote  my 
designs." 

LETTERS   FROM  POINSETT. 

The  following  letter,  dated  Mexico,  January  12,  1826, 
was  written  by  Mr.  Joel  R.  Poinsett  to  Mr.  Sparks  after 
the  receipt  of  his  review  of  "  Poinsett's  Notes  on  Mexico," 
and  is  a  valuable  commentary  on  the  Mexican  situation  at 
that  time  :  "  Your  letter  of  the  27th  of  September  did 
not  reach  me  until  a  few  days  ago,  which  will  account  for 
this  delay  in.  my  reply.  The  '  Reviews '  were  likewise  re- 
ceived, and  the  one  destined  for  Mr.  Alaman  sent  to  his 
house.  He  is  at  present  absent,  being  at  the  mines  of 
Guanajuato.  You  are  aware,  I  hope,  by  this  time,  that  I 
have  made  an  arrangement  to  meet  your  views,  with  the 
editor  of  the  '  Aguila,'  the  best  and  most  impartial  paper 
published  in  Mexico.  You  will  be  so  good  as  to  send  him 
one  of  your  4  Reviews '  regularly.     I  received  the  paper 


SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND   MEXICAN  HISTORY.     311 

for  you,  and  will  forward  them  by  every  opportunity  with 
any  pamphlet  which  appears  to  me  interesting.  You  had 
a  fair  opportunity  of  judging  Mr.  Alaman's  talents,  and 
in  that  respect  your  paper  does  him  no  more  than  justice. 
But  of  his  patriotism  and  virtues  a  doubt  may  be  fairly 
entertained,  and  I  have  no  hesitation  in  assuring  you  that 
his  political  views  were  altogether  unsound.  I  found  him 
decidedly  hostile  to  an  intimate  connection  with  us,  and 
disposed  to  unite  his  country  too  intimately  with  Europe. 
He  left  the  administration  with  my  entire  consent,  for  it 
would  have  been  difficult  to  have  maintained  terms  of 
friendship  with  this  government  if  he  had  remained  at 
the  head  of  the  foreign  affairs. 

"  I  am  sorry  you  should  have  said  anything  in  favor  of 
a  central  government  without  entering  into  the  question 
of  what  form  of  government  would  suit  this  country  best. 
I  will  give  you  a  rapid  sketch  of  the  state  of  parties  here, 
that,  when  next  you  write,  you  may  assist  me  with  your 
powerful  and  useful  paper,  and  not  lend  arms  to  our  ad- 
versaries. When  the  constituent  assembly  were  discuss- 
ing the  question  of  the  form  of  constitution  to  be  adopted 
for  Mexico,  most  of  the  leading  men  of  the  country  were 
in  favor  of  a  central  government,  all  the  higher  orders  of 
clergy,  all  the  aristocracy  and  nobles,  and  all  the  distin- 
guished officers  of  the  revolution.  The  provinces,  par- 
ticularly Jalisco,  and  some  enlightened  men  in  Congress, 
favored  the  federal  form  of  government.  Fortunately  for 
the  country,  the  latter  prevailed ;  for  a  central  govern- 
ment, in  a  country  where  the  wealth  and  influence  of  the 
clergy  and  nobility  is  as  great  and  powerful  as  in  Mexico, 
would  necessarily  become  an  aristocracy.  Indeed,  the  ad- 
vocates of  this  form  of  government  did  not  conceal  their 
inclination  to  copy  that  of  Great  Britain  in  everything 
but  the  monarchy.  Victoria  and  Bravo  were  both  Cen- 
tralists, and  on  the  election  of  the  former  his  Cabinet  was 


312    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

formed  of  men  of  that  party.  The  party  of  Bravo,  all  Cen- 
tralists, were  opposed  to  the  administration.  The  Feder- 
alists, perceiving  it  made  up  of  Centralists,  were  likewise 
opposed  to  all  its  measures,  and  the  executive  stood  alone, 
the  President  surrounded  only  by  his  personal  adherents. 
Worse  than  this,  Alaman  was  the  friend  and  agent  of 
Bravo's  party,  and  was  aiding  to  destroy  the  administra- 
tion, of  which  he  formed  a  part.  This  was  the  state  of 
parties  when  I  arrived  here.  The  obvious  interest  of  the 
executive  under  these  circumstances  was  to  get  rid  of 
Alaman,  and  to  unite  itself  with  the  federal  party,  the 
most  sound,  the  most  numerous,  and  the  most  powerful  in 
the  state,  —  the  only  American  party,  in  short.  This  has 
been  done,  and  to  effect  this  I  have  used  my  best  exer- 
tions. I  wish  my  time  would  permit  me  to  set  forth  the 
many  reasons  which  occur  to  me  why  the  federal  system 
is  better  suited  to  this  country  than  any  other.  I  will 
confine  myself  to  one  only.  The  capital  was,  nay  is,  the 
centre  of  despotism  and  fanaticism.  A  central  govern- 
ment would  have  perpetuated  the  illiberal  feelings  and 
sentiments  of  this  people.  In  the  provinces,  especially 
in  those  bordering  upon  the  seaboard,  Vera  Cruz  and 
Guadalajara,  the  people  are  much  more  enlightened  and 
liberal.  The  benefits  of  their  labors  are  felt  here,  and 
from  the  extremities  the  light  will  gradually  spread  to  the 
centre.  The  federal  government  has  set  everybody  think- 
ing, and  has  unified  the  provinces,  which  were  plunged  in 
perfect  apathy,  and  must  have  continued  so  under  a  cen- 
tral government.  They  had  been  accustomed  to  submit 
and  to  obey,  and  would  have  continued  the  passive  en- 
gines of  despotism  under  any  other  form  of  government. 
All  the  unprejudiced,  thinking  men  of  the  nation  agree 
that  the  federal  government  has  already  wrought  a  most 
beneficial  change  in  the  state  of  the  interior  provinces.  I 
beg  you,  therefore,  to  become  federal,  and  to  assist  me  in 
strengthening  this  party  ;  it  is  ours. 


SOUTH  AMERICAN   AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     313 

"  When  I  conclude  my  treaties,  and  get  somewhat  over 
the  press  of  business  which  has  accumulated  here  from 
my  neglect,  I  will  write  to  you  and  for  you.  .  .  .  The  re- 
port of  the  committee  which  you  reviewed  was  not  so 
much  intended  to  diffuse  sound  views  of  political  econ- 
omy as  to  attack  the  Secretary  of  Treasury,  Senor  Esteva. 
He  did  not  propose  an  increase  of  duty  on  the  exportation 
of  the  precious  metals,  but  on  their  extraction  from  the 
mines,  a  much  more  direct  attack  on  the  mining  interest. 
For  some  time  to  come,  a  duty  on  exportation  would  be 
merely  nominal.  The  mines  required  the  introduction  of 
a  large  capital  to  work  them ;  and  it  will  require  four  or 
five  years  before  the  tide  turns,  especially  as  the  wants  of 
the  government  can  only  be  supplied  as  yet  by  yearly 
foreign  loans.  As  soon  as  the  memoirs  are  published  I 
will  send  them  to  you.  The  President  gives  a  flattering 
picture  of  the  finances.  It  is  prospective.  The  resources 
will  be  ample ;  they  are  not  so  yet.  By  foreign  capital 
the  mines  will  be  brought  into  operation,  and  in  four  or 
five  or  six  years  the  product  will  exceed  what  it  ever 
amounted  to.  In  the  mean  time  capital  flows  into  the 
country  and  unifies  every  part  of  it." 

The  following  further  letter  from  Poinsett  to  Jared 
Sparks,  dated  Mexico,  January  4,  1827,  contains  some 
interesting  comments  on  South  American  affairs :  "lam 
afraid  the  climate  or  the  force  of  example  have  produced 
somewhat  of  idleness  in  me.  I  have  written  nothing  since 
I  have  been  here,  except  what  I  have  been  compelled  to 
write.  It  is  true  my  political  occupations  have  been  con- 
tinued. My  treaty  cost  me  a  world  of  trouble,  princi- 
pally from  the  jealous  and  suspicious  character  of  the 
people,  and  still  it  is  not  ratified.  The  three  radical  vices 
of  the  Spanish  character  in  Europe  and  America  are  idle- 
ness, ignorance  (a  vice  when  the  means  of  acquiring  know- 
ledge are  at  hand),  and  suspicion.     They  had  taken  it  into 


314     SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND   MEXICAN   HISTORY. 

their  hands  [heads]  that  I  had  been  chosen  by  the  Presi- 
dent as  a  very  shrewd  personage,  in  order  to  obtain  great 
advantages  ;  and  all  my  assurances  that  we  wanted  nothing 
that  we  were  not  willing  to  pay  for,  by  corresponding  ad- 
vantages, were  regarded  with  disbelief  or  distrust.  This 
vile  trait  in  the  Spanish  character  is  known  by  the  name 
of  malicia.  I  am  extremely  anxious  to  see  Mr.  Ander- 
son's article  on  the  Constitution  of  Colombia.  His  death 
is  surely  to  be  lamented.  I  much  fear  that  the  republic 
of  Colombia  is  destined  to  be  torn  asunder  by  civil  dis- 
sensions." 

LETTER   FROM   R.    C.    ANDERSON. 

Sparks  had  correspondents  in  Mexico,  Colombia,  Peru, 
Chili,  the  Argentine  Eepublic,  and  other  South  Amer- 
ican states.  He  received  occasional  letters  in  Spanish, 
and  various  collections  of  original  documents  and  valuable 
pamphlets  from  South  American  friends  of  the  "  North 
American  Review."  Many  subscribers  were  obtained  from 
that  distant  region.  As  many  as  twenty-six  subscriptions 
came  to  the  Boston  office  from  Buenos  Ayres  at  one  time. 
One  of  Mr.  Sparks'  correspondents  was  Mr.  R.  C.  Ander- 
son, American  minister  in  Colombia.  The  following  ex- 
tract from  a  letter  of  Mr.  Anderson,  dated  Bogota,  April 
19, 1826,  explains  the  origin  of  an  article  on  the  Constitu- 
tion of  Colombia  in  the  "  North  American  Review"  (xxiii., 
314)  :  "  During  my  residence  in  this  country  I  have  at 
intervals  indulged  myself  in  writing  essays  on  the  situa- 
tion of  Colombia,  embracing  its  politics,  morals,  general 
statistics,  &c.  This  was  done  at  first  with  some  remote 
and  half -formed  idea  of  publication,  a  design  which  most 
probably  I  shall  never  execute.  The  essay  I  now  send  to 
you,  on  the  Constitution  of  Colombia,  is  one  of  them.  I 
have  no  means  of  knowing  with  certainty  whether  it  suits 
your  plan,  either  in  substance  or  in  form.     I  send  it,  how- 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     315 

ever,  with  a  wisli  that  you  use  it  at  discretion  in  any  way 
you  think  proper.  To  enable  you  to  judge  of  its  general 
plan  (even  before  you  tead  it),  I  inclose  something  like 
heads  of  its  contents.  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiv- 
ing the  i  North  American  Review  '  for  January,  and  you 
will  never  know  how  to  estimate  your  own  book  until  you 
remove  yourself  as  far  from  civilized  mankind  as  I  now 
am,  and  have  one  of  the  numbers  unexpectedly  presented 
to  you  by  the  post-boy.'' 

Writing  again  from  Bogota,  May  19, 1826,  Mr.  Ander- 
son says :  "  The  solicitude  you  display  to  diffuse  correct 
information  and  sound  opinions  on  the  affairs  of  this  coun- 
try  so    entirely  comports  with   my  own  feelings,  that  it 
could  not  fail  to  give  me  gratification.     You  are  render- 
ing a  service  not  only  to  the  day,  but  to  posterity.    I  have 
not  yet  seen  all  the  debate  in  Congress  on  the  Panama 
subject,  but  I  have  seen  a  pair  of  speeches  delivered  in 
the  Senate,  which  gave  me  sensible  mortification,  not  only 
as  they  display  a  lamentable  ignorance  of  facts,  but  par- 
ticularly as  they  manifested  an  inclination  on  the  part  of 
the  orator  to  degrade  the  character  of  the  South  Amer- 
ican states,  and  especially  what  may  be  called  their  polit- 
ical morality,  their  good  faith  towards  their  neighbors. 
On  this  point  Colombia  is  invulnerable,  as  might  be  made 
manifest  by  her  whole  history.     By  some  straggling  news- 
papers which  have  reached  me,  I  learn  that  the  Panama 
nomination  has  been  ratified  by  the  Senate.     I  therefore 
must  expect  soon  to  receive  instructions  to  leave  this  me- 
tropolis.     It  will  give   me   pleasure    to   hear  from  you 
frequently.     Any  letter  addressed  to  Carthagena  or  St. 
Martha  would  reach  me,  at  whatever  point  I  might  be, 
or  the  letters  might  be  sent  under  cover  to  the  Secretary 
of  State."     This  was  Mr.  Anderson's  last  letter  to  Mr. 
Sparks,  who  notes   upon  the  margin  that  Mr.  Anderson 
died  at  Carthagena,  on   his  way  to  Panama,  not  many 
weeks  after  this  letter  was  written. 


316    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

Among  Sparks'  South  American  letters  it  is  pleasant 
to  find  the  following,  addressed,  September  8,  1826,  to 
William  Tudor,  the  original  editor  of  the  "  North  Amer- 
ican Review,"  who  was  then  at  Lima,  Peru :  "  It  was  with 
great  pleasure  that  I  received  your  favor  of  February  12, 
on  my  return  recently  from  a  tour  to  Georgia  and  the 
Carolinas.  I  wrote  you  February  10,  and  sent  No.  50  of 
the  '  North  American  Review.'  I  now  send  Nos.  51,  52, 
and,  supposing  it  may  be  gratifying  to  you  to  know  the 
names  of  the  writers,  I  have  marked  them  in  the  table  of 
contents. 

"  The  difficulty  of  which  you  complain,  in  procuring 
revolutionary  papers  and  documents  in  Peru,  is  a  source 
of  some  regret  to  me,  as  I  have  taken  great  pains  to  col- 
lect materials  from  all  parts  of  South  America,  with  a 
view  to  giving  an  outline  of  the  passing  history  from  time 
to  time  in  the  4  North  American  Review.'  In  the  other 
republics  I  have  at  length  been  very  successful,  and  begin 
to  receive  regularly  almost  everything  of  importance.  Mr. 
Allen,  Mr.  Anderson,  and  Mr.  Poinsett  have  in  particular 
supplied  me  very  abundantly ;  also  Dr.  Moreno,  Mr.  Re- 
strepo,  and  Mr.  Alaman.  But  from  Peru  I  have  been 
able  to  get  nothing,  except  Monteagudo's  pamphlet  on  the 
Panama  business.  Allow  me  again  to  desire  you  to  keep 
the  thing  in  mind,  and  to  send  me  whatever  may  come  in 
your  way  suited  to  my  purpose. 

"  I  still  flatter  myself  that  you  will  occasionally  find  a 
little  leisure  to  make  an  article  for  the  '  Review.'  There 
can  be  no  want  of  topics,  for  everything  you  see  and  hear, 
whether  in  the  world  of  physical  nature  or  human  action, 
is  new  in  this  country,  and  if  written  down  it  would  call 
forth  a  deep  interest.  The  community  are  awake  to  in- 
telligence about  South  America,  and  it  is  highly  desirable 
on  many  accounts  to  diffuse  as  much  knowledge  on  the 
subject  as  possible.     And  you  may  be  very  sure  it  would 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     317 

be  gratifying  to  your  friends  here  to  find  your  name  now 
and  then  connected  with  the  work,  which  you  have  done 
so  much  to  establish,  and  in  the  success  of  which  I  cannot 
doubt  you  will  feel  something  more  than  indifference. 

"  The  number  now  in  press,  to  come  out  in  October, 
contains  a  very  excellent  article  on  the  Constitution  of 
Colombia,  compared  with  that  of  the  United  States,  writ- 
ten by  Mr.  Anderson  at  Bogota.  The  death  of  this  gen- 
tleman is  deeply  lamented  throughout  the  country,  not 
more  as  depriving  us  of  a  very  able  man  in  South  Amer- 
ica than  as  causing  a  vacancy  in  the  Panama  mission 
which  it  will  not  be  easy  to  fill.  You  know  what  a  tre- 
mendous effort  was  made  by  the  opposition  in  this  affair, 
and  that  the  slave  interest  was  exceedingly  active.  It  is 
important  that  one  of  the  ministers  at  Panama  should  be 
from  a  slave  State,  and  as  Mr.  Sergeant  is  from  the  head- 
quarters of  anti-slavery,  the  successor  to  Mr.  Anderson 
must  be  taken  from  the  slave  region.  But  almost  all  the 
prominent  men  there,  who  are  at  all  qualified  for  the  mis- 
sion, are  opposed  to  it.  The  selection,  therefore,  will  be 
difficult,  unless  Mr.  Poinsett  or  Mr.  Williams  should  be 
sent,  which  is  not  likely,  for  Poinsett  is  yet  laboring  with 
his  treaty,  and  Williams  has  the  same  business  to  carry 
through  at  Guatemala. 

"  You  doubtless  hear  from  your  friends  all  the  wonders 
that  occur  among  us.  For  the  last  two  months  the  coun- 
try has  resounded  with  the  jubilee  orations  and  eulogies 
on  the  great  men  who  died  July  4th.  Mr.  Webster's 
eulogy  has  been  thought  fully  equal  to  his  great  fame. 
He  is  now  shooting  birds  and  fishing  for  trout  in  the 
marshes  at  Sandwich." 

William  Tudor  wrote  to  Jared  Sparks  from  Lima,  Feb- 
ruary 19,  1827,  as  follows :  "  Before  this  letter  reaches 
you  the  news  of  a  revolution  that  took  place  here  the  end 
of  last  month  will  be  known  in  the  United  States.     This 


318    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.      , 

event  has  not  hitherto  cost  a  drop  of  blood,  and  is,  as  far 
as  we  have  yet  heard,  in  successful  progress  throughout 
Peru,  and  will  unquestionably  be  followed  in  upper  Peru 
or  Bolivia.  This  revolution  has  shattered  to  pieces  one 
of  the  most  stupendous  schemes  of  usurpation  that  was 
ever  planned,  and  will  relieve  South  America  from  a  mili- 
tary despotism  with  which  it  was  menaced.  Its  effects 
here  in  a  literary  way  will  be  felt  hereafter.  The  press 
having  never  been  free  here,  as  the  Dictatorship  followed 
the  domination  of  Spain,  Peru  is  more  backward  than  any 
of  the  other  states  in  all  the  productions  of  the  press  and 
the  wants  they  create.  Now  I  shall  not  despair  of  seeing 
in  the  course  of  a  few  years  ten  or  twelve  copies  of  the 
4  Review '  taken  in  this  country." 

ON   FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT. 

Mr.  Sparks'  matured  views  on  the  relative  advantages 
of  federal  government  as  compared  with  central  govern- 
ment, in  the  South  American  republics,  are  thus  set  forth 
in  a  letter  to  Manuel  Moreno,  of  Buenos  Ayres,  Decem- 
ber 18,  1826  :  "  The  Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  Con- 
gress of  Buenos  Ayres  has  come  into  my  hands,  and  I 
have  selected  some  parts  of  it  for  the  January  number  of 
the  'North  American  Review,'  shortly  to  be  published. 
The  arguments  of  the  committee  are  specious,  but  should 
it  be  necessary  to  resort  to  a  central  government,  I  fear 
the  consequences  will  result  in  more  evil  than  good.  From 
present  appearances  we  may  conclude  that  the  system  has 
failed  in  Colombia,  where  it  has  been  fairly  tried.  The 
people  are  calling  out  for  a  confederation.  Mexico  and 
Central  America  seem  to  be  successful  with  the  federal 
system.  If  it  has  difficulties  to  encounter  in  the  Argen- 
tine Republic,  is  it  not  equally  true  that  difficulties  will 
attend  any  other  new  form  of  government,  and  is  it  prob- 
able that  these  will  be  more  serious  under  the  federal 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     319 

than  any  other  form  ?  And,  moreover,  if  j^ou  look  at  the 
advantages,  these  are  certainly  much  greater  with  the  fed- 
eral system  than  any  other  that  can  be  devised.  No  other 
is  so  well  calculated  to  satisfy  the  people,  by  leaving  them 
to  act  for  themselves,  and  expend  the  warmth  of  party 
on  topics  of  local  interest  and  sectional  administration, 
rather  than  by  enlisting  them  in  the  great  national  sub- 
jects, which  cannot  be  agitated  by  the  people  at  large 
without  danger  to  the  whole  republic.  A  great  point  will 
be  gained  if  you  can  confine  the  ambition  and  zeal  of 
many  aspiring  men  within  the  boundaries  of  a  single 
province  or  state. 

"  Strong  suspicions  of  the  fidelity  and  pure  intentions 
of  Bolivar  are  now  going  abroad  in  this  country.  His 
fame  has  been  great,  and  it  has  been  the  fashion  among 
us  to  call  him  the  Washington  of  the  South.  But  his 
Constitution  of  Bolivia  excited  much  surprise ;  it  has  few 
of  the  genuine  features  of  republicanism,  and  rumors  daily 
give  strength  to  the  fear  that  he  is  actuated  by  ambitious 
designs  which  no  true  friend  of  liberty  can  approve. 
Paez  is  doing  mischief  in  Venezuela,  and  it  does  not  ap- 
pear that  he  is  censured  by  Bolivar.  But  I  hope  the  char- 
acter of  this  great  chieftain  will  yet  come  out  bright  and 
unsullied." 

PANAMA   CONGRESS. 

Mr.  Sparks  published  an  article  on  the  aims  of  the 
Panama  Congress  in  the  "  Keview  "  for  January,  1826. 
The  "  Alliance  of  the  Southern  Eepublics  "  is  the  actual 
title  of  his  paper.  It  was  evidently  suggested  by  the  ap- 
proaching Congress  of  South  American  republics,  and 
was  an  attempt  to  acquaint  the  people  of  the  United 
States  with  the  federal  striving  of  their  neighbors.  Mr. 
Sparks  first  alludes  to  the  experience  of  ancient  republics 
in  federal  government,  and  to  the  schemes  of  the  Holy 
Alliance,  which  he  characterizes  as  "  confederated  despot- 


320    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND   MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

isms,"  allied  to  prop  up  tottering  thrones,  and  to  retard 
the  progress  of  nations  in  self-government.  He  then 
sketches  rapidly  the  origin  of  ideas  of  a  counter  alliance 
among  the  South  American  republics,  which  had  revolted 
from  Spanish  sovereignty,  as  the  United  States  had  re- 
volted from  Great  Britain.  "  The  project  of  a  union  be- 
tween the  new  governments  of  the  south  seems  to  have 
been  early  conceived  by  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  revolu- 
tionary contest,  as  a  step  highly  important  and  desirable, 
but  the  first  who  undertook  the  business  of  carrying  it 
into  execution  was  Bolivar.  If  it  succeeds,  as  its  friends 
anticipate,  he  must  be  regarded  the  Aratus  of  the  league. 
Till  Peru  had  shaken  off  the  yoke  of  the  Royalists  in 
1821,  so  far  at  least  as  to  set  up  a  nominally  independent 
government  under  San  Martin,  which  it  has  since  con- 
firmed and  maintained,  and  until  Mexico  had  escaped 
from  the  folly  and  tyranny  of  her  mock  emperor,  Itur- 
bide,  it  was  obvious  that  any  plan  of  confederacy  between 
the  other  states  could  not  be  accomplished  with  a  pros- 
pect of  permanency  or  advantage.  But  in  1823,  when 
the  power  of  Old  Spain  was  virtually  destroyed  in  South 
America,  and  each  republic  began  to  stand  firm  on  its 
basis,  Bolivar,  as  President  of  Colombia,  formally  invited 
the  governments  of  Mexico,  Peru,  Chili,  and  Buenos  Ayres 
to  send  delegates  to  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  or  to  any 
other  place  that  might  be  agreed  on,  with  the  express 
design  of  establishing  the  confederacy,  and  proceeding  in 
their  deliberations  as  the  instructions  and  united  wisdom 
of  the  parties  might  dictate.  This  invitation  was  promptly 
accepted  by  Mexico  and  Peru,  and  an  agreement,  in  the 
nature  of  a  treaty,  was  entered  into  by  each  with  the 
plenipotentiaries  from  Colombia,  containing  a  mutual 
pledge  to  send  delegates  to  the  confederate  Congress. 
Chili  and  Buenos  Ayres  delayed  joining  the  compact,  for 
reasons  not  well  known,  nor  does  it  appear  that  they  have 


SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     321 

yet  determined  to  take  a  part  by  their  representatives  in 
the  convention.  The  obstacles  to  their  union  are  proba- 
bly of  a  local  and  transient  nature,  which  will  in  due  time 
be  removed,  and  the  way  be  left  open  for  them  to  come 
into  the  compact. 

"  In  this  stage  of  the  undertaking,  as  it  was  necessary 
for  some  one  government  to  take  the  lead  in  its  further 
prosecution,  Bolivar  sent  a  circular  to  all  the  republics, 
dated  at  Lima,  December  7,  1824,  recapitulating  what 
had  been  done,  and  proposing  that  delegates  should  im- 
mediately be  sent  to  Panama  by  those  governments  which 
had  agreed  to  join  in  the  confederacy,  suggesting  that 
they  ought  not,  out  of  courtesy  to  the  delinquents,  to  de- 
lay any  longer  to  profit  by  the  advantages  which  it  was 
confidently  believed  would  be  derived  from  such  a  conven- 
tion. The  governments  of  Colombia  and  Mexico  promptly 
acceded  to  this  request  of  the  liberator  of  Peru,  and 
two  delegates  from  each  of  these  countries  proceeded  to 
the  place  of  destination.  It  is  presumed,  also,  that  the 
republic  of  Guatemala  will  join  the  confederacy  at  the 
outset,  and  send  its  representatives. 

u  The  preliminary  steps  of  the  Congress  are  indicated 
by  Santander,  Vice-President  of  Colombia,  in  his  reply  to 
Bolivar's  circular.  It  is  there  proposed  that  the  govern- 
ments of  Colombia  and  Peru  should  authorize  their  pleni- 
potentiaries, as  soon  as  they  arrive  at  Panama,  to  enter 
into  a  'direct  correspondence  with  the  other  republics, 
acquainting  them  that  conferences  had  commenced,  and 
renewing  the  invitation  for  each  to  send  representatives ; 
that  these  same  plenipotentiaries  should  have  power  to 
select  such  a  place  as  they  should  think  proper,  in  the 
Isthmus  of  Panama,  for  their  preparatory  conferences ; 
and,  again,  that  whenever  delegates  from  Mexico,  Gaute- 
mala,  Colombia,  and  Peru,  or  from  any  three  of  these  re- 
publics, should  be  convened,  they  should  have  power  to 
21 


322    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

install  the  assembly  of  confederate  delegates,  and  proceed 
to  the  business  for  which  they  were  convened.  It  is  more- 
over stated,  in  the  letters  of  the  President  of  Mexico  and 
the  Vice-Presidents  of  Colombia,  that  each  of  these  gov- 
ernments, through  their  ministers  plenipotentiary  in  Wash- 
ington, had  invited  the  government  of  the  United  States 
to  take  part  in  the  deliberations  at  Panama." 

The  reviewer  then  proceeds  to  describe  the  objects  of 
the  Panama  Congress,  as  stated  in  a  contemporary  Span- 
ish essay  on  the  "  Necessity  of  a  General  Federation  be- 
tween the  States  of  Spanish  America,  and  Plan  for  their 
Organization"  (Lima,  1825),  a  pamphlet  by  Monteagudo, 
which  served  as  a  text  for  Mr.  Sparks'  article.  The  three 
objects  claiming  paramount  attention  from  all  the  South 
American  republics  in  their  approaching  Congress  were, 
independence,  peace,  and  security.  These  points  Sparks 
discusses  in  detail.  He  then  observes :  "  As  far  as  we 
can  collect  the  views  of  the  South  American  writers,  from 
such  of  their  remarks  as  we  have  seen,  it  may  be  expected 
that  the  immediate  attention  of  the  Congress  will  be  drawn 
to  some  or  all  of  the  following  topics,  as  enumerated  in  the 
4  Gaceta  de  Colombia '  of  the  27th  of  February,  1825  :  — 

"  1.  To  form  a  solemn  compact,  or  league,  by  which  the 
states  whose  representatives  are  present  will  be  bound  to 
unite  in  prosecuting  the  war  against  their  common  enemy, 
old  Spain,  or  against  any  other  power  which  shall  assist 
Spain  in  her  hostile  designs,  or  otherwise  assume*  the  atti- 
tude of  an  enemy. 

"  2.  To  draw  up  and  publish  a  manifesto,  setting  forth 
to  the  world  the  justice  of  their  cause,  and  the  relations 
they  desire  to  hold  with  other  Christian  powers. 

"  3.  To  form  a  convention  of  navigation  and  commerce, 
applicable  both  to  the  confederated  states  and  to  their 
allies. 

"  4.  To  consider  the  expediency  of  combining  the  forces 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     323 

of  the  republics  to  free  the  islands  of  Porto  Rico  and 
Cuba  from  the  yoke  of  Spain,  and,  in  such  case,  what  con- 
tingent each  ought  to  contribute  for  this  end. 

"  5.  To  take  measures  for  joining  in  a  prosecution  of 
the  war  at  sea,  and  on  the  coasts  of  Spain. 

"  6.  To  determine  whether  these  measures  shall  also  be 
extended  to  the  Canary  and  Philippine  Islands. 

"  7.  To  take  into  consideration  the  means  of  making 
effectual  the  declaration  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  respecting  any  ulterior  design  of  a  foreign  power 
to  colonize  any  portion  of  this  continent,  and  also  the 
means  of  resisting  all  interference  from  abroad  with  the 
domestic  concerns  of  the  American  governments. 

"  8.  To  settle  by  common  consent  the  principles  of 
those  rights  of  nations  which  are  in  their  nature  contro- 
vertible. 

"  9.  To  determine  on  what  footing  shall  be  placed  the 
political  and  commercial  relations  of  those  portions  of  our 
hemisphere  which  have  obtained,  or  shall  obtain,  their  in- 
dependence, but  whose  independence  has  not  been  recog- 
nized by  any  American  or  European  power,  as  was  for 
many  years  the  case  with  Hayti. 

"  This  is  a  formidable  list  of  subjects,  and  enough  to 
show  that,  if  they  should  be  discussed,  the  first  Congress 
at  Panama  will  not  have  an  idle  session.  As  to  the  ques- 
tion, whether  the  United  States  ought  to  join  in  the  con- 
federacy, it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  such  a  step  would 
at  present  be  highly  inexpedient.  Nearly  all  the  topics 
for  primary  consideration  are  such  as  pertain  exclusively 
to  the  local  interests  of  the  South  American  republics ;  any 
close  alliance  or  active  interference  of  the  United  States 
would  embarrass  rather  than  facilitate  some  of  the  most 
important  deliberations  of  the  Congress.  Besides,  our 
friendly  relations  with  old  Spain  render  it  impossible  for 
us  to  participate  in  any  measures  of  war  or  hostility,  either 


324    SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND   MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

by  counsel  or  action,  which  her  enemies  may  think  them- 
selves compelled  to  adopt.  The  pledge  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States  may  be  considered  as  sacred  and 
permanent,  so  far  as  the  warm  and  universal  approbation 
of  the  country,  when  it  was  given,  may  be  regarded  as 
clothing  it  with  such  a  character.  In  his  message  to  Con- 
gress two  years  ago,  speaking  of  the  European  powers, 
President  Monroe  used  the  following  dignified  and  de- 
cided language  :  '  We  owe  it  to  candor,  and  to  the  ami- 
cable relations  existing  between  the  United  States  and 
those  powers,  to  declare  that  we  should  consider  any  at- 
tempt on  their  part  to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion 
of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety. 
With  the  existing  colonies  or  dependencies  of  any  Euro- 
pean power  we  have  not  interfered,  and  shall  not  inter- 
fere. But  with  the  governments  who  have  declared  their 
independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose  independence 
we  have  on  great  consideration  and  on  just  principles 
acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any  interposition  for  the 
purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  controlling  in  any  other 
manner  their  destiny,  by  any  European  power,  in  any 
other  light  than  as  the  manifestation  of  an  unfriendly  dis- 
position towards  the  United  States.'  The  South  Amer- 
icans cannot  want  a  more  hearty  and  decided  expression 
of  interest  in  their  concerns,  and  of  friendly  feeling  to- 
wards them,  than  is  maintained  in  this  paragraph.  The 
government  of  the  United  States  has  recognized  the  inde- 
pendence of  all  the  republics,  and  formed  with  them  on 
mutual  terms  the  relations  of  sovereign  and  independent 
nations.  Should  the  great  cause  of  American  freedom  be 
assailed,  whether  at  the  North  or  the  South,  the  people  of 
the  United  States  will  be  ready  to  take  up  arms  and  unite 
with  all  the  friends  of  liberty  on  the  continent  in  defense 
of  their  common  rights.  At  such  a  crisis  there  would  be 
strong  motives  for  a  union  of  counsel  in  a  general  congress 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     325 

of  delegates  collected  from  every  part  of  America.  As 
it  is  contemplated  that  the  Congress  of  Panama  shall  be 
a  permanent  body,  holding  its  sessions  statedly  from  time 
to  time,  the  day  may  arrive  when  the  local  affairs  of  the 
South  will  be  so  adjusted  that  there  will  be  few  national 
interests  in  those  countries  which  are  not  common  to  the 
North.  At  such  a  period,  also,  a  union  may  with  great 
propriety  be  formed. 

"  But  notwithstanding  we  think  it  would  be  manifestly 
premature  and  impolitic  for  the  United  States  to  join  the 
confederacy  at  this  stage  of  the  business,  yet  there  are 
many  reasons  why  representatives  from  our  government 
should  be  present,  and  take  part  in  such  discussions  as 
affect  our  immediate  interests,  and  be  prepared  to  express 
the  sense  of  the  government  on  all  topics  of  general  con- 
cern. Let  the  acts  of  the  Congress  be  what  they  may, 
since  they  will  apply  to  all  the  southern  republics,  they 
must  ultimately  affect  the  United  States;  and  it  is  not 
easy  to  foresee  or  calculate  the  advantages  that  would  be 
gained,  or  the  evils  that  would  be  averted,  in  our  future 
national  progress,  by  exercising  a  timely  and  salutary  in- 
fluence in  the  counsels  whose  professed  design  is  to  form 
a  system  of  mutual  intercourse  and  political  operations  for 
six  distinct  governments  on  the  Western  continent,  some 
of  them  already  powerful,  and  all  possessing  the  means  of 
rapid  growth  and  strength." 

Thus,  in  temperate  yet  positive  language,  Mr.  Sparks 
indicated  the  proper  relation  for  the  United  States  to  as- 
sume towards  their  South  American  neighbors.  He  sug- 
gested a  policy  of  friendly  cooperation,  which,  if  followed 
out,  would  have  promoted  closer  .connections  of  trade  and 
counsel  with  those  new  republics,  without  the  danger  of 
entangling  alliances. 


326     SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND   MEXICAN  HISTORY. 
SPARKS   TO   A.    H.    EVERETT. 

Writing  to  Alexander  H.  Everett,  September  12, 1826, 
Mr.  Sparks  said :  "  As  for  this  Panama  business,  it  was 
managed  in  a  most  extraordinary  manner.  The  very  es- 
sence of  party  spirit  was  at  work  from  beginning  to  end  ; 
but  the  thing  came  out  right,  and  the  oppositionists  had 
the  pleasure  of  making  a  great  noise  about  nothing,  and 
so  both  parties  were  at  last  mutually  satisfied,  the  one 
with  success,  and  the  other  with  having  made  a  greater 
bustle  than  was  thought  could  be  made.  Speeches  of  such 
length  and  such  texture,  too,  were  never  before  heard.  I 
believe  Gales  has  been  printing  them  ever  since.  You 
can  hardly  imagine  how  much  folly,  bombast,  and  igno- 
rance came  out  upon  this  subject.  You  say  rightly  that 
one  or  two  strong  articles  in  the  '  Review  '  would  have 
done  good.  But  the  truth  is,  we  were  taken  unawares; 
no  one  dreamed  of  such  a  contest ;  the  mission  to  Panama 
was  universally  popular  among  the  people  ;  and  no  one 
supposed  Congress  would  go  mad,  or  fall  into  its  dotage, 
upon  so  simple  a  matter.  A  pamphlet  on  the  Panama 
Congress,  written  by  the  ill-fated  Monteagudo,  of  Lima, 
with  considerable  ability,  came  into  my  hands  at  a  late 
hour,  out  of  which  I  made  a  short  article,  confining  my 
remarks  exclusively  to  the  designs  of  the  South  Amer- 
icans themselves  in  assembling  at  this  Congress,  without 
touching  on  the  reasons  why  the  United  States  ought  to 
take  part  in  the  business.  This  review  did  great  mischief, 
for  it  furnished  many  of  the  representatives  with  nearly 
all  the  facts  they  possessed  on  the  subject,  and  enabled 
the  oppositionists  to  turn  what  few  arrows  they  could 
gather  against  the  cause.  It  was  insisted  that  the  United 
States,  if  they  joined  in  the  Congress,  must  abet,  approve, 
and  foster  all  the  projects  contemplated  by  the  South 
Americans,  and  so  we  were  to  set  up  a  war  against  our 


SOUTH  AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     327 

good  ally,  the  king  of  Spain  ;  we  were  to  seize  upon 
Cuba,  and  commit  various  other  horrors  too  monstrous 
to  be  thought  of.  The  fire  burnt  itself  out,  however,  in 
time,  and  the  mission  was  sanctioned,  and  we  have  now  to 
lament  the  death  of  our  excellent  and  able  countryman, 
Mr.  Anderson.  Who  will  supply  his  place  has  not  been 
rumored,  but  the  country  affords  not  another  in  all  re- 
spects so  well  qualified.  It  is  possible  Mr.  Poinsett  may 
be  appointed,  as  the  papers  inform  us  he  has  brought  his 
treaty  to  a  close,  which  has  perplexed  him  not  a  little. 
By  the  way,  I  have  this  day  read  '  Vidaurre's  Address  at 
the  Opening  of  the  Congress  of  Panama.'  It  is  a  poor 
performance ;  it  prattles  about  China,  Egypt,  Greece, 
and  Rome,  when  it  ought  to  be  talking  of  the  new  repub- 
lics, their  condition,  rights,  interest,  prospects,  and  de- 
signs. Had  any  man  sent  me  such  an  article  for  the 
1  Review '  about  Panama,  I  should  have  returned  it  upon 
his  hands  as  below  the  mark.  A  man  never  spoke  upon 
a  more  dignified  occasion;  he  was  literally  speaking  to 
the  world,  for,  come  what  will  of  that  assembly,  the  eyes 
of  the  world  are  turned  upon  it.  How  important  was  it 
to  have  a  powerful  paper  go  out  as  the  first  echo  of  its 
voice,  a  paper  like  those  which  issued  from  the  first  Con- 
gress assembled  at  Philadelphia !  But  my  enthusiasm  in 
favor  of  the  Congress  of  Panama  makes  me  hope,  nay  be- 
lieve, that  this  is  no  true  sample  of  what  is  to  come/' 

Mr.  Sparks'  interest  in  the  affairs  of  South  America 
was  considerably  abated  after  the  dismal  failure  of  the 
Panama  Congress.  On  the  14th  of  May,  1827,  we  find 
him  writing  from  Mt.  Vernon  to  Alexander  H.  Everett  at 
Madrid. 

SPARKS   TO   A.    H.   EVERETT. 

"  Your  *  America '  is  now  before  me,  and  the  reading 
of  it  has  afforded  me  a  delightful  entertainment.  Your 
politics  are  on  a  scale  somewhat  too  large  for  me,  but 


328    SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY. 

I  have  been  not  less  instructed  than  pleased  with  your 
views.  How  will  your  magnificent  theory  of  the  three 
great  governments  be  received  in  Europe?  It  is  no 
matter.  The  theory  is  evidently  true,  and  will  be  popular 
in  this  country  and  in  England.  As  to  South  America, 
you  have  been  cautious,  and  in  that  you  have  been  wise. 
From  the  moment  I  read  the  thing  called  4  Vidaurre's 
Speech  at  the  Opening  of  the  Congress  of  Panama,'  the 
temperature  of  my  zeal  in  the  affairs  of  that  country 
began  to  grow  marvelously  cool.  That  Congress,  which 
ought  to  have  been  the  greatest  political  event  that  ever 
happened,  was  a  miserable  farce,  unworthy  of  a  line  in 
history.  Tacubaya  cannot  retrieve  the  disgrace,  what- 
ever it  may  do  to  build  up  new  honor.  Freedom  will  one 
day  sit  quietly  down  in  South  America  and  rule  the  land 
in  peace,  but  I  fear  that  day  is  more  distant  than  I  once 
thought.  Bolivar  is  a  falling  pillar ;  if  the  force  of  cir- 
cumstances puts  him  erect  once  more,  he  will  stand  with- 
out the  confidence  of  the  people,  and  will  support  nothing. 
He  may  show  new  points  of  character,  regain  his  influence, 
act  the  true  hero,  and  hold  out  to  the  last,  but  present  ap- 
pearances, it  must  be  confessed,  will  hardly  warrant  such 
a  prediction.  He  may  be  governed  by  pure  motives,  how- 
ever, which  are  not  obvious.  He  may  think  the  character 
and  state  of  the  people  require  such  changes  as  he  would 
introduce.  All  this  is  possible,  and  may  claim  our  charity 
for  a  time. 

"  In  a  letter  which  I  have  recently  received  from  Mr. 
Restrepo,  secretary  of  the  home  department  in  Colombia, 
and  in  which  he  takes  me  gently  to  task  for  some  remarks 
I  had  made  in  the  4  Review '  touching  the  central  system, 
he  says  that  in  the  United  States  it  is  common  for  us  to 
mistake  in  judging  of  the  inhabitants  of  South  America 
by  our  own,  and  adds,  hay  tanta  diferencia  entre  los 
hijos  de  los  Espanoles  y  entre  sus  colonias  y  las  anti- 


SOUTH   AMERICAN  AND  MEXICAN  HISTORY.     329 

guas  colonias  Inglesas,  como  del  dia  a  la  noche.  This 
is  undoubtedly  true,  and  it  is  a  fact  too  much  neglected  in 
considering  the  progress  of  South  America." 

THE  PAN-AMERICAN   CONFERENCE. 

It  was  reserved  for  the  centenary  of  the  United  States 
(1889)  to  witness  the  assembling  in  Washington  of  a  Pan- 
American  Conference  of  seventeen  independent  powers, 
representing  120,000,000  people  and  nearly  one  fourth  of 
the  globe,  in  the  common  interests  of  peace  and  commercial 
intercourse.  A  comparison  of  the  somewhat  threatening 
international  objects  of  the  Panama  Congress  with  the 
purely  economic  and  peaceful  purposes  of  the  Pan-Ameri- 
can Conference  shows  how  the  Western  world  has  ad- 
vanced in  forty-three  years  toward  continental  unity  and 
tranquillity.  The  adoption  of  the  principle  of  arbitration, 
and  the  rejection  of  the  principle  of  conquest,  were,  per- 
haps, the  most  remarkable  achievements  of  the  conference. 
The  poet  Whittier  sent  this  message  :  "  If,  in  the  spirit 
of  peace,  the  American  Conference  agrees  upon  a  rule 
of  arbitration  which  shall  make  war  in  this  hemisphere 
well-nigh  impossible,  its  session  will  prove  one  of  the  most 
important  events  in  the  history  of  the  world."  1 

1  "Tribune  Monthly,"  August,  1890,  "Our  Continent:  the  Pan- 
American  Conference,"  p.  8.  A  series  of  articles  on  "  The  Pan-Amer- 
ican Conference  "  was  begun  in  the  "  North  American  Review  "  for 
September,  1890,  by  the  Mexican  minister,  M.  Romero.  He  notes, 
by  way  of  introduction,  that  the  idea  of  a  congress  of  all  the  Amer- 
ican nations  is  not  a  new  one,  but  "  was  brought  about  in  South 
America  by  its  liberator,  Bolivar,  very  heartily  supported  in  this 
country  by  Henry  Clay,  then.  Secretary  of  State."  The  idea  was  first 
revived  in  1881  by  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Secretary  of  State 
under  President  Garfield's  administration.  It  is  a  sign  of  the  times 
that  "  Harper's  Magazine  "  began  in  September,  1890,  to  publish  a 
series  of  papers  on  South  America.  Soon  we  shall  have  a  series  of 
books  on  the  South  American  commonwealths.  "The  Minutes  of 
the  International  American  Conference  "  are  printed  in  full. 


CHAPTER  XL 

CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  CONTRIBUTORS   AND 
FRIENDS. 

1823-1830. 

During  Sparks'  editorial  control  of  the  "  North  Amer- 
ican Review,"  we  find  him  in  correspondence  with  some  of 
the  most  eminent  men  of  his  time.  It  is  with  singular 
interest  that  the  student  reads  autograph  letters  from  men 
liker  Daniel  Webster,  Nathan  Dane,  Henry  Clay,  Thomas 
H.  Benton,  Lewis  Cass,  De  Witt  Clinton,  Joseph  Story, 
Henry  Wheaton,  Caleb  dishing,  Theophilus  Parsons, 
William  Tudor,  Edward  Everett,  Alexander  H.  Everett, 
H.  D.  Sedgwick,  W.  H.  Prescott,  George  Ticknor,  Henry 
W.  Longfellow,  William  C.  Bryant,  William  H.  Eliot, 
John  G.  Palfrey,  Samuel  A.  Eliot,  James  Savage,  Wil- 
liam B.  Reed,  Robert  Goodhue  Harper,1  Joel  R.  Poinsett, 
George  Bancroft,  Timothy  Pitkin,  Edward  Hitchcock,  B. 
Silliman,  J.  L.  Kingsley,  and  from  all  the  literary,  scien- 
tific, and  public  men  of  Sparks'  time.  It  would  be  a  pleas- 
ant and  not  unprofitable  task  to  reproduce  many  of  these 
old  letters,  written  about  the  close  of  the  first  quarter  of 

1  Dr.  A.  P.  Peabody,  in  the  "  Proceedings  of  the  American  Anti- 
quarian Society  "  for  October  23,  1889,  p.  107,  mentions  in  a  note, 
"  Robert  Goodhue  Harper,  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate 
from  Virginia."  An  edition  of  his  "  Select  Works  "  was  published 
in  Baltimore  in  1814.  An  article  in  "  Blackwood's  Magazine  "  says  : 
"  His  writings  are  energetic,  manly,  profound,  satisfactory.  We  hold 
him  to  be,  altogether,  one  of  the  ablest  men  that  North  America  has 
produced."  Valuable  letters  from  him  are  preserved  among  the 
Sparks  papers. 


CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS.  331 

the  nineteenth  century,  but  economy  of  space  demands  a 
judicious  selection.  The  editor  has  read  them  all,  and  has 
used  his  best  discretion  in  the  selections  which  he  has 
made  for  the  present  chapter. 

Among  the  earliest  contributors  secured  by  Mr.  Sparks 
for  the  "  North  American  "  was  George  Bancroft,  a  grad- 
uate of  Exeter  Academy  and  of  Harvard  College,  whom 
Sparks  had  known  in  earlier  j^ears.  Having  returned 
from  study  and  travel  in  Europe,  Bancroft  was  now  estab- 
lished with  Mr.  Cogswell  at  Round  Hill,  Northampton, 
Massachusetts,  in  a  famous  classical  school,  which  was  an 
American  type  of  the  German  gymnasium  in  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Bancroft  appears  in  connection  with  the 
"North  American  Review"  as  a  voluntary  reviewer  of 
Greek  text-books,  with  which  his  work  as  a  classical  in- 
structor naturally  made  him  familiar.  He  was  an  able 
exponent  of  classical  learning.  The  two  following  letters 
addressed  to  Mr.  Sparks  are  not  without  educational  as 
well  as  biographical  interest.  The  first  is  dated  at  North- 
ampton, November  5,  1823  :  "  Buttman's  Greek  Gram- 
mar has  been  more  than  a  year  before  the  American  pub- 
lic, and  the  American  journals  have  not  noticed  it.  I 
have  wished  to  write  an  article  on  the  subject,  but  have 
been  deterred,  because  Mr.  E.1  was  the  editor  of  the 
4  North  American  Review.'  Now  that  he  has  added  Mr. 
Jacobs'  Greek  Reader,  I  should  like  very  much  to  say 
a  few  words  in  commendation  of  these  excellent  school- 
books,  if  a  place  in  your  journal  can  be  spared  for  that 
purpose.  If  you  think  the  matter  worth  noticing,  I  wish 
you  would  let  me  hear  from  you  as  to  the  time  when  an 

1  Edward  Everett,  Eliot  Professor  of  Greek  Literature  in  Harvard 
University,  had  translated  Buttman's  Greek  Grammar  from  the  Ger- 
man. Bancroft  naturally  felt  some  delicacy  about  reviewing  Ever- 
ett's book  in  the  "  North  American  n  while  the  translator  was  still 
editor. 


332  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

article  should  be  forwarded  for  insertion  in  the  next  num- 
ber. Permit  me  to  commend  myself  to  your  kind  remem- 
brance. I  hope  the  distance  of  eighty  or  ninety  miles 
only  is  not  to  deprive  me  altogether  of  the  advantages 
which  this  part  of  the  country  is  to  derive  from  your  per- 
sonal presence,  and  I  should  feel  very  happy  if  I  could  in 
any  way  serve  you,  or  the  good  cause  of  letters." 

Bancroft's  second  letter  to  Sparks  is  dated  Northamp- 
ton, December  12,  1823 :  "  My  review  and  your  last  let- 
ter must  have  crossed  each  other.  Having  been  engaged 
on  a  translation  from  the  German,  it  was  not  possible  for 
me  to  get  upon  writing  it  till  December,  and  I  believe  it 
must  have  reached  you  by  the  fourth  of  the  month,  which 
was  within  the  time  you  allowed  me.  I  made  it  short, 
because  I  thought  in  your  first  number  you  would  have 
little  room  to  spare,  and  because  most  of  your  readers  will 
think  six  or  eight  pages  on  Greek  Grammar  quite  enough. 
I  could  easily  write  a  plea  for  classic  learning,1  and  pre- 
sent the  subject  under  what  seems  to  me  a  new  and  just 
point  of  view.  Next  week,  on  Saturday,  I  shall  be  in 
Boston,  and  if  you  would  leave  a  note  at  Mrs.  Searle's  in 
Tremont  Court,  where  I  can  meet  you  for  an  hour  on  the 
next  day  morning  or  on  Monday,  I  will  explain  to  you 
my  notions,  and  be  happy  to  hear  of  your  views  and 
wishes,  which  if  I  can  meet  I  shall  be  happy." 

When  the  history  of  Greek  studies  in  America  becomes 
an  object  of  inquiry,  the  work  of  Edward  Everett  at 
Cambridge,  and  of  George  Bancroft  at  Round  Hill,  will 

1  Bancroft  sent  such  an  article  on  "  Classic  Literature  "  to  the  editor 
of  the  "  North  American  Review,"  but  withdrew  it  February  9, 1824, 
for  correction  and  improvement.  He  wrote  again  March  26,  1824  : 
"  The  article  I  sent  you  on  '  Classic  Literature '  needs  curtailing,  and 
a  plainer  style.  I  purpose  to  change  it  accordingly,  and  to  make 
a  little  article  of  it  for  some  number.  On  Goethe  I  am  seriously 
employed,  and  hope  to  give  some  translations  which  shall,  at  the 
least,  find  their  way  into  the  albums  of  the  ladies." 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.  333 

attract  attention.  The  following  extract  from  Bancroft's 
review  of  Buttman,  which  appeared  in  January,  1824  (the 
first  number  of  the  "  North  American "  under  Sparks' 
new  regime),  shows  that  the  classical  historian  of  the 
United  States  recognized  the  defects  of  the  old  learning 
of  his  time :  "  It  is  our  misfortune  that  we  confine  the  at- 
tention of  all  to  the  same  dull  round  of  elementary  books, 
instead  of  introducing  them  to  the  Grecian  Muse  herself. 
Our  youths  have  the  means  of  contemplating  solitary  frag- 
ments, but  not  of  learning  to  admire  the  symmetry  of  the 
perfect  whole.  We  instruct  in  a  few  compilations,  and 
leave  the  great  body  of  Greek  literature  to  remain  un- 
known, and  to  make  friends  for  itself." 

George  Bancroft's  literary  activity  thus  began  in  con- 
nection with  classical  subjects  and  with  the  "  North  Amer- 
ican Review,"  to  which  he  contributed  book  notices.  It  is 
pleasant  to  find  him'sending  to  Sparks  a  "  little  notice  of 
4  Undine.'  "  1  On  one  occasion  the  Northampton  school- 
master writes  :  u  I  have  been  cheating  myself  of  my  cares 
by  making  little  translations  from  Goethe."  Bancroft 
takes  counsel  with  Sparks  regarding  the  cost  of  printing 
and  binding  six  hundred  copies  of  a  book  "  exactly  like 
Mr.  A.  H.  Everett's  on  Population."  Mr.  Bancroft's 
first  venture  in  book-making  was  in  the  form  of  a  transla- 
tion from  the  German  of  Heeren's  "  Reflections  on  the 
Politics  of  Ancient  Greece."  The  advent  of  this  excellent 
translation,  itself  a  happy  combination  of  classical  learn- 
ing, German  scholarship,  and  English  style,  was  worthily 
noticed  in  the  "North  American  Review"  for  April,  1824. 
An  account  was  there  given,  probably  by  Edward  Ever- 
ett, of  the  scope  and  character  of  Professor  Heeren's 
larger  work,  entitled  "  Reflections  on  the  Politics,  Inter- 
course, and  Commerce  of  the  Chief  Nations  of  Antiquity," 
and  of  the  disconnected  work  on  Greek  institutions  which 

1  Printed  in  the  "  North  American  Review,"  April,  1824,  p.  412. 


334  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

Bancroft  had  translated.  This  was  really  the  first  intro- 
duction of  Hereen  to  English  readers,  for  Bancroft's  work 
appeared  from  the  press  of  Cummings  &  Hilliard,  in  Bos- 
ton, ten  years  before  the  Oxford  translation  of  Hereen's 
work.  It  is  highly  creditable  to  Bancroft  and  Everett, 
American  pioneers  in  fields  of  German  scholarship,  that 
they  should  have  been  the  very  first  to  discover  to  the 
English-reading  world  the  merits  of  their  Goettingen  pro- 
fessor, whom  modern  students  are  beginning  to  recognize 
as  a  father  of  ancient  economic  and  institutional  history. 
"  To  make  a  translation  of  such  a  work,  and  as  this  is 
made,  is  no  humble  exploit,"  said  Bancroft's  reviewer. 
"  We  should  be  much  rejoiced,  and  think  it  auspicious  of 
good  to  the  literature  of  the  country,  if  Mr.  Bancroft 
should  be  induced  by  the  reception  of  this  volume  to  trans- 
late the  rest.  The  whole  would  form  a  treatise  on  anti- 
quity different  from  any  with  which  we  are  acquainted, 
and  better  calculated  than  any  other  to  give  to  general 
readers  accurate  knowledge  of  the  institutions  of  Egypt, 
Persia,  India,  Carthage,  and  the  other  nations  which  are 
described  by  Mr.  Heeren.  .  .  .  No  one  in  the  country  is 
better  qualified  for  the  enterprise  than  Mr.  Bancroft,  and 
we  should  be  glad  to  be  permitted  to  regard  this  volume 
as  a  partial  pledge  that  he  will  undertake  it."  But  while 
Mr.  Bancroft's  classical  and  German  studies  at  Round 
Hill  thus  suggested  the  broad  horizon  of  universal  history 
for  future  survey,  he  was  quietly  preparing  himself  in  lit- 
erary ways  for  writing  the  "  History  of  the  United  States," 
a  work  begun  at  Northampton.  Into  this  vast  and  almost 
untrodden  field  he  and  Jared  Sparks  were  to  advance 
together  as  historical  pioneers  through  a  period  of  forty 
years,  when  one  explorer  was  to  be  taken  and  the  other 
left. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  written  at  North- 
ampton, September  20,  1824,  affords  a  pleasing  insight 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.  335 

into  the  patriotic  motives  and  literary  aspirations  of  Mr. 
Bancroft  in  those  early  years  :  "  I  received  last  night  the 
volume  on  Italy,  and  the  very  kind  letter  which  accom- 
panied it,  and  for  which  I  sincerely  thank  you.  The  em- 
pire of  imagination  has  not  yet  ceased  in  my  mind,  and  it 
is  good  for  me  to  be  reminded  of  the  nature  of  her  gov- 
ernment. Feeling  conscious  of  this  tendency,  I  habitually 
am  slow  in  forming  a  decision,  and  I  believe  you  will  find 
in  what  I  have  written  no  opinions  which  I  need  to  re- 
tract, and  very  few  extravagant  expressions.  For  the 
rest,  there  is  nothing  half  so  delightful  to  me  in  the  mo- 
ment of  exertion  as  the  hope  of  thus  being  a  useful  citi- 
zen ;  of  contributing  in  my  humble  sphere  to  disseminate 
the  principles  of  justice,  liberty,  and  learning.  There  is 
no  man  who  may  not  find  a  fit  sphere  for  exertion ;  and  if 
there  are  any  who  can  produce  no  results,  it  is  because 
they  err  in  judgment,  or  devote  their  powers  to  the  wrong 
service.  It  is  not  necessary  to  have  genius  or  vast  'erudi- 
tion to  be  high-minded  and  honored.  Not  every  one  can 
be  blest  with  superior  powers,  and  he  who  has  not  been 
invited  to  Nature's  richest  banquet  may  yet  cherish  and 
respect  her  gift.  There  is  no  faculty  I  would  more  desire 
to  possess  in  an  eminent  degree  than  cool,  practical  judg- 
ment. It  is  the  result  of  careful  observation  and  exten- 
sive experience  ;  but  some  men  have  it  as  if  by  instinct, 
and  in  doubtful  cases  are  able  to  discern  what  is  just 
and  prudent,  and  in  new  ones  to  foresee  the  probable  re- 
sult." 

Mr.  Bancroft  was  somewhat  of  an  idealist,  but  he  knew 
how  to  apply  his  philosophy  in  practical  ways.  Kound 
Hill  School  was  the  first  institution  in  the  United  States 
to  make  gymnastic  exercise  a  prominent  factor  in  educa- 
tion.    The  Kound  Hill  Gymnasium  x  was  constructed  in 

1  "  Physical  Training  in  American  Colleges  and  Universities,"  by 
Dr.  E.  M.  Hartwell ;   Circulars  of  Information  of  the  Bureau  of 


336  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

1825,  under  the  direction  of  the  teacher  of  Latin,  Dr. 
Charles  Beck,  a  former  pupil  of  Father  Jahn,  who  was 
the  Prussian  pioneer  in  physical  culture.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that,  even  before  the  opening  of  the  Boys'  Gym- 
nasium in  Northampton,  Mr.  Bancroft,  at  the  request  of 
Mr.  Sparks,  had  begun  to  investigate  the  subject  of  the 
connection  between  the  body  and  the  mind,  for  the  "  North 
American  Review."  The  following  extract  from  Ban- 
croft's letter  to  Sparks,  written  Christmas  Eve,  1824,  is 
an  early  suggestion  of  that  line  of  inquiry  which  is  now 
attracting  attention  among  students  of  psychology  and 
physical  training  :  "  I  lost  no  time,  after  receiving  yours 
of  November  13,  in  devoting  my  time  and  thoughts  to  the 
subject  you  proposed.  I  have  turned  over  many  books, 
and  reflected  much  with  myself.  The  connection  between 
the  body  and  the  mind,  and  the  consequent  inference  that 
physical  education  derives  its  importance,  not  from  its  giv- 
ing health  to  the  body  only,  but  for  its  direct  cooperation 
with  moral  education,  —  this  I  intended  for  my  first  topic. 

Education,  No.  5, 1885,  p.  22.  See,  also,  "  The  Study  of  History  in 
American  Colleges  and  Universities,"  by  H.  B  Adams,  p.  68. 

The  introduction  of  gymnastics  at  Harvard  College  quickly  fol- 
lowed the  successful  experiment  at  Round  Hill.  The  following  is 
a  contemporary  description  of  the  first  beginnings  of  a  wonderful 
process  of  development,  modern  results  of  which  are  the  Hemenway 
Gymnasium  and  the  various  athletic  fields  of  Cambridge  :  "  Gymnas- 
tics are  very  much  the  rage  here  at  present.  Indeed,  we  think  our- 
selves very  fortunate  when  we  look  on  to  the  Delta  and  see  a  student 
walking  or  standing  on  his  feet,  the  head  being  so  much  more  fre- 
quently substituted.  The  symmetry  of  the  solid  earth  is  a  good  deal 
marred  by  the  machinery  necessary  to  the  'carrying  out  of  the  plan,' 
and  yesterday  a  gallows  was  erected  for  our  young  aspirants  to  climb 
upon,  which  I  have  no  doubt  is  a  good  deal  higher  than  Hainan's.  It 
all  serves  a  good  purpose,  for  a  considerable  quantity  of  superfluous 
animation  is  spent  here,  which  for  want  of  such  a  vent  has  heretofore 
expended  itself  in  breaking  windows,  dismantling  recitation  rooms, 
and  making  bonfires."  —  Cambridge  letter  to  Jared  Sparks,  April  29, 
1826. 


CORRESPONDENCE   WITH   FRIENDS.  337 

I  meant  then  to  narrate  the  gymnastic  exercises  of  the 
Greeks,  and  the  plays  of  their  schoolboys,  and  to  pass 
from  this  to  the  history  of  modern  gymnastics.  The  third 
topic  would  have  been  the  practical  application  of  these 
views  to  our  country.  I  have  collected  all  my  materials 
for  the  first  topic.  Unluckily  I  do  not  own  either  Hip- 
pocrates or  Galen,  and  know  not  whether  Carbaniss  has 
yet  published  his  work, '  Sur  le  Perfectionnement  du  genre 
humain.'  If  he  has,  I  need  his  book.  His  great  work, 
1  Rapports  du  moral  et  du  physique  de  l'honime,'  I  have. 
It  is  philosophical  and  accurate.  .  .  . 

"  It  is  Christmas  Eve,  and  a  glad  occasion.  The  Ro- 
man is  now  passing  from  street  to  street,  from  illuminated 
church  to  church  ;  the  Basilica  of  Santa  Maria  is  filled 
with  music  almost  heavenly;  the  faithful  are  rejoicing. 
I  wish  you  all  joy  suited  to  the  occasion,  and  happiness 
always." 

The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  literary  communication 1 
by  stage-coach  between  Northampton  and  Boston  are  il- 
lustrated in  the  following  extracts  from  Bancroft's  letter 
to  Sparks,  January  17,  1825  :  "  The  parcel  containing  the 
MSS.  and  the  two  books  really  went  last  week  Monday 
morning  (the  10th),  and  must  have  reached  Boston  on 
Monday  evening.  It  went  in  the  Amherst  line,,  of  which 
you  can  hear  at  Wild  &  Hosmer's,  Elm  Street,  or  at  the 
Exchange  Coffee  House,  or  at  Colonel  Wilde's  Eastern 
Stage  House,  or  of  T.  Hathaway.  It  was  directed  to 
Rev.  J.  S.,  to  be  left  at  C.  &  H.'s  bookstore.  I  doubted 
whether  it  would  reach  you.  You  are  not  known  to  the 
stage-drivers,  and  in  Boston  they  do  not  have  time  to  go 

1  The  loose  postal  regulations  of  that  period  are  suggested  by 
Bancroft's  humorous  complaint  to  Sparks,  October  4,  1829  :  "  Why 
have  you  paid  your  letter  ?  You  only  give  me  the  trouble  of  looking 
up  a  ninepence  to  send  to  the  post-office  with  this."  Bancroft's  letter 
was  engrossed  "Paid  G.  B.  12." 
22 


338  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

about  and  deliver  things.  It  is  necessary  to  send  to  the 
stage  office  when  a  thing  is  expected.  That  I  can  do  at 
Northampton,  and  do  always.  Therefore  whatever  is  left 
at  Earl's  to  be  forwarded  reaches  me  safely.  Direct 
merely  to  me  at  Round  Hill,  Northampton.  Our  boys 
have  made  us  known  on  the  road,  and  we  are  in  the  odor 
of  sanctity  with  all  tavern-keepers  and  stage  proprietors 
from  here  to  Boston.  Let  me  have  what  you  intend  send- 
ing me  on  Friday  evening.  This  letter  will  reach  you 
Thursday  morning.  .  .  . 

"  I  am  glad  you  like  the  doctrine  of  temperaments.  I 
have  consulted  the  best  authorities ;  and  as  to  the  physi- 
cians, I  know  of  but  one  who  understands  the  subject,  and 
that  is  Dr.  Jackson.  You  once  wrote  me  a  long  letter, 
and  never  but  once.  I  live  upon  that ;  but  wish  you  could 
sometimes  add  at  least  a  syllable  of  Christian  salutation, 
or  friendly  information.    You  are  all  too  laconic." 

Sparks  showed  his  early  appreciation  of  Bancroft's 
work  at  Northampton  in  a  more  helpful  way  than  by  let- 
ter-writing. Through  the  columns  of  the  "  North  Amer- 
ican Review  "  the  editor  made  known  to  the  whole  country 
the  peculiar  merits  of  that  remarkable  educational  estab- 
lishment at  Round  Hill.  In  behalf  of  himself  and  of  his 
colleague,  Joseph  Green  Cogswell,  Bancroft  wrote  Sparks, 
March  23,  1825,  the  following  grateful  acknowledgment 
of  t£ie  proposed  service  to  their  school :  "  We  cannot  but 
acknowledge  ourselves  bound  to  Mr.  Ticknor  for  his  kind 
dispositions  towards  us,  and  to  yourself  for  your  willing- 
ness to  present  our  claims  to  public  attention  through 
your  journal.  It  will  be  the  surest  means  of  making  our 
efforts  widely  known,  and  of  confirming  the  good  opinion 
of  us  already  maintained  by  many.  Friends  have  risen 
up  to  us  in  the  progress  of  our  undertaking  in  a  most  un- 
expected manner,  and  in  the  most  various  parts  of  the 
Union.     It  will  be  a  matter  of  congratulation  to  us  that 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.     339 

you  have  contributed  to  make  us  known.  We  ask  for  lit- 
tle more.  Men  must  come  and  see  us,  if  they  will  judge 
of  the  value  of  our  services.  The  praise  we  covet  (et  nunc 
et  semper  laudis  avidissimi  fuimus)  is  of  contributing 
in  our  sphere  to  the  promotion  of  letters  in  our  country, 
and  patriotism  is  the  most  inspiring  of  the  motives  by 
which  we  are  influenced.  I  will  take  an  early  opportu- 
nity of  writing  copiously  to  you  or  Mr.  Ticknor.  A  clas- 
sical school  is  no  name  for  us.  The  word  is  nowadays  too 
hackneyed.  You  call  your  English  school  at  Boston  clas- 
sical. A  school  for  the  liberal  education  of  boys  would  be 
an  appellation  expressive,  at  least,  of  our  purpose. 

"  It  has  given  me  sincere  pleasure  in  these  last  days  to 
take  part  with  my  townsmen  in  maintaining  the  principles 
o\  religious  liberty  and  Christianity.  Our  cause  is  tri- 
umphant. In  the  choice  of  town  officers,  by  an  act  of 
ProvLIence  as  it  were,  the  ticket  made  up  of  men  of  lib- 
eral minds  prevailed.  The  orthodox  were  foolish  enough 
to  persecute  a  man,  long  tried  and  found  faithful,  for  hav- 
ing joined  us.  If  they  pursue  this  course  they  will  soon 
find  themselves  in  a  minority.  A  voice  has  been  raised 
on  this  side  the  river  such  as  will  not  soon  die  away." 

Bancroft's  interest  in  purely  literary  and  scholarly  work 
and  his  growing  distaste  for  reviewing 1  are  indicated  in 
the  following  extracts  from  letters,  the  first  dated  Novem- 
ber 2,  and  the  second  November  10,  1826  :  "  Literature 
I  love,  and  the  truth  I  inquire  after  and  fear  not  to  tell ; 
but  reviewing  is  a  bad  business."     "  How  independent  is 

1  This  distate  for  reviewing  grew,  also,  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Sparks, 
after  he  had  become  more  interested  in  historical  investigations  at 
home  and  abroad.  Thomas  Aspinwall,  of  Boston,  in  a  letter  to  Mrs. 
Sparks,  April  23,  1868,  said  :  "  A  friend  of  ours,  Gilbert  Stuart 
Newton,  the  artist,  told  me  that  Sydney  Smith  gave  him  an  account 
of  meeting  Mr.  Sparks  at  a  dinner  given  by  some  literary  celebrity 
whom  I  cannot  now  identify,  and,  among  other  things,  of  having 
talked  a  good  deal  about  the  ■  trade '  of  reviewing*" 


340  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

a  scholar's  life,  —  his  occupation,  his  excitement,  his  plea- 
sures, within  his  own  control !  If  safe  against  anxiety 
for  worldly  support,  his  hours  may  be  jocund  and  his 
thoughts  all  roses.  This  last  is  a  quotation.  Quite  senti- 
mental for  a  reviewer  of  lexicons." 

The  following  letter  from  Henry  Wheaton  to  Jared 
Sparks,  dated  New  York,  December  11,  1823,  illustrates 
another  valuable  connection  thus  early  made  for  the 
" North  American  Keview  :  "  "I  send  you  a  short  article 1 
merely  as  earnest  of  what  I  may  hereafter  do,  when  I 
shall  be  clear  of  the  all  -  engrossing  subject  of  politics, 
which  now  take  all  the  time  I  can  spare  (and  perhaps 
more  than  I  ought  to  give)  from  mere  professional  pur- 
suits. I  am  particularly  anxious  that  this  notice  should 
appear  in  the  January  number,  and  hope  you  will  not  dis- 
appoint me.  I  have  said  nothing  but  what  I  conscien- 
tiously believe  to  be  true  of  the  book.  I  hope  Mason  will 
review  my  edition  of  Salwyn's  '  Nisi  Prius,'  or  rather  give 
a  short  notice  of  it.  Keep  up  the  Greek  fire.  We  are 
all  in  a  blaze  here." 

In  the  following  letter  from  Professor  Edward  Everett, 
dated  Cambridge,  March  12,  1824,  the  editorial  embar- 
rassments of  Mr.  Sparks  are  contrasted  with  those  of  the 
former  regime,  when  the  North  American  Review  Club 
deliberated  over  the  choice  of  articles  :  "  I  received  your 
two  notes  at  seven  o'clock  last  evening.  In  the  first  you 
say  you  '  hope  my  article  is  ready ; '  in  the  second,  that 
you  ■  will  thank  me  to  send  it.'  Still,  however,  as  not  a 
line  of  it  is  written,  I  must  be  excused  a  little  longer. 
Had  I  not  understood  from  you,  at  Mr.  Hale's  dinner, 
that  you  would  let  me  come  last,  I  would  at  all  events 
have  been  ready.    But  I  now  lecture  six  days  in  the  week, 

1  This  article  was  probably  on  "  A  .Treatise  on  the  Practice  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  New  York  in  Civil  Actions,"  etc.,  a  review  pub- 
lished in  the  "  North  American,"  January,  1824. 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.  341 

and  this  week,  which  I  reserved  for  you,  has  been  wholly 
absorbed  thus  far  with  college  business.  I  will  do  my 
best,  however,  to  send  you  the  article  by  Monday  morn- 
ing, if  possible  earlier.  You  must  meantime  do  what 
your  predecessor  often  did,  sit  down  with  tired  fingers, 
aching  head,  and  sad  heart,  and  write  for  your  life,  re- 
membering that  your  case  is  not  so  vexatious  as  his ;  for 
while  you  are  stopped  by  a  piece  not  written,  he  was 
stopped  for  want  of  pieces  which  he  had  read  and  liked, 
but  which  must  circulate  through  the  hands  of  two  or 
three  loungers  for  three  or  four  days." 

Mr.  Justice  Story  was  an  occasional  contributor  to  the 
"  North  American  Eeview,"  and  wrote  to  Jared  Sparks 
from  Salem,  April  8,  1825  :  "  I  have  just  received  the 
letter  of  your  agent  inclosing  me  twenty  dollars  as  a  bal- 
ance for  writing  in  No.  46  of  the  ■  North  American  Re- 
view.' I  never  had  the  least  thought  of  receiving  any 
compensation  for  my  services  in  this  respect,  and  I  must 
beg  you  to  excuse  me  for  returning  the  same  to  you. 
Whatever  I  can  do  to  add  to  the  reputation  or  circulation 
of  the  i  Review '  will  be  very  cheerfully  done.  But  situated 
as  I  am,  I  must  be  permitted  to  act  without  any  other  re- 
ward than  the  hope  to  promote  a  most  useful  and  impor- 
tant publication,  intimately  connected  with  the  literary 
character  of  our  country.  I  had  quite  forgotten  that  my 
subscription  for  the  year  1825  had  not  been  paid.  When 
I  am  next  in  Boston  I  shall  call  and  discharge  it,  and  I 
will  thank  you  now  to  cancel  the  credit  given  me  on  that 
account." 

The  following  letter  from  Joseph  Story  to  Jared  Sparks, 
dated  Salem,  August  1,  1827,  may  be  printed  with  pro- 
priety in  this  connection :  "  I  acknowledge  with  great 
pleasure  your  letter  of  the  30th  ult.  I  have  begun  the 
article  on  Marshall's  History,  and  shall  complete  it  by 
the  1st  of  September.     It  has  been  hitherto  delayed  in 


342  CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS. 

expectation  of  a  letter  from  the  Chief  Justice  himself,  to 
whom  I  sent  a  request  for  facts,  I  received  a  letter  from 
him  the  day  before  yesterday.  It  is  long  and  full  of  in- 
teresting matter,  and  will  enable  me  to  be  very  accurate 
as  to  his  public  character.  I  think  the  article  may  be 
made  quite  valuable  from  the  materials  so  furnished.  I 
shall  use  them  in  an  ample  manner.  If  the  delay  to  the 
1st  of  September  will  embarrass  you,  the  article  can  re- 
main for  the  January  number ;  but  in  that  event  I  shall 
be  glad  that  you  would  just  notice  the  fact  that  it  is 
received  and  will  then  appear.  I  mean  to  call  and  see 
you  when  I  get  an  hour  in  Boston." 

In  a  brief  letter  from  William  H.  Prescott  to  Jared 
Sparks,  February  16,  1826,  we  catch  a  glimpse  of  one  of 
the  most  heroic  and  helpful  literary  spirits  of  that  time : 
"Although  I  cannot  write,  my  eyes  are  sufficiently  recov- 
ered to  allow  me  to  read  a  couple  of  hours  in  a  day,  which 
will  answer  my  purpose  in  relation  to  the  review  of  the 
poems  in  the  '  Literary  Gazette,'  so  that,  if  you  have  not 
engaged  some  one  else  to  do  the  job,  I  will  have  it  ready 
for  you  the  beginning  of  next  week.  Be  so  good  as  to 
return  your  copy  by  the  bearer." 

Among  the  most  interesting  letters  preserved  among 
the  Sparks  papers  are  those  which  he  received  from  that 
delightful  correspondent,  George  Ticknor,  who  was  one  of 
Sparks'  best  friends,  and,  like  Edward  Everett,  a  stanch 
supporter  of  the  "  North  American  Keview."  The  fol- 
lowing letters  were  written  by  Ticknor  during  a  Southern 
tour.  The  first  is  dated  at  Monticello,  December  17, 1824, 
and  is  of  great  interest  by  reason  of  its  graphic  account  of 
the  habits  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  its  allusions  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Virginia,  including  the  new  professors  whom 
Jefferson  and  Gilmer  had  just  introduced  into  this  coun- 
try from  England.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  Ticknor's  visit 
to  Monticello  at  the  time  the  new  University  was  about  to 


CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS.  343 

be  opened  had  some  influence  upon  the  practical  develop- 
ment of  his  views  of  academic  reform,  particularly  with 
reference  to  departments  of  study  and  the  elective  sys- 
tem : 1  — 

"  Your  very  kind  and  pleasant  letter  reached  us  here 
day  before  yesterday.  We  thought  it  was  somewhat  late 
in  making  its  appearance,  but  it  was  not  on  that  account 
the  less  welcome;  and  as  the  only  way  we  have  to  get 
aitother  is  to  send  a  reply,  we  make  haste  to  answer  it 
by  the  return  of  post.  Do  let  us  hear  from  you  a  little 
oftener  ;  a  letter  every  week  or  ten  days  will  do  you  no 
harm,  and  will  certainly  be  to  us  a  great  comfort,  which 
we  will  do  all  in  our  power  to  answer  soon  and  pleasantly. 
Above  all,  take  care  of  the  baby;  and  tell  us  always  how 
she  does. 

"  We  are  passing  our  time  very  happily  here.  Our 
party  is  certainly  a  remarkable  one,  and,  as  we  settle 
down  into  the  ways  of  the  family  and  they  get  accustomed 
to  us,  it  grows  more  and  more  agreeable,  so  that  every 
day  we  are  less  disposed  to  change  our  quarters.  Mr. 
Jefferson  is  little  altered  since  I  saw  him  last,  though  ten 
years  have  passed  over  his  head,  and  he  is  now  on  the 
verge  of  eighty-two.  His  occupations  and  the  distribu- 
tion of  his  time  are  absolutely  the  same.  He  rises  as  soon 
as  he  can  see  the  hands  of  the  clock  in  his  room,  and 
reads  and  writes  until  at  nine  the  second  breakfast  bell 
brings  him  with  great  exactness  to  the  parlor.  In  the 
forenoon  he  reads  and  rides.  At  four  o'clock  he  dines, 
and  passes  his  time  very  gayly  and  actively  in  conversa- 
tion till  about  nine  in  the  salon,  and  then  disappears  for 
the  night.  He  seems  to  be  constantly  and  efficiently 
employed  in  intellectual  occupations.  Since  he  sold  his 
library  to  Congress  he  has  collected  the  greater  part  of 

1  "  Thomas  Jefferson  and  the  University  of  Virginia,"  by  H.  B. 
Adams,  pp.  122-134. 


344  CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS. 

his  favorite  authors  about  him,  and  numbers  now  twelve 
or  fifteen  hundred  volumes.  He  reads  a  great  deal  of 
Greek,  and  likes  very  much  to  talk  about  it,  showing  him- 
self, I  am  satisfied,  more  familiar  with  its  literature  than 
he  was  ten  years  ago.  Yesterday  he  showed  me  the  MS. 
of  the  Laws  for  the  University,  and  classical  knowledge 
makes  a  principal  figure  in  them.  The  Saxon,  too,  is  in 
great  favor  with  him.  He  has  prepared  a  treatise  on  it, 
which  I  read  yesterday,  and  which  contains  a  good  deal 
of  curious  matter.  In  some  respects  his  habits  of  labor 
are  very  remarkable.  He  has  prepared  an  entire  cata- 
logue 1  of  seven  or  eight  thousand  volumes  for  the  library 
of  the  University,  neatly  written  in  his  own  hand,  ar- 
ranged according  to  subjects,  with  an  index,  and  priced. 
It  must  have  cost  him  much  painful  and  wearisome  ex- 
amination. Indeed,  on  all  sides  regular  but  not  excessive 
occupation  is  the  philosopher's  stone  on  which  he  depends 
for  his  happiness.  He  seems  to  be  as  successful  as  any- 
body I  know.  His  University  promises  better  than  I  ex- 
pected. The  buildings  are  of  great  architectural  beauty, 
built  with  thoroughness,  and  extremely  appropriate  and 
convenient  for  their  purposes.  Two  of  his  professors  are 
arrived,  perhaps  four.  One  who  is  here  is  a  Fellow  of 
Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  from  which  he  draws  <£300  a 
year.  He  is  about  six-and-twenty,  spirited  and  pleasant, 
savoring  little  of  the  world  and  much  of  books,  and  will, 
I  dare  say,  prove  the  thorough  Greek  and  Latin  scholar 
they  hope  to  find  him.2  Another,  Blaettermann,  I  knew 
in  London.  He  is  about  forty-two,  with  a  wife  and  one 
child.  He  is  a  German  by  birth  ;  has  lived  twelve  years 
in  Paris  and  longer  in  London  ;  has  been  a  teacher  of 
Italian ;  knows  Spanish,  Danish,  and  Swedish ;  and  is  here 

1  This  manuscript  catalogue  is  still  preserved  in  the  library  of  the 
University  of  Virginia,  and  is  a  literary  curiosity. 

2  George  Long,  afterwards  the  historian  of  the  Roman  republic. 


CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS.  345 

to  be  for  the  modern  languages.  He  was  known  to  me 
chiefly  as  an  excellent  man,  who  earned  a  hard  but  very- 
respectable  living  in  London  by  teaching  Latin  and  Greek. 
Their  mathematical  professor 1  carried  off  all  the  honors 
at  Cambridge,  England,  for  his  knowledge  in  that  depart- 
ment, and  is  now  accounted  the  first  of  his  age  in  that 
University.  The  two  2  other  foreigners  seem  equally  well 
supported  by  statements  of  their  past  success  ;  and  the 
sixth  is  Gilmer,  who,  however,  is  now  sick  and  suffering 
much  at  New  York.  Yet  two  more  are  wanted,  one  in 
Natural  History  and  one  in  Ethicks  and  Metaphysicks ; 
but  the  University  will  be  opened  February  1,  and,  I 
doubt  not,  will  have  a  large  number  of  students  at  once. 
How  it  will  succeed  in  practice  remains  to  be  proved.  I 
very  much  fear  it  will  need  a  great  deal  of  awkward  and 
troublesome  modification,  but  I  think  better  of  it  than  I 
did  when  I  understood  less  of  its  plans  and  arrangements. 

"  Touching  Mr.  Coolidge's  happy  state,  you  are  of 
course  informed  by  himself.  Ellen  Randolph  is  a  sweet 
lady,  not  at  all  a  blue-stocking,  though  she  has  know- 
ledge enough  to  set  up  five  or  six,  —  and  will  be  a  very 
agreeable  addition  to  our  society  in  Boston,  where,  I  think, 
she  will  please  more  than  is  common.  She  is  not  strongly 
marked  with  the  ways  of  the  world  or  its  fashions ;  but 
she  is  evidently  amiable  and  kind,  and  very  lady-like. 

"  We  intended  to  have  set  out  to-day  for  Richmond, 
but  a  storm  prevents  us,  which  will  induce  us  to  return 
directly  to  Washington.  I  cannot  say  I  am  sorry  for 
either.  Anna  sends  her  love  to  you,  and  asks  for  more 
letters  in  the  unsatisfied  spirit  with  which  children  ask 

1  Thomas  Hewett  Key,  M.  A.,  Trinity  College,  Cambridge,  who, 
after  his  return  to  England,  became  professor  of  Latin  in  the. Uni- 
versity of  London,  where  he  was  again  the  colleague  of  Mr.  Long. 

2  Charles  Bonnycastle,  the  physicist,  and  Dr.  Robley  Dunglison, 
who  was  educated  at  Erlangen,  in  Germany. 


346  CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS. 

for  more  sweetmeats.  My  own  impatience  is  much  of  the 
same  sort.     Farewell.     Gratify  us  as  much  as  you  can. 

"  I  suspect  you  will  find  it  necessary  to  make  the  ar- 
rangement you  mention  in  relation  to  the  '  North  Ameri- 
can,'—  at  least  I  have  apprehended  it  for  some  time.  The 
North  American '  is  in  good  odour  everywhere,  as  far  as 
I  have  been  able  to  observe  ;  it  certainly  is  so  here." 

A  second  letter  of  this  period,  from  George  Ticknor  to 
Jared  Sparks,  is  dated  Washington,  January  3,  1825,  and 
is  interesting  for  its  social  and  political  observations. 
Mr.  Ticknor's  remarks  on  contemporary  views  of  slavery 
and  colonization  are  particularly  valuable :  "  We  received 
your  letter  day  before  yesterday,  just  as  we  were  going  to 
the  palace  to  offer  the  homage  of  the  New  Year,  and 
truly  you  could  not  have  sent  us  a  present  more  appro- 
priate to  the  season  and  to  our  wants.  I  wish  you  may 
have  had  something  that  made  you  nearly  as  gay;  but 
such  accidents  are  rare,  and  if  you  received  anything  half 
as  good  you  were  not  ill  off.  So  write  us  again  as  soon 
as  you  can,  or  as  soon  as  your  bustle  is  a  little  over. 

"  The  world  here  goes  on,  I  apprehend,  much  as  it  did 
when  you  gave  them  a  great  deal  better  preaching  in  the 
Capitol  than  they  can  get  now.  Old  General  Lafayette 
creates  a  considerable  sensation ;  but  the  main  business  of 
life  is,  after  all,  eating  dinner,  making  calls,  and  going  to 
multitudinous  parties.  You  can  hardly  imagine  how  lit- 
tle the  presidential  question  is  talked  about,  how  little  ex- 
citement there  is  concerning  it.  For  some  time  I  thought 
it  was  because  things  were  in  a  dark  course  of  negotia- 
tion ;  but  those  who  would  be  likely  to  suspect  and  resist 
such  management  are  constantly  marveling  at  the  tran- 
quillity. On  the  whole,  I  suspect  the  necessity  of  the  case 
is  the  chief  agent  now  at  work.  The  different  parties  are 
so  well  defined,  and  the  abandonment  of  this  colony  would 
be  so  flagrant  a  thing  in  any  or  almost  any  individual, 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.     347 

that  they  are  compelled  to  respect  one  another's  princi- 
ples as  well  as  one  another's  numbers  and  array.  At  any 
rate,  we  seem  to  be  now  on  the  top  of  the  tide,  —  neither 
ebb  nor  flood,  —  as  still  as  if  the  waters  never  were  des- 
tined to  move  again.  Calhoun,  Everett  says,  is  certainly 
using  his  influence  for  Jackson.  Who  Clay  means  to  join 
nobody  knows  ;  probably  not  even  himself.  But  the  most 
zealous  of  the  Crawfordites  are  in  favor  of  Adams,  partly 
because  they  are  afraid  of  Jackson,  and  partly  because 
they  hate  Calhoun.  The  preference  of  each  member  of 
the  House  on  a  first  choice  is,  I  believe,  well  ascertained  ; 
and  the  preference  of  nearly  every  member  for  a  second 
choice.  There  is,  however,  one  remarkable  exception. 
Louisiana  has  three  votes.  Brent  is  openly  for  Adams ; 
Livingston  is  openly  for  Jackson.  Who  Gurley  will  vote 
for  nobody  knows.  Heaven  preserve  us  from  leaving  the 
question  to  the  decision  of  Louisiana !  And  yet  it  is  very 
likely  to  be  decided  by  some  single  State  in  a  position  not 
unlike  this.  If  it  should  be,  let  the  individual  who  finally 
chooses  the  President  look  to  his  hands  all  the  rest  of  his 
life,  for  the  whole  country  will  watch  him  with  no  very 
charitable  eyes.  He  could  not  afterwards  be  a  tide  waiter 
in  the  Custom  House,  or  a  tipstaff  in  one  of  the  United 
States  courts,  without  being  pursued  with  the  hue  and  cry 
of  corruption. 

"  Every  time  I  see  Lafayette  he  talks  about  the  slave 
population.  He  is  very  anxious  something  should  be  done, 
so  is  Mr.  Jefferson,  so  in  fact  is  everybody ;  but  nobody 
knows  how  to  begin  or  what  to  do.  The  curse  seems 
never  to  have  fallen  on  the  Southerners  till  now,  —  at 
least  they  seem  never  to  have  felt  it  till  now.  The  con- 
duct of  South  Carolina  has  alarmed  all  but  its  own  peo- 
ple, and  a  movement  might  be  made,  if  there  were  a  man 
in  Congress  from  all  the  South  able  and  bold  enough  to 
make  it.     Hayne  might  and  probably  would  do  it,  if  he 


348  CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS. 

were  not  from  South  Carolina ;  but  they  would  roast  him 
alive  at  home  if  he  should  do  it ;  and  as  for  a  Northern 
man's  moving  in  it,  that  is  not  to  be  thought  of.  It  would 
spoil  all.  Mr.  Webster  says,  if  the  South  will  propose  a 
feasible,  a  practicable  mode  of  getting  the  blacks  out  of 
the  country,  which  is  Jefferson's  project,  that  he  as  a 
Northern  member  will  vote  to  open  the  treasury  to  exe- 
cute it.  These  are  healing  words  certainly;  and  those 
who  have  been  at  the  South,  and  those  who  remember 
how  earnestly  Virginia  remonstrated  against  the  original 
introduction  of  slavery  by  Great  Britain,  will  be  disposed 
to  look  upon  their  condition  in  grief  and  not  in  anger. 
But  they  must  arrange  the  project  and  make  the  first 
movement  themselves,  and  I  do  not  believe  there  is  a  man 
among  them  all  willing  to  take  upon  himself  the  unpopu- 
larity of  proposing  it,  who  is  at  the  same  time  of  force 
and  character  to  do  it  discreetly  and  effectually.  .  .  . 

14 1  am  very  glad  to  hear  of  your  new  arrangement 
about  the  '  North  American.'  If  you  lose  nothing  by  the 
failure,  you  have  certainly  gained  by  the  transfer ;  for 
your  last  agent  was  never  a  man  of  business,  was  never 
a  safe  man.  Under  your  own  inspection  you  will  find 
everything  both  much  easier  and  much  more  profitable 
than  you  have  heretofore,  for  you  have  always  been  anx- 
ious." 

A  third  letter  from  George  Ticknor  to  Jared  Sparks 
was  written  in  Philadelphia,  January  31, 1825,  and  relates 
to  matters  of  academic,  literary,  legal,  and  social  interest 
to  men  of  that  day :  "  Your  account  of  the  doings  of  the 
Rev.  and  Hon.  the  Board  of  Overseers  is  very  interesting 
and  curious,  —  the  only  sufficient  account  I  have  received. 
It  would  all  be  very  well,  if  it  were  not  for  the  excitement 
under  which  everything  is  now  done.  But  this  seems  to 
me  a  grave  difficulty,  and  will  produce,  I  am  much  afraid, 
a  difference  and  conflict  of  which  we  shall  not  for  a  long 


CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS.  349 

time  see  an  end.  Judge  Story's  Report,  which  is  ac- 
cepted by  an  overwhelming  majority  in  the  Overseers, 
will  not  be  very  welcome  to  the  Immediate  Government, 
and  contains  provisions  which  I  cannot  think  are  wise  or 
practical,  though  in  the  principal  feature  I  am  greatly 
pleased  with  it.  The  Immediate  Government,  I  am  sat- 
isfied, in  their  present  state  of  excitement  will  prevent 
this  Report  from  going  fairly  and  properly  into  effect,  — 
this  will  make  the  principal  Overseers  more  angry,  —  and 
then  it  will  go  on  from  bad  to  worse.  I  see  no  end  to  it. 
By-the-bye,  I  wish  you  would  direct  Cummings  &  Hilliard 
to  deliver  you,  on  my  account,  a  complete  set  of  whatever 
has  been  printed  on  the  subject  of  the  College 1  for  the 
last  year. 

"  We  dined  yesterday  at  Walsh's  with  Hopkinson,  Bin- 
ney,  General  Cadwallader,  and  Spy  Cooper.  It  was  a 
delightful  time,  —  they  were  all  in  excellent  spirits  and 
most  rare  good-humor,  —  and  we  talked  and  laughed  for 
four  hours  as  merrily  as  I  ever  did  in  my  life.  Much 
was  said  about  the  'North  American,'  and  everybody 
praised  it.  Hopkinson  and  Binney  both  thought  it  better 
than  the  '  Edinburgh.'  Binney  said  to  me  that  the  only 
reason  why  he  ceased  to  take  it  was  economy,  —  that  he 
dropped  4  Edinburgh  Quarterly '  and  ■  North  American ' 
together  ;  but  that  the  4  North  American '  is  taken  in  his 
family,  and  that  he  always  reads  it  and  always  with  plea- 
sure. The  review  of  Lord  Byron  was  universally  disap- 
proved, as  I  have  observed  it  was  in  Baltimore,  and  in 
Washington  as  far  as  it  Was  known.  Less  would  have 
been  said  about  it,  and  it  would  not  have  been  so  decid- 
edly disliked,  I  suspect,  if  Medwin's  book  and  Dallas' 
had  not  just  now  come  out  to  put  his  lordship's  character 

1  This  commission  to  collect  documentary  materials  indicates  a 
serious  intent  to  study  the  entire  academic  situation  at  Harvard. 
The  fruit  of  Ticknor's  study  we  shall  soon  see. 


350  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

in  a  more  odious  light  than  ever.  The  ladies  are  against 
him  to  a  man.  There  was,  too,  a  general  expectation  that 
the  '  North  American '  would  appear  on  occasion  of  his 
death  with  a  national  article,  in  which  the  moral  tone 
should  have  been  very  high,  and  of  course  there  is  a  gen- 
eral disappointment.  The  '  Keview,'  however,  can  bear  it. 
It  stands  higher  than  I  expected,  and  is  more  firm  in  the 
general  confidence.  Your  subscription  will  greatly  in- 
crease soon,  for  Thompson  and  Lucas  both  told  me  they 
bes:in  now  to  send  considerable  numbers  over  the  moun- 
tains.  I  pray  you,  however,  to  beware  of  an  article  in 
favor  of  general  codification.1  Mr.  Jefferson,  Mr.  Madi- 
son, Mr.  Webster,  Mr.  Hopkinson,  Mr.  Binney,  and  not 
only  all  the  old  fellows,  but  ...  all  the  little  dogs,  will 
be  after  you  at  once.  There  is  considerable  complaint 
about  a  page  or  two  of  Sedgwick's  article,  and  I  have 
heard  the  question  asked  twenty  times,  What  are  you  go- 
ing to  say  about  the  Code  Napoleon?  Mr.  Duponceau 
says,  if  you  defend  that  and  come  out  for  codification,  he 
shall  give  you  up.  All  this  shows  how  much  influence 
you  have,  and  I  repeat  it  to  you  that  you  may  use  it  ac- 
cordingly, but  I  repeat  what  is  said  about  Sedgwick  and 
Lord  Byron  to  nobody  else ;  for  I  rejoice  most  sincerely 

1  A  view  quite  contrary  to  that  of  Ticknor  is  seen  in  the  following 
letter  from  H.  D.  Sedgwick  to  Jared  Sparks,  New  York,  March  30, 
1825  :  "  Your  old-fashioned  folks  in  Boston  are  all  out  in  thinking 
that  codification  will  not  take.  Is  not  this  the  great  State  and  Mr. 
Clinton  its  great  man,  and  will  not  our  Legislature  follow  his  lead  ? 
This  is  going  like  most  other  great  improvements,  —  the  craft  gener- 
ally opposed  ;  few  lawyers  now  living  above  forty  will  assent  to  it. 
Scarcely  any  below  twenty-five  will  oppose  it.  The  cause  cannot  be 
in  better  hands  than  those  of  Livingston  in  New  Orleans,  and  Duer 
and  Butler  here." 

Codification  became  an  accomplished  fact  in  Louisiana  through  the 
masterly  work  of  Chancellor  Livingston,  which  was  first  printed  en- 
tire in  1833,  although  practically  finished  in  1824,  and  early  adopted 
by  the  State.     The  New  York  Code  was  not  completed  until  1865. 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.  351 

in  your  prospects,  and  think  the  book  is  gaining  very  fast 
indeed.  The  article  about  Baltimore  was  a  remarkably 
happy  hit ;  if  you  can  give  one  like  it  about  Philadelphia 
it  would  be  even  happier. 

"  Owen,  of  Lanark,  arrived  here  last  night,  and  was  in 
our  quarters  this  morning  before  we  were  up.  .  .  .  He 
has  bought  Rapp's  establishment  at  Harmony  just  as  it 
stands,  with  everything  there  is  on  it,  —  house,  furniture, 
plenishings,  &c,  in  short  everything  except  the  two- 
legged  animals.  He  is  perfectly  delighted  with  it,  and 
can  talk  of  nothing  else.  In  the  spring  he  comes  to  Bos- 
ton ;  in  the  summer  he  goes  to  England ;  in  the  autumn, 
or  the  following  spring,  he  comes  back  with  his  colony 
and  begins  the  reformation  of  the  world,  abolishing  all 
the  vile  distinctions  of  meum  and  tuum,  fixing  up  a  new 
religion,  and  regenerating  human  character.  It  will  take 
him,  he  thinks,  about  five-and-twenty  years  to  get  through 
this  small  job  in  Europe  and  America,  and  somewhat 
longer  for  Asia  and  Africa.  .  .  .  His  son  and  Captain 
McDonough  remain  at  Harmony  to  arrange  everything 
for  his  return.  It  contains  30,000  acres,  —  3,000  culti- 
vated,—  and  accommodations  ready  for  1,000  inhabitants. 
It  is  near  the  confluence  of  the  Wabash  and  Ohio,  and 
every  foot  of  it,  he  says,  is  of  the  richest  soil."  .  .  . 

The  following  letter  from  Ticknor,  dated  Nahant,  Au- 
gust 2,  1825,  is  perhaps  the  most  important  in  this  very 
interesting  series.  The  letter  relates  to  one  of  the  most 
epoch-making  articles  that  were  ever  written  for  the 
"  North  American  Review,"  —  to  an  article  originally  re- 
quested and  actually  accepted  by  Mr.  Sparks ;  but  it  was 
finally  withdrawn,  and  privately  printed  by  Cummings, 
Hilliard  &  Company,  in  1825,  and  went  through  two 
editions  that  year.  Ticknor's  pamphlet  marks  the  dawn 
of  a  new  era !  in  American  university  education :  "  I  did 

1  "  Thomas  Jefferson  and  the  University  of  Virginia,"  by  H.  B. 
Adams,  p.  125. 


352  CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS. 

not  seek  to  write  an  article  on  the  College,  and,  indeed,  as 
yon  will  well  remember,  have  more  than  once  declined 
doing  it ;  but  first  at  your  instance,  then  at  Judge  Story's 
and  Mr.  Webster's,  and  finally  at  Judge  Jackson's,  I 
have  undertaken  it.  It  is  now  really  finished,  and  you 
must  take  it  as  it  is,  —  print  it  or  let  it  alone  entirely  ;  I 
cannot  alter  it  and  do  not  wish  to. 

"  I  have  discussed  in  it,  first,  the  defects  in  the  old  sys- 
tem, which  created  the  call  for  changes ;  such  as  the  great 
amount  of  idle  time,  the  alphabetical  division  of  classes, 
the  nature  of  the  recitations,  the  disproportionate  duties 
of  different  officers  taken  en  masse,  and  not  individually, 
the  sort  of  punishments  inflicted  (only  fines  and  suspen- 
sions). I  have  then  discussed  the  two  modes  of  reforma- 
tion proposed  :  first,  a  change  in  the  corporation,  which 
I  have  shown  not  to  be  required  by  charter  and  usage, 
and  not  to  be  expedient ;  and  second,  the  changes  effected 
by  the  present  code  of  laws,  such  as  the  division  into  de- 
partments, the  subdivision  according  to  merit,  the  change 
of  vacations,  opening  college  to  all  who  do  not  desire 
degrees,  alteration  of  punishments,  &c.  Thus  far  I  have 
proceeded,  and  I  have  a  few  pages  more  to  write.  When 
it  is  done  I  shall  show  it  to  the  persons  at  whose  instance 
I  have  written  it,  and  then  send  it  to  you ;  but  I  shall, 
probably,  be  more  unwilling  to  have  it  altered  than  to 
have  alterations  in  anything  I  ever  wrote  for  you. 

"  I  do  not  think  it  is  proper  to  discuss  the  state  and 
arrangements  of  College  without  discussing  all  the  sub- 
jects mentioned  above,  for  they  are  all  of  primary  impor- 
tance ;  but  in  doing  it  I  have  assailed  the  opinions  of  no 
one  individual,  nor  cited  anybody  except  when  I  agreed 
with  him.  I  have  differed  from  many  persons,  because 
not  a  word  can  be  said  about  college  without  differing 
from  many ;  but  if  any  person  is  irritated  at  anything  I 
have  said,  or  shall  say,  it  will  be  his  fault  and  not  mine. 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.  353 

I  never  did  write  in  a  bad  temper,  and,  Heaven  willing,  I 
never  shall.  But,  as  I  said  at  the  beginning,  you  must 
take  it  as  it  is,  or  not  at  all.  I  have  decided  opinions 
upon  College,  and  a  decent  independence  requires  me  to 
express  them,  if  I  undertake  to  discuss  the  subject.  You 
entertain .  the  same  opinions,  and  therefore  you  asked  me 
to  write  the  article.  If  for  any  reason  you  do  not  mean 
to  print  it,  I  shall  not  be  vexed  that  you  have  changed 
your  mind,  though  I  may  be  sorry  I  have  lost  my  labor. 

"  Pray  come  down  and  see  us  again ;  we  have  mighty 
agreeable  times  here,  and,  for  aught  I  know  or  foresee, 
shall  stay  till  frost." 

Many  of  the  letters  sent  to  Mr.  Sparks  were  addressed 
"  Somerset  Court,  Boston." 1  In  a  letter  written  June  25, 
1824,  to  Miss  Susan  Williams,  he  gives  this  graphic  ac- 
count of  his  local  situation  in  Boston  :  — 

"  My  windows  overlook  Charlestown,  Cambridge,  and 
the  whole  country  round,  and  I  see  all  that  is  to  be  seen. 
The  famous  house 2  in  Chelsea,  with  all  the  trees  in  the 
town,  is  in  full  sight,  and  this  moment  I  see  the  ferry- 
boat just  landing  at  the  wharf.  Five  or  six  days  ago  I 
saw  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  fought  over  again,  while 

1  After  the  autumn  of  1826,  Mr.  Sparks  took  lodgings  with  his 
friend  Dr.  Walter  Channing,  on  Common  Street,  corner  of  School 
Street,  where  for  five  years  they  kept  bachelor's  hall,  until  Chan- 
ning's  marriage.  In  June,  1831,  Sparks  removed  to  Mrs.  R.  H. 
Clark's  in  Somerset  Place. 

2  Mr.  Sparks  here  refers  to  an  old  home  of  one  branch  of  the  Wil- 
liams family,  in  Chelsea.  "  Amos  Williams  and  seven  brothers  went 
from  Roxbury,  Massachusetts,  to  Baltimore,  about  the  beginning  of 
the  present  century,  and  became  successful  and  influential  merchants 
there.  The  daughter  of  one  of  these  brothers  became  the  wife  of 
Jerome  Bonaparte,  the  American  son  of  the  king  of  Westphalia  by 
his  first  wife,  Elizabeth  Patterson,  of  Baltimore."  (Dr.  N.  H.  Mori- 
son  on  "  George  Washington  Burnap.")  Amos  Williams  married  his 
own  cousin,  Nancy  Williams,  daughter  of  Henry  Howell  Williams, 
of  Chelsea.     Their  daughter  Nancy  Williams  married  Mr.  Burnap. 

23 


354     CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

standing  as  I  do  now  at  my  desk,  and  a  noisy  time  it 
was  ;  the  wooden  monument  on  the  '  awful  mount '  was 
shaken  to  its  centre,  and  the  mount  itself  trembled.  Do 
you  not  think  I  have  seen  wonders  ?  And  yet  I  have  told 
you  nothing  of  the  great  doings  of  election  week,  when  we 
had  three  or  four  sermons  every  day,  and  the  ministers 
walked  in  a  procession,  and  held  counsels  and  looked  very 
grave,  and  did  exactly  what  their  forefathers  did  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty  years  ago.  ...  I  must  not  forget  to  tell  you 
of  an  accident  which  has  happened  to  me.  Two  nights 
ago  the  house  took  fire  in  which  was  contained  the  July 
number  of  the  '  North  American  Review,'  and  the  raven- 
ous flames  destroyed  about  one  half  of  that  inestimable 
work.  The  publisher  reports  the  loss  to  me  to  be  from 
four  to  five  hundred  dollars ;  and  we  shall  be  detained  ten 
days." 

Mr.  Sparks'  health  was  much  improved  by  his  return 
to  a  northern  climate,  although  during  the  first  year  after 
his  establishment  in  Boston  he  was  far  from  being  well. 
In  the  letter  from  which  the  above  passages  are  quoted 
he  says :  "  I  have  worried  through  the  summer  thus  far 
much  as  I  used  to  do  in  my  room  in  your  house.  My 
health  has  been  much  better  on  the  whole,  but  I  have  al- 
lowed myself  once  in  a  while  to  be  attacked  something  in 
the  old  way,  just  to  keep  up  a  recollection  of  past  times. 
I  find  very  little  comfort  in  it,  however,  and  should  be 
willing  to  adopt  almost  any  other  mode  of  quickening  my 
recollections." 

He  afterwards  found  a  cure  for  all  his  ills  in  vigorous, 
systematic,  physical  exercise.  This  he  appears  to  have 
somewhat  neglected  amid  the  all-absorbing  duties  of  his 
Baltimore  pastorate.  But  even  in  the  South  he  had  al- 
ways found  himself  greatly  benefited  by  long  journeys 
taken  in  jolting  stage-coaches  during  his  summer  vaca- 
tions.     At  the  North,  in  a  more  bracing  climate,   and 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH   FRIENDS.  355 

among  friends  like  Prescott,  who  was  devoted  to  and  ab- 
solutely dependent  upon  physical  exercise,  Sparks  soon 
resumed  the  good  old  practice  of  taking  long  walks. 
Writing  to  Miss  Nancy  Williams,  of  Baltimore,  April 
19,  1825,  he  said:  "  I  have  become  a  prodigious  pedes- 
trian, and  walk  the  country  over  in  all  directions.  This 
very  morning  I  have  walked  four  miles  before  breakfast, 
that  is,  before  half-past  seven.  Some  day,  perhaps,  I  may 
walk  to  Baltimore  to  dinner ;  it  must  be  a  cool  day,  and 
yet  I  must  have  cantaloupes  and  peaches." 

To  his  old  friend  and  correspondent,  James  Taylor, 
Unitarian  minister  in  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote 
from  Boston,  November  11,  1826  :  "  I  have  traveled  a 
great  deal  during  the  last  year,  and  I  find  my  health, 
much  improved  by  it.  .  .  .  The  care  of  my  '  Review '  and 
my  present  literary  projects  have  the  effect  of  keeping  me 
in  better  health  and  spirits  than  I  have  enjoyed  for  many 
years  before." 

While  living  in  Boston,  Mr.  Sparks  was  in  receipt  of  a 
constant  succession  of  invitations  from  friends  in  town 
and  in  Cambridge.  If  he  had  accepted  all  the  courtesies 
that  were  offered  him,  he  would  have  been  almost  as  much 
occupied  by  social  engagements  as  by  his  editorial  duties. 
Many  invitations  are  preserved  among  Mr.  Sparks*  private 
letters,  which  are  arranged  chronologically  by  years  in 
handsome  cases.  In  rapidly  running  through,  these  letter 
files,  the  reader  catches  charming  glimpses  of  social  forms 
in  the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Besides 
the  vast  number  of  conventional  invitations  to  teas  and 
dinner  parties  from  people  well  known  in  Boston  and 
Cambridge,  there  are  many  notes  of  individual  interest. 

W.  H.  Prescott  sends  this,  December  8,  1826  :  "  It  is 
very  long  since  we  had  the  pleasure  of  greeting  you  in 
our  domestic  circle.  Will  you  not  steal  an  hour  from  the 
gay  and  prosperous  world,  and  give  it  to  us  on  Sunday 


356  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

evening?  I  fix  on  that  time  merely  to  afford  to  your 
memory  a  link  of  association,  that  the  thought  may  not 
pass  away  as  if  it  had  not  been." 

The  following  from  W.  H.  Gardiner,  June  12,  1827,  is 
a  characteristic  reminder  of  Prescott's  Club,  of  which 
Sparks  was  an-  original  member :  u  I  am  happy  to  hear 
of  your  safe  return,  and  have  endeavored  sundry  times  to 
see  you.  But  you  are  as  hard  to  find  as  the  longitude. 
Among  other  things,  I  wished  to  inform  you  that  club 
proposes  to  assemble  himself  to-morrow,  being  his  birth- 
day anniversary,  at  Nahant,  and  that  it  is  indispensable 
that  you  should  be  there.  Prescott  desires  me  to  say  that 
he  wants  a  companion  in  his  chaise,  and  if  you  will  take 
the  seat  with  him  he  will  go  at  your  own  hour.  4  No '  can- 
not be  said  but  upon  the  most  invincible  reason." 

There  are  many  other  pleasant  notes  of  a  social  charac- 
ter in  the  letter-files  of  Jared  Sparks.  He  had  strong 
friends  in  Boston  and  Cambridge  family  circles,  repre- 
sented by  such  men  as  W.  H.  and  S.  A.  Eliot,  Palfrey, 
Folsom,  Norton,  Parkman,  Parsons,  Phillips,  Quincy,  Ap- 
pleton,  Channing,  Codman,  Dwight,  Everett,  Gardiner, 
Gray,  Lowell,  Lyman,  Minot,  Ware,  and  Winthrop. 

William  H.  Eliot,  Sparks'  lifelong  friend,  wrote  to 
him  from  Boston,  January  23,  1827 :  "As  to  the  comfort 
of  possessing  kind  friends,  who  has  less  reason  to  com- 
plain than  you  ?  Who  has  more  or  better  ones  ?  Who 
has  more  reason  to  be  proud  of  having  secured  their  re- 
gard and  affection?  Among  us,  you  are  esteemed  for 
yourself,  not  because  you  are  this  man's  brother  or  that 
man's  cousin,  not  because  you  have  married  a  lady  of 
fortune  or  are  possessed  of  one  yourself,  but  because  your 
character  and  talents  are  properly  appreciated.  Then 
your  occupation  is  a  most  honorable  one,  and  becoming  a 
lucrative  one,  not  without  its  vexations  truly ;  but  what 
pursuit,  even  the  glorious  one  of  casting  interest  on  cents 
and  mills,  is  free  from  its  disagreeable  points  ?  " 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.  357 

In  the  autumn  of  1827,  Mr.  Sparks  began  to  make 
preparations  for  a  trip  to  Europe  for  the  sake  of  collect- 
ing materials  for  American  history  in  foreign  archives. 
He  arranged  with  his  old  friend,  Edward  Everett,  for  the 
editorial  conduct  of  the  '  North  American  Review.'  The 
following  letter,  dated  Boston,  September  17,  1827,  from 
Sparks  to  Everett,  explains  the  proposed  transfer:  "I 
find  it  will  not  be  possible  for  me  to  do  justice  to  the  pub- 
lication of  Washington's  works  till  I  can  go  to  England 
and  consult  papers  that  do  not  exist  in  this  country.  But 
I  feel  some  concern  as  to  the  fate  of  the  '  North  American 
Review '  during  my  absence.  It  is  of  great  importance  at 
this  juncture  that  it  should  be  in  good  hands. 

"  I  write  to  inquire  whether  you  will  undertake  the  edi- 
torship? My  intention  is  to  get  away  in  December  or 
January,  and  to  be  absent  about  ten  months  ;  consequently 
three  numbers  will  come  out  while  I  am  gone,  and  one  so 
soon  after  my  return  that  I  shall  not  be  able  to  give  any 
attention  to  it.  If  you  will  undertake  the  editorial  labor 
and  responsibility  of  these  four  numbers,  I  will  give  you 
two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  for  each  number,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  usual  pay  for  your  own  writing. 

"  I  shall  wish  it  to  be  publicly  understood  that  the  work 
will  be  entirely  in  your  hands  during  my  absence,  and 
shall  moreover  expect  that  you  will  exercise  the  same 
charge  over  the  editorial  department  as  if  the  work  were 
your  own.  With  the  list  of  new  publications  and  the 
Index  you  will  have  no  trouble,  as  they  will  be  procured 
by  the  publisher ;  but  all  the  other  matter  must  be  pro- 
vided by  you,  and  be  prepared  critically  for  the  press.  It 
must  be  remembered  also  that,  according  to  our  present 
system  of  coming  out  punctually,  all  the  manuscript  must 
be  in  the  printer's  hands  at  least  four  weeks  before  the 
number  is  published.     Mr.  Folsom  will  read  the  proofs. 

"  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  mention  that  Mr.  Greenwood 


358  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

is  pledged  for  fifty  pages  a  year,  and  Mr.  Prescott  for 
twenty-five.  Your  brother  has  written  me  that  he  thinks 
he  shall  send  an  article  for  every  number.  Cruse,  of 
Baltimore,  is  a  ready  and  good  hand.  Cass  will  write  for 
April." 

Mr.  Everett  made  some  inquiries  regarding  the  amount 
of  editorial  writing  that  would  be  expected,  and  Sparks 
replied,  September  19,  1827 :  "  In  answer  to  your  inquiry 
I  reply  that  when  I  have  been  at  home,  my  writing  in  the 
4  Eeview '  has  averaged,  I  suppose,  about  fifty  or  sixty 
pages  a  number,  sometimes  more,  when  absent  less,  and 
in  one  number  nothing.  I  will  add  that  for  the  two  last 
years  I  have  found  no  difficulty  in  procuring  matter,  but 
have  always  had  more  than  I  could  print.  .  In  my  desk 
are  now  three  formidable  articles  for  January.  My  great 
tr6uble  has  been  to  bring  out  a  suitable  variety,  and  to 
avoid  too  many  long  discussions  in  a  single  number.  Care 
has  constantly  been  taken  to  engage  writers  on  broad 
topics  some  time  beforehand.  Cushing  was  preparing  an 
article  on  Guatemala  for  October,  but  there  was  not  room. 
It  will  be  ready  for  January. 

"  The  more  you  write  the  better,  of  course,  but  I  shall 
be  willing  to  leave  that  to  your  own  judgment,  presuming 
you  will  supply  as  much  as  your  leisure  will  allow,  and 
that  you  will  feel  a  desire  to  have  the  numbers  come  out 
in  as  acceptable  a  manner  as  possible.  It  ought  to  be 
kept  in  mind  that  the  printer  must  be  supplied  near  the 
beginning  of  the  quarter  with  some  of  the  articles,  and 
not  be  suffered  to  run  out  afterwards ;  otherwise  there  is 
so  much  presswork  that  it  cannot  be  thrown  off  towards 
the  end." 

In  a  letter  dated  Boston,  September  25, 1827,  Mr.  Ever- 
ett said  :  "  After  consulting  with  some  of  my  friends,  I 
have  concluded  to  undertake  the  charge  you  propose  to 
me,  on  the  terms  offered ;  and  being  strongly  attached  to 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.  359 

the  4  North  American,'  I  shall  exert  myself  to  the  utmost 
to  promote  its  interests." 

The  "  North  American  Review  "  afforded  a  great  stim- 
ulus to  the  development  of  the  periodical  and  scientific 
literature  of  this  country.  Walsh's  "  American  Quarterly 
Review,"  published  by  H.  C.  Carey  in  Philadelphia,  was 
the  only  magazine  that  really  attempted  to  rival  the  Bos- 
ton publication,  and  to  draw  away  its  contributors.  Mr. 
Sparks  was  always  generous  to  literary  competitors  and 
associates.  He  lent  hearty  encouragement  to  the  "  Amer- 
ican Journal  of  Science."  Its  editor,  Professor  B.  Silli- 
man,  wrote  to  him,  July  26,  1829 :  "  Should  you  have 
more  matter  that  is  of  scientific  character,  or  relating  to 
the  arts,  than  is  desirable  for  a  literary  work,  it  is  more 
than  probable  that  I  might  be  able  to  receive  it  and  pay 
for  it  as  you  would  do.  I  ask,  however,  for  nothing  that 
would  in  the  least  interfere  with  your  own  views.  ...  I 
believe  I  never  thanked  you  for  a  very  valuable  letter  of 
advice  with  which,  at  my  request,  you  favored  me  in  1826. 
The  suggestions  which  you  then  made  led  to  a  course 
which  spread  the  'Journal,'  and  it  will  always  give  me 
pleasure  to  acknowledge  my  obligation,  and  to  assure  you 
that  I  am,  with  great  respect,  your  very  obliged  friend 
and  servant." 

The  financial  status  of  the  "North  American  Review" 
during  Mr.  Sparks'  editorship  is  not  without  interest. 
Before  his  time,  nothing  had  been  paid  to  contributors  for 
their  articles.  A  more  generous  policy  was  inaugurated 
soon  after  he  became  editor  and  chief  proprietor  of  the 
magazine.  In  a  letter  to  Professor  Cleaveland,  the  min- 
eralogist and  geologist  of  Bowdoin  College,  he  made  the 
following  explanation,  August  15, 1826  :  "  During  the  first 
years  of  the  '  North  American  Review  '  it  was  customary 
to  give  a  copy  to  such  gentlemen  as  wrote  for  the  work. 
About  three  years  ago  the  proprietors  began  to  pay  the 


360 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 


writers,  and  after  that  no  one  received  the  book  on  those 
terms.  .  .  .  Every  writer  pays  for  his  book  like  any  other 
subscriber,  and  receives  a  dollar  a  page  for  writing. " 

After  the  first  two  years  Mr.  Sparks  sold  for  $4,000  a 
quarter  interest  in  the  u  North  American  "  to  an  energetic 
young  man  named  Frederick  T.  Gray,  who  became  his 
publisher  and  business  manager.  On  the  11th  of  Janu- 
ary, 1826,  Mr.  Gray  sent  the  following  balance  sheet  to 
Mr.  Sparks,  showing  the  financial  condition  of  the  "  Ke- 


view: 


Amount  rec'd  in  1826,  $11,845.36 


Paid  Printers  .  . 
Paper  .  .  . 
Binding  .  . 
Writing  .  . 
Expense  .  . 
Profit  &  Loss  col- 

lect'n       .     . 
Col'd  Paper    . 

J.  S 

F.  T.  G.      .     . 
Note  discounted 
Cash  from  &  pd 

to  J.  S.    .     . 
J.    S.    |    bal.   on 

hand  .     .     . 
F.  T.  G.  \  bal.  on 

hand  .     .     . 


$2,965.05 

2,638.64 

662.90 

683.94 

420.26 

97.36 

70.00 

2,200.00 

1,100.00 

600.00 

292.56 

85.82 
28.60 


Reprinted  in  1826,  Nos.  2,  7, 11,  24, 

48,  51  &  52,  which  cost  .     .     .    $1,326.60 
Estimate  value  of  N.  A.  R.  1827  : 

Amount  stock  at  usual  estimation     ....  $6,300.76 
Due  from  agents  &  subscribers,  10  per  ct. 

off 2,712.95 

2,932  subscribers,  at  $3.25 9,529.00 

Value      ....      $18,542.71 
Estimate  on  Jan.  1827      ....  $18,542.71 
Estimate  on  Jan.  1826      ....      16,065.95 
Increase     ....      $2,476.76 
This  is  made  at  the  lowest  on  all  the  items. 


$11,845.36 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS  361 

Mr.  Sparks  made  a  special  contract  with  Alexander  H. 
Everett  to  furnish  one  article  for  each  number  of  the 
magazine  during  a  period  of  two  years,  beginning  with 
July,  1826.  This  contract  was  faithfully  executed,  and 
upon  its  expiration  a  new  arrangement  was  made  for  the 
same  period.  Mr.  Everett  became  so  much  attached  to 
the  "  North  American  "  that  he  intimated,  September  5, 
1827,  to  Mr.  Sparks,  a  desire  to  purchase  a  proprietary 
interest.  Sparks  agreed  with  his  associate,  F.  T.  Gray, 
March  7,  1828,  that  not  more  than  a  half  interest  in  the 
magazine  should  be  sold.  On  the  17th  of  August,  1828, 
we  find  Sparks  writing  to  Everett  from  Paris  the  follow- 
ing clear  sketch  of  the  financial  condition  of  the  "  North 
American  :  "  "  Some  time  ago  you  wrote  to  me  that  you 
were  disposed  to  purchase  a  part  of  the  '  North  American 
Review.'  From  what  you  then  said,  I  thought  it  likely 
that  I  should  see  you  in  London  or  Paris,  'and  I  procured 
from  Mr.  Gray  a  general  statement  of  the  pecuniary  con- 
cerns of  the  work  for  your  inspection.  I  will  transcribe 
the  results  as  briefly  and  clearly  as  I  can. 

"  It  seems  that  for  the  last  seven  years  the  work  has 
increased  in  value,  on  an  average,  about  $2,000  a  year.  I 
paid  for  it  ^lO^OO.1     A  careful  estimate  has  since  been 

1  In  November,  1823,  Mr.  Sparks  bought  out  the  proprietors  of 
the  "  North  American  Review,"  among  whom  were  Willard  Phillips, 
W.  P.  Mason,  and  Edward  Everett.  He  gave  notes,  and  borrowed 
money  from  his  friends  William  H.  Eliot,  George  Ticknor,  and 
Samuel  A.  Eliot.  The  latter,  on  April  1,  1825,  advanced  $6,500, 
and  took  a  mortgage  for  that  amount  on  one  half  the  property  of 
the  "  North  American  Review."  This  mortgage  was  paid  March  10, 
1830,  and  all  other  obligations  on  account  of  the  "  Review "  were 
settled  at  earlier  dates.  Mr.  Sparks  received,  January  21,  1826, 
$4,000  from  Frederick  T.  Gray  for  one  fourth  interest  in  the  "  Re- 
view," and  $600,  January  23, 1826,  from  Nathan  Hale,  for  all  of  Mr. 
Sparks'  interest  in  the  office,  or  so-called  "  Press  of  the  North  Amer- 
ican Review."  The  printing  business  and  the  business  of  publication 
were  afterwards  kept  distinct.     Nathan  Hale  was  employed  by  Mr. 


362     CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

made  on  the  1st  of  January  for  every  year,  and  recorded 
in  detail  on  the  books.  The  results  of  the  record  for 
January,  1828,  are  as  follows,  viz. :  — 

"  Value  of  the  subscription  list         ....       $9,954.75 

Stock  on  hand 6,787.43 

Debts  due  from  agents  and  subscribers,  after  de- 
ducting ten  per  cent,  for  losses  and  expense  of 
collecting 3,963.00 

$20,705.18 

M  The  income  of  the  work  is  variable,  owing  to  the 
failures  of  agents,  and  the  expense  of  reprinting  back 
numbers.  The  first  two  years  that  I  had  it,  I  realized 
very  little.  I  then  sold  a  quarter  of  it  to  Mr.  Gray,  who 
became  the  publisher  and  a  proprietor.  Our  agreement 
was,  that  he  should  have  out  of  the  proceeds  of  the  work 
81,100  a  year  as  publisher,  and  I  $2,200  as  editor ;  and 
if  anything  remained,  it  was  to  be  divided  according  to 
the  respective  values  of  our  shares.  The  largest  amount 
that  I  have  ever  received  in  a  year  was  $2,283.  This 
sum  was  my  compensation  as  editor,  and  for  the  interest 
on  the  amount  of  my  share  of  the  work,  or  three  quarters 
of  the  whole.     Mr.  Gray  received  $1,121. 

"  The  back  stock  has  always  proved  good  property  to 
us,  although  it  is  expensive  reprinting  small  editions  of 
single  numbers  as  they  become  exhausted.  The  annual 
sales  yield  a  high  percentage  on  the  estimated  value  of 
the  stock.  This  year  we  are  printing  an  Index  to  the 
first  twenty-five  volumes,  which  will  cost  much  more  than 
we  shall  receive  at  once,  but  we  have  no  doubt  that  it  will 
repay  us  liberally  in  the  end. 

"  By  the  above  estimate  you  will  see  that  the  work  was 
valued  on  the  1st  of  January  last  at  $20,705.     If  you  are 

Sparks  in  some  large  enterprises,  such  as  printing  the  "  American 
Diplomatic  Correspondence."  The  office  of  the  "  North  American" 
was  at  74  Washington  Street. 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.  363 

inclined  to  purchase  one  quarter  of  it,  you  shall  have  it  for 
15,000.  I  will  then  agree  to  receive  as  editor  $1,500  a 
year.  Mr.  Gray  will  have  $  1,100  a  year  as  publisher; 
and  the  surplus  will  be  divided  according  to  our  respective 
shares,  it  being  understood  that  I  shall  be  paid  for  what 
I  write  at  the  same  rate  as  yourself. 

"  From  this  sketch  I  believe  you  will  be  able  to  form 
as  good  an  idea  as  I  can  communicate  of  the  state  of 
things.  The  exact  number  of  efficient  subscribers  I  can- 
not tell.  I  doubt  whether  it  is  more  than  3,200,  though 
it  is  probable  that  one  or  two  hundred  copies  more  get 
out  of  the  office  one  way  or  another.  It  is  perhaps  un- 
necessary for  me  to  remind  you  that  we  can  scarcely  ex- 
pect the  same  ratio  of  increase  hereafter  as  heretofore. 
The  new  journals  that  have  been  set  on  foot,  and  with  a 
considerable  success,  must  in  the  nature  of  things  fill  up 
some  of  the  channels  into  which  our  work  would  otherwise 
run.  But  I  need  not  enlarge,  for  the  whole  ground  is 
before  you,  and  you  can  judge  of  its  bearings  as  well  as 
myself.  I  will  only  add  that  Mr.  Gray,  the  publisher,  is 
an  uncommonly  correct  and  faithful  young  man  ;  that  he 
has  hitherto  taken  a  lively  interest  in  the  work;  and  as 
he  is  a  practiced  accountant,  he  keeps  a  record  of  all  the 
pecuniary  concerns  with  the  utmost  accuracy  and  method. 
It  is  somewhat  to  our  disadvantage  that  we  are  obliged  to 
have  a  separate  establishment  for  publishing  our  work 
alone,  when  it  might  be  done  a  good  deal  cheaper  in  con- 
nection with  other  concerns  ;  but  it  cannot  be  otherwise, 
unless  the  owners  of  the  work  were  deeply  interested  in 
such  concerns." 

This  correspondence  led  to  the  sale  of  Mr.  Sparks'  three- 
quarter  interest  in  the  "  North  American  Review,"  1  for 

1  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  March  12,  1830,  to  one  of  his  friends  :  "  The 
1  Review '  is  sold,  and  the  money  received,  and  all  things  settled.  I 
am  not  very  light-hearted  about  it;  but  I  am  sure  it  is  for  the  best; 


364  CORRESPONDENCE   WITH   FRIENDS. 

815,000,  March  10,  1830,  to  Alexander  H.  Everett,  after 
the  expiration  of  the  second  contract  with  him  as  a  con- 
tributor. Mr.  Sparks  was  by  this  time  deeply  engrossed  in 
other  editorial  duties,  and  needed  his  capital  for  large  his- 
torical enterprises.  Henry  Wheaton  alludes  to  this  trans- 
fer of  the  magazine,  in  the  following  letter  from  Paris  to 
Mr.  Sparks,  April  15,  1830  :  -— 

"  I  am  sorry  you  have  given  up  the  '  North  American,' 
though  I  have  great  confidence  in  the  abilities  of  your 
successor.  He  is  one  of  our  finest  scholars,  and  in  ethical 
speculation  and  classic  criticism  unrivaled  among  us,  at 
least  so  I  think.  The  *  Review '  could  not  have  fallen 
into  better  hands.  The  '  Review '  is  the  thing  for  Mr. 
Everett,  and  he  is  the  man  for  the  'Review.'  I  would 
gladly  contribute  something  occasionally.  As  to  the 
Scandinavian  discoveries  in  North  America  before  Co- 
lumbus, I  am  surprised  to  hear  you  express  any  doubts 
about  them.  I  have  examined  the  matter  thoroughly, 
and  can  assure  you  that  they  are  as  well  attested  by  his- 
torical monuments  as  those  of  Columbus  himself.     I  have 

and  I  ought  certainly  to  be  well  pleased  that  the  '  Review '  has  gained 
constantly  in  my  hands,  both  in  regard  to  its  reputation  and  pecuni- 
ary value.  I  have  sold  it  for  $9,100  more  than  I  gave  for  it  ;  and, 
during  the  six  years  that  I  have  owned  it,  I  have  actually  realized 
from  it  $22,000,  i.  e.  taking  the  increased  value  of  the  property  and 
the  annual  receipts  together." 

Mr.  Sparks  wrote  from  Boston  to  the  lexicographer,  J.  G.  Fliigel, 
of  Leipzig,  July  12,  1830  :  "  Since  my  return  to  this  country  I  have 
sold  out  my  interest  in  the  '  North  American  Review  '  to  Mr.  Alex- 
ander H.  Everett,  recent  American  minister  in  Spain,  who  is  now  the 
editor."  Mr.  Sparks  was  invited  July  1,  1831,  by  Peabody  &  Co., 
233  Broadway,  New  York,  to  become  associate  editor,  with  the  Hon. 
G.  C.  Verplanck  and  Mr.  Gallatin,  of  a  new  magazine,  to  be  on  the 
plan  of  the  "  North  American  Review  "  and  "  American  Quarterly  " 
(Walsh's  Philadelphia  enterprise).  Mr.  Sparks  was  to  do  one  third 
of  the  writing,  and  to  receive  one  third  of  the  salary.  He  did  not 
accept  this  proposition. 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS.     365 

noticed  it  in  a  work  on  the  '  History  of  the  Normans,' 
which  I  have  sent  to  London  to  be  published.  But 
whether  the  booksellers  will  think  it  work  their  while  to 
undertake  it,  I  do  not  yet  know.  I  could  still  wish  the 
article  on  Niebuhr's  4  Borne  '  were  published  in  the  '  North 
American.'  It  is  a  notice  of  the  second  edition  of  Nie- 
buhr's first  volume,  which  is  almost  entirely  a  different 
work  from  the  original  reviewed  long  since  by  Mr.  E. 
Everett.  If  Mr.  A.  Everett  will  publish  this  article,  I 
will  undertake  to  notice  the  second  volume  when  it  shall 
appear.  I  do  not  think  Walsh  ever  received  my  letter 
desiring  him  to  send  it  to  you. 

"  The  newspapers  will  tell  you  of  the  truly  great  and 
glorious  revolution  that  has  taken  place  here.  I  can  as- 
sure you  the  heroic  valor,  magnanimity,  and  moderation 
of  the  French  nation  are  not  at  all  exaggerated  by  their 
journals.  It  must  produce  mutations  of  greater  or  less 
extent  in  every  country  of  Europe,  not  even  excepting 
England,  which  is  now  left  in  the  rear  of  France  in  prac- 
tical liberty. 

"  I  pray  you  to  remember  me  to  Dr.  Channing,  Norton, 
the  Wares,  Everetts,  and  Story.  Success  to  your  4  Wash- 
ington.' " 

Alexander  H.  Everett  conducted  the  "  North  American 
Review  "  until  1836,  when  the  editorial  management  was 
undertaken  by  John  G.  Palfrey,  who  bore  the  burden 
until  1843.  Francis  Bo  wen,  whom  Mr.  Sparks  had  early 
befriended  at  Exeter  and  Cambridge,  was  the  editor  from 
1843  to  1853,  when  Dr.  Andrew  P.  Peabody,  from  Ports- 
mouth, took  charge  of  the  magazine,  his  editorship  ter- 
minating in  1863.  He  was  succeeded  by  James  Kussell 
Lowell  and  Charles  Eliot  Norton.  The  subsequent  editors 
were  in  turn,  Professor  E.  W.  Gurney ;  Henry  Adams ; 
Julius  H.  Ward,  under  the  proprietorship  of  Mr.  A.  T. 
Rice,  who  subsequently  took  the  editorship  into  his  own 


366     CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 

hands ;  and  Lloyd  Bryce,  under  whose   management  the 
"North  American"  seems  to  be  renewing  its  life. 

The  "  North  American  Review  "  has  had  a  rich  and 
varied  experience  under  its  succession  of  editors.  After 
some  critical  reflections  upon  the  magazine,  William  H. 
Prescott  said,  in  1837  :  "  For  a'  that,  the  old  t  North '  is 
the  best  periodical  we  have  ever  had,  or,  considering  its 
resources,  are  likely  to  have  for  the  present."  1     When 

1  Ticknor's  "  Life  of  Prescott,"  p.  238.  A  list  of  Prescott's  con- 
tributions  to  the  "  North  American  "  is  given  by  Ticknor  on  p.  239. 
The  "  Boston  Journal,"  in  a  valuable  article  on  "  The  North  Ameri- 
can Review,"  August  2,  1859,  from  which  the  old  "  Historical  Maga- 
zine," November,  1829,  largely  quoted,  prints  the  following  list  of 
contributors  up  to  that  date,  with  this  editorial  comment  :  "  The 
'  North  American  Review '  has  largely  contributed  to  make  Ameri- 
can literature  what  it  is.  It  has,  from  the  commencement,  enlisted 
the  pens  of  some  of  our  ablest  writers.  The  reputations  of  our  best 
known  essayists  and  reviewers  are  mainly  founded  upon  their  con- 
tributions to  its  pages.  We  have  before  us  a  list  of  the  articles  con- 
tributed to  every  number  from  the  commencement,  with  the  names 
of  the  writers,  for  the  loan  of  which  we  are  indebted  to  William  F. 
Poole,  Esq.,  the  accomplished  librarian  of  the  Athenaeum.  So  far  as 
we  are  aware,  this  is  the  only  complete  list  in  existence.  Mr.  George 
Livermore  has  one  nearly  complete  down  to  the  year  1851,  which 
was  the  basis  of  Mr.  Poole's,  who  has  perfected  it  with  much  labor 
and  research,  with  a  view  to  making  use  of  the  materials  in  a  future 
edition  of  his  valuable  ■  Index  to  Periodical  Literature.'  From  his 
list  we  have  compiled  the  following  alphabetical  catalogue  of  the 
writers  in  the  ■  Review,'  showing  the  date  of  their  first  contribution 
to  its  pages,  and  the  number  of  articles  contributed,  down  to  the 
close  of  the  eighty-ninth  volume  [1859]  :  — 

Date  of  first  No.  papers        Date  of  first  No.  papers 

contribution.  contributed.      contribution.  contributed. 

1817  Adams,  John  (Pres't)  ...  7  1851  Arnold,  S.  G 1 

1817  Austin,  J.  T 5  1857  Allen,  J.  H 1 

1826  Anderson,  R.  C 1  1855  Alger,  W.  R 4 

1831  Adams,  C.  Francis 17  1856  Angell,  James  B 4 

1835  Alexander, 1  1856  Allen,  Dr.  —  (Lowell).  .  1 

1839  Adams,  Nehemiah. 1  1856  Abbott,  Joseph  H 1 

1843  Adams,  C.  B 1  1857  Allen,  W.  F 1 

1843  Austin,  Ivers  J 1  1858  Abbott,  E.  H 1 

1847  Adams,  F.  A 1 


CORRESPONDENCE   WITH   FRIENDS. 


367- 


the  student  looks  over,  in  Dr.  W.  F.  Poole's  Index,  the 
remarkable  list  of  able  writers   and  publicists  who,  from 


1817  Bigelow,  Dr.  Jacob 4 

1817  Bulfinch,  Thomas 1 

1817  Bryant,  W.  C 15 

1818  Brazer,  John 5 

1818  Baldwin,  Loammi 1 

1820  Bowditch,  Nath'l 3 

1821  Brooks,  Edw 7 

1822  Benedict,  1 

1823  Bradford,  Gamaliel 3 

1823  Bancroft,  Geo 19 

1823  Blunt,  Joseph 1 

1828  Bode,  Dr.  Charles 2 

1834  Barnard,  F.  A.  P 1 

1835  Benjamin,  Park 1 

1835  Bolles,  J.  A 1 

1836  Butler,  Fanny  K 1 

1836  Beck,  Dr.  C 1 

1836  Bullard,  Henry  A 1 

1837  Brigham,  Dr.  A 1 

1837  Bliss,  L 1 

1838  Bowen,  Francis 95 

1838  Brown,  J 1 

1840  Brigham,  Wm 1 

1843  Beck,  Charles 2 

1846  Brown,  S.  Gilman 9 

1848  Batchelder,   Miss    Isabel 

(now  Mrs.  James) 7 

1850  Bartol,  C.  A 3 

1854  Bond,  Hy.  F 1 

1855  Brigham,  C.  H 10 

1856  Bellows,  H.  W 1 

1856  Bliss,  Geo.,  Jr 1 

1856  Bury,  Countess  De.    ...   11 
1856  Bush,  G.  W 1 

1856  Brown,  J.  B 1 

1857  Bascom,  J 1 

1858  Brace,  C.  L 1 

1815  Channing,  Walter 8 

1816  Channing,  E.  T 15 

1818  Channing,  W.  E 1 

1818  Clerc,  Lawrent 1 

1820  Cushing,  Caleb 28 

1821  Cogswell,  J.  G 3 

1822  Cooper,  Judge 1 

1826  Cass,  Lewis 6 

1826  Cruse,  Peter 7 


1827  Cleveland,  Capt 1 

1829  Chase,  Ira 1 

1829  Cheever,  George  B 4 

1831  Chase,  S.  P 2 

1832  Child,  David  L 2 

1833  Chapman,  Jonathan 1 

1834  Calvert,  Geo.  H 1 

1835  Cleveland,  Henry  R 9 

1836  Clark,  J.  F 1 

1836  Caswell,  Prof 1 

1839  Chickering,  Jesse 2 

1839  Colman,  Henry 2 

1844  Curtis,  B.  R 1 

1846  Carey,  T.  G 1 

1848  Carey,  John 1 

1849  Curtis,  G.  T. 1 

1850  Chase,  Thomas 3 

1851  Chandler,  Miss 3 

1851  Chase,  E.  H 1 

1851  Coues,  S.  E 1 

1853  Clough,  A.  H 3 

1855  Chace,  Geo.  1 1 

1856  Cheney,  Mrs.  E.  D 1 

1858  Cumming,  Chas.  A 1 

1815  Davis,  John 4 

1816  Davis,  Charles 2 

1817  Dexter,  Franklin 7 

1817  Dana,  R.  H 6 

1817  Dana,  J.  Freeman 2 

1820  Dutton,  Warren 1 

1824  Duponceau,  P.  S 1 

1825  Davis,  C.  S 3 

1826  Dewey,  0 5 

1833  Durivage,  F.  A 1 

1835  Devereux,  G.  H 1 

1836  Dunkin,  Christopher....  2 

1841  Dana,  Dr 1 

1841  Davis,  C.  H 6 

1847  Duer,  John 1 

1847  Dinsmore,  S.  P 1 

1850  Dwight,  Edward 2 

1852  Dowe,  Wm 4 

1852  Davis,  H 3 

1854  Davenport,  G 1 

1854  Dana,  R.H.,Jr 1 

1854  Duyckinck,  E.  A 3 


368 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 


the  year  1815  onward,  published  their  best  articles  in  the 
"  North  American  Review,"  he  begins  to  realize  the  his- 


1855  Dixwell,  E.  S 1 

1856  Dabney,  J.  P 1 

1857  Dunbar,  C.  F 1 

1858  Drury,  Chester 1 

1816  Everett,  Edw.  / 116 

1817  Everett,  A.  H ...  73 

1820  Everett,  John 5 

1821  Emerson,  Geo.  B 5 

1828  Evarts,  Jeremiah 3 

1829  Eliot,  S.  A 6 

1832  Evans,   B.  R 1 

1837  Emerson,  R.  W 2 

1837  Ellet,  Mrs.  E.  F 3 

1839  Eliot,  Rev.  Mr 1 

1841  Edwards,  B.  B 1 

1841  Emerson,  C 1 

1846  Ellis,  Geo.  E 7 

1857  Everett,  Chas.  C 3 

1816  Farrar,  John '. 8 

1817  Folsom,  Charles 2 

1818  Frisbie,  Prof.  Levi 2 

1820  Fisher,  Dr.  John 1 

1823  Frothingham,  N.  L 2 

1826  Flint,  Jas 1 

1830  Felton,  C.  C 57 

1831  Featherstonhaugh,  .  1 

1832  Fowler,  Prof.  Win.  C.  .  .  1 

1833  Follen,  C 1 

1836  Ferguson, 1 

1838  Folsom,  Geo 1 

1842  Farrar,  Timothy 2 

1845  Fessenden,  Col.  J.  M 1 

1849  Fowler,  Sam'l 2 

1849  Force,  M.  F 3 

1853  Fisher,  Sidney  G 2 

1854  Ford,  R.  T 1 

1856  Foster,  Chas.  H 1 

1857  Flagg,  Wilson 1 

1859  Follen,  Chas 1 

1859  Fletcher,  J.  C 1 

1815  Gardiner,  R.  H 1 

1816  Gardiner,  Dr.  J.  S.  J..  .  .   1 

1816  Gray,  F.  C 12 

1817  Gilman,  Samuel 19 


1817 
1817 
1818 
1819 
1819 
1822 
1822 
1824 
1825 
1828 
1828 
1828 
1835 
1836 
1839 
1840 
1844 
1844 
1844 
1849 
1850 
1851 
1854 
1857 
1858 

1815 
1815 
1816 

1816 
1818 
1818 
1821 
1821 
1824 
1824 
1826 
1831 
1831 
1831 
1833 
1836 
1840 
1840 
1840 
1840 


Gallison,  John 8 

Gilman,  Mrs.  Caroline  .  .  1 

Gallaudet,  T.  H 1 

Gray,  John  C 17 

Gibbs,  Prof .  J.  W 1 

Gardiner,  W.  H 5 

Green,  J.  D 1 


Greenwood,  F.  W.  P. . 
Godman,  Dr.  J.  D. 
Gadsden,  J. 


6 

1 
1 

Gould,  B.  A 1 

Griffiths,  Mrs 1 

Greene,  G.  W 14 

Gilpin,  H.  0 1 

Goodrich,  H.  P 1 

Grattan,  T.  C 4 

Grund,  F.J 1 

Gilman,  A.  D 2 

Gray,  Prof.  Asa 4 

Gould,  B.  A.,  Jr 1 

Gurowski,  A.  de 1 

Goodwin,  D.  R 4 

Goodwin,  Wm.  W 2 

Gould,  E.  S 1 

Gridley,  A.  D 1 

Hale,  Enoch 8 

Holley,  Horace 1 

Huntley,  Lydia  (Mrs.  Si- 

gourney)    8 

Higginson,  H 1 

Holmes,  Dr.  Abiel 1 

Hale,  Nathan 19 

Harris,  Thaddeus  M 1 

Hedge,  Levi 1 

Haven,  Nath'l  A 3 

Hay  ward,  Geo 3 

Hitchcock,  Edw 2 

Hillard,G.  S 16 

Howes,  Fred'k 1 

Hall,  James 1 

Howe,  S.  G 2 

Homes,  H 1 

Higbee,  J.M 3 

Holmes,  O.  W 2 

Haven,  S.  F 1 

Hale,  Edw.  E 8 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 


369 


torical  significance  of  this  famous  magazine  in  the  devel- 
opment of  American  literature  and  independent  thought. 


1846  Hale,  E.  B 1 

1849  Hurlburt,  W.  H 3 

1852  Hale,  Salma 2 

1854  Hale,  Charles 1 

1855  Howard,  J.  D 1 

1856  Higginson,  T.  W 1 

1857  Hubbard,  F.  M 2 

1857  Hill,  Thos 1 

1858  Heywood,  J.  C 1 

1858  Hoyt,  J.  G 1 

1832  Irving,  Washington 1 

1833  Inglis,  Miss  F 3 

1843  Inman,  J 1 

1836  Jackson,  Dr 1 

1852  Jackson,  Charles 1 

1853  Johnson,  W.  O.  . . 4 

1855  Jobson,  D.  W 1 

1818  Kirkland,  J.T 2 

1818  Knapp,  J 1 

1823  Kingsley,  J.  L 6 

1849  Kirkland,  Mrs.  CM....  3 

1853  Kirk,  Foster 3 

1856  Kneeland,  S 1 

1815  Lyman,  Theo.,  Jr 5 

1819  Loring,  W.  J 1 

1826  Lamson,  Alvan 3 

1830  Lieber,  Francis 2 

1831  Longfellow,  H.  W.     ...   11 

1831  Lawrence,  W.  B 3 

1833  Leonard, 2 

1835  Lindsley,  Dr 1 

1837  Lanman,  J.  H 2 

1844  Lowell,  J.  R 5 

1849  Lincoln,  J.  L 1 

1850  Lovering,  J 2 

1850  Liver  more,  George 1 

1855  Livermore,  A.  A 1 

1858  Lea,  Henry  C 1 

1858  Little,  Mrs.  A.  W 2 

1816  Minot,  Mrs.  Wm ...  2 

1817  Mason,  Wm.  P 5 

1818  Metcalf,  Theron 3 

24 


1822  Marsh,  James 1 

1823  Merrill,  Benj 1 

1828  Mellen,  Grenville 2 

1834  Murphy, 1 

1838  Mariotti,  Signor 4 

1839  Mackenzie,  Lieut.  A.  S.  .  3 
1841  Miles,  Rev.  Mr 1 

1841  Minot,  W.,  Jr 1 

1842  Mitchell,  D.G 1 

1843  Mackie,  J.  M 3 

1845  Miller,  S.,  Jr 3 

1845  Motley,  J.  L 3 

1847  Moore,  E 1 

1851  Macken,  A.  W 1 

1854  Morison,  John  H 4 

1857  Mountford,  Wm 1 

1858  Minor,  W.  C 1 

1817  Norton,  Andrews 6 

1829  Negris,  J.  S 1 

1832  Neal,  John 2 

1847  Norton,  Charles  E 8 

1857  North,  Edw 1 

1846  Osgood,  Samuel 3 

1816  Phillips,  Willard 33 

1816  Parker,  Isaac 1 

1817  Palfrey,  John  G .31 

1818  Pickering,  Octavius 1 

1819  Parsons,  Theophilus 9 

1819  Pickering,  John 10 

1820  Patterson,  M.  C 1 

1821  Prescott,  William  H 21 

1822  Patterson,  A.  M 1 

1827  Pitkin,  J 1 

1827  Porter,  Jona 3 

1827  Parker, 1 

1828  Peabody,  W.  B.  0 47 

1829  Packard,  Prof.  A.  S 2 

1829  Peabody,  Ephraim 3 

1829  Park,  John  C 1 

1830  Peabody,  O.  W.  B 22 

1832  Parkman,  Francis 4 

1837  Peabody,  Andrew  P 60 

1837  Percival,  J.  G 1 

1835  Perkins,  J.  H 12 


370 


CORRESPONDENCE   WITH  FRIENDS. 


It  is  now  entering  upon  the  last  quarter  of  its  first  century 
of  prosperous  existence,  and,  while  it  has  yielded  to  the 


1839  Peirce,  Benj 2 

1843  Poinsett,  J.  R 1 

1848  Putnam,  Mrs.  Mary  L. .  .  5 

1848  Porter,  N.,  Jr 1 

1851  Parker,  Joel 1 

1854  Palfrey,  F.  W 2 

1854  Parker,  H.  W 1 

1854  Palfrey,  Miss  Sarah 1 

1856  Peaselee,  Prof.  E.  R.  . .  .   1 
1859  Phillips,  G.S 1 

1816  Quincy,  Josiah 2 

1816  Rand,  Benj 2 

1818  Ritchie,  A 2 

1826  Robinson,  Edward 2 

1830  Reed,  W.  B 6 

1834  Ray,  A 1 

1836  Robinson,  Mrs.  Therese     6 

1838  Rantoul,  R.,  Jr 1 

1843  Robinson,  Edw 2 

1854  Ray,  Isaac 3 

1815  Savage,  James 2 

1817  Sparks,  Jared 52 

1817  Storrow,  Samuel  A 1 

1817  Story,  Joseph 6 

1818  Spooner,  Wm.  J 5 

1820  Shaw,  Lemuel 1 

1821  Sullivan,  J.  L 1 

1822  Sturgis,  W 1 

1823  Stearns,  Asahel 1 

1824  Sedgwick,  H.  D 2 

1826  Stuart,  M 5 

1827  Samson,  Wm 1 

1828  Schoolcraft,  H.  R 4 

1828  Shed,  Wm 1 

1830  Sewall,  S.E 1 

1832  Snelling,  W.  J 2 

1833  Sullivan,  W 1 

1833  Sprague,  W.  B 1 

1834  Sedgwick,  T 1 

1838  Sumner,  Charles 2 

1839  Storer,  D.  H 1 

1842  Sumner,  George 1 

1843  Sabine,  Lorenzo 11 

1849  Streeter,  S.  F 1 


1853  Sargent,  Winthrop 11 

1854  Soule,  G.  L 1 

1854  Shackford,  C.  C 1 

1855  Sanborn,  E.  D 1 

1855  Spofford,  A.  K 1 

1856  Smith,  Mrs.  E.  V 2 

1856  Sweat,  Mrs.  M.  J 2 

1857  Smith,  C.  C 3 

1858  Sears,  E.  J 2 

1859  Smith,  L.  E 1 

1815  Tudor,  Wm 60 

1815  Tudor,  Henry 2 

1815  Townsend,  Alexander.  . .   1 

1817  Ticknor,  George 6 

1822  Treadwell,  Daniel 2 

1831  Thatcher,  B.  B 8 

1832  Temple,  Lieut 1 

1835  Tuckerman,  H.  T 16 

1846  Torrey,  H.  W 7 

1854  Thayer,  Wm.  S 1 

1856  Thompson,  Joseph  P.  .  . .  2 

1858  Tiffany,  Osmond 4 

1822  Upham,  T.  C 3 

1823  Upham,  C.  W 12 

1834  Urquhart,  Alex 1 

1817  Vaughan,  Benj 1 

1819  Verplanck,  G.  C 1 

1816  Walter,  Wm 3 

1816  Willard,  Sidney 18 

1816  Webster,  Daniel 4 

1818  Winthrop,  Francis  W.  .  .   1 

1818  Ware,  John 7 

1819  Wheaton,  Henry 11 

1820  Webster,  J.  W 5 

1821  Watkins,  Dr 1 

1824  Whiting,  Henry 14 

1826  Ware,  Henry,  Jr 4 

1827  Wallenstein,  J.  D 8 

1828  Wigglesworth,  E 2 

1828  Walker,  Timothy 5 

1829  Winthrop,  R.  C 1 

1832  Warner,  Wm 1 

1833  Walley,S.  H 1 


CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  FRIENDS. 


371 


literary  demands  of  a  democratic  and  busy  age  for  brevity 
and  point,  it  shows  no  abatement  of  energy,  patriotism, 
and  practical  success. 

1855  Woodbury,  Aug 3 

1855  Willing,  J.  C 3 

1855  Williamson,  Wm.  C 2 

1856  Wynne,  James 

1856  Whitney, 

1856  Whitman,  W.  H 

1857  Whiting,  Lyman 

1859  Winslow,  Hubbard  .... 
1859  Wight,  O.  W 


1834 
1834 
1835 
1837 
1839 
1840 
1841 
1843 
1847 
1849 
1851 
1852 


Williams,  J.  R 1 

Waterston,  R.  C 1 

Washburn,  E 2 

Worcester,  J.  E 1 

Wayland,  F 2 

Wyman,  Jeffries 3 

Wharton,  Francis 1 

Whipple,  E.  P 17 

Wheaton,  R 8 

Warren,  Edw, 1 

Ware,  William 1 

Whitney,  J.  D 2 


1837  Young,  Alexander 1 


"  The  critical  notices  of  books  are  not  counted  among  the  papers 
contributed.  Many  of  these  have  been  contributed  by  Professor 
Felton,  Professor  Sparks,  Charles  Folsom,  and  others,  the  names  of 
most  of  whom  are  included  in  the  above  list." 

A  list  of  Jared  Sparks'  contributions  to  the  "  North  American  Re- 
view "  will  be  printed  in  the  "  Bibliography,"  at  the  end  of  the  second 
volume  of  this  work. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
SPARKS*  LIFE  OF  LEDYARD. 
JARED   SPARKS   AN   EXPLORER. 

In  previous  chapters  there  have  been  occasional  refer- 
ences to  Mr.  Sparks'  interest  in  the  life  of  John  Ledyard. 
The  remarkable  career  of  this  American  voyager  in  the 
South  Seas,  this  traveler  in  Siberia  and  Africa,  had  a 
peculiar  fascination  for  a  man  whose  own  mind,  from  an 
instinctive  love  of  travel,  and  from  special  reading  in 
foreign  fields,  was  early  bent  upon  African  exploration. 
We  find  this  peculiar  ambition  strongly  developed  soon 
after  Sparks  left  Harvard ;  doubtless  it  was  fostered  by 
residence  and  travel  in  the  South,  by  observation  of  Afri- 
can slavery,  and  by  a  study  of  African  colonization. 
Throughout  his  entire  career  as  a  Unitarian  minister  in 
Baltimore,  this  dream  of  Africa  was  never  forgotten  by 
Mr.  Sparks.  He  solaced  his  secret  longings  for  the  dis- 
covery of  strange  lands  by  the  reading  and  reviewing  *  of 
other  men's  travels,  and  by  an  original  study  of  the  life 
of  John  Ledyard.  The  collection  of  the  widely  scattered 
materials  for  this  biography  was  really  the  first  historical 

1  Mr.  Sparks'  critical  interest  in  travelers'  tales  continued  long 
after  he  had  become  a  specialist  in  American  history.  In  the  "  North 
American"  for  October,  1829,  he  reviewed  Hall's  "Voyage  to  the 
Eastern  Seas  "  and  Holmes'  "American  Annals."  Bancroft  wrote  t*o 
Sparks  October  4,  1825  :  "  Your  article  on  Hall  is  excellent,  cool, 
friendly,  and  argumentative  ;  but  you  have  completely  peppered 
him.  That  on  Holmes'  'Annals  '  was  very  much  to  my  taste,  and, 
by  the  intimate  acquaintance  with  American  history,  shows  itself  to 
be  yours." 


SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LEDYARD.  373 

• 
research  ever  undertaken  by  Mr.  Sparks,  and  it  gives  the 
key  to  the  peculiar  character  of  his  own  life-work,  which 
has  never  yet  been  viewed  in  its  proper  light.  Jared 
Sparks  was  the  first  great  discoverer  of  the  original 
sources  of  American  history  by  means  of  travel  and  re- 
search. In  him  the  spirit  of  the  independent  explorer 
of  new  fields  can  never  be  separated  from  that  of  the 
editor,  the  biographer,  and  the  historian.  His  tours  of 
historical  inquiry  throughout  the  United  States  and  Can- 
ada ;  his  repeated  visits  to  European  archives ;  his  con- 
stant collection  of  fresh  materials  for  American  history, 
materials  which,  through  his  own  and  others'  labor,  have 
now  entered  into  the  very  substance  of  American  histori- 
cal literature,  —  all  this  is  better  understood  when  Jared 
Sparks  is  viewed  in  the  light  of  an  original  discoverer, 
an  investigator,  and  a  pioneer. 

MATERIALS   FOR   THE   LIFE   OF   LEDYARD. 

Materials  for  Sparks'  life  of  Ledyard  were  collected  by 
means  of  travel  and  correspondence  extending  through  a 
period  of  about  ten  years.  The  work  was  projected  before 
Mr.  Sparks  went  to  Baltimore  in  1819,  and  it  was  not 
published  by  Hilliard  &  Brown,  of  Cambridge,1  until  1828. 
Although  many  original  papers  were  obtained  from  the 
family  of  Dr.  Isaac  Ledyard  (John  Ledyard's  cousin)  in 
1820,  the  biographer  was  materially  aided  by  information 
and  letters  personally  collected  in  this  country  and  in 
Europe.  Thomas  Jefferson  had  known  Ledyard  in  Paris, 
and  received  several  communications  from  him  written  in 
Siberia  and  in  Africa.     These  and  other  important  mate- 

1  In  his  journal  for  August  16,  1827,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  :  "  Took 
lodgings  at  Cambridge,  at  Mr.  Holmes',  in  the  Appian  Way,  where 
I  propose  to  spend  a  few  weeks,  for  retirement,  and  escape  from  the 
noise  and  heat  of  the  town.  I  am  engaged  in  writing  the  ■  Life  of 
Ledyard.'  " 


374  SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LEDYARD. 

rials 1  Mr.  Sparks  secured  and  used  to  good  advantage. 
Ledyard's  journal  of  his  voyage  around  the  world  with 
Captain  Cook  was  written  in  1783,  and  was  published  by 
Nathaniel  Patten,  of  Hartford,  in  a  duodecimo  volume, 
dedicated  to  Governor  Trumbull. 

ledyard's  voyage  around  the  world. 

It  is  not  possible  in  this  connection  to  give  more  than 
the  merest  outline  and  a  brief  characterization  of  Sparks' 
"  Life  of  John  Ledyard,  the  American  Traveler  ;  com- 
prising Selections  from  his  Journals  and  Correspondence  " 
(Cambridge,  1828).  John  Ledyard  was  born  in  1751, 
at  Groton,  in  Connecticut,  a  little  town  on  the  Thames, 
opposite  New  London,  and  died  at  Cairo,  in  Egypt,  in 
1788,  in  his  thirty-eighth  year.  Descended  from  an  en- 
terprising Bristol  merchant  who  settled  first  at  Southold, 
Long  Island,  and  who  thence  removed  to  Groton  and 
Hartford,  John  Ledyard,  the  son  of  a  sea-captain,  was  the 
child,  not  of  circumstance,  but  of  heredity.  The  Alaskan 
and  Siberian  traveler  was  germinant  in  that  freshman  who 
ran  away  from  Dartmouth  College  in  1772,  and  wandered 
for  one  term  among  the  Six  Nations,  to  learn  their  lan- 
guage, and  better  fit  himself  for  missionary  work  and 
observation  among  the  Indians.  The  adventurous  sea- 
rover  was  foreshadowed  in  that  bold  sophomore  who 
hollowed  out  a  canoe  from  the  trunk  of  a  tree  and  pad- 
dled down  the  Connecticut  River  from  Hanover  to  Hart- 
ford. Such  a  man  was  not  born  to  obey  the  summons  of 
the  conch-shell  at  Dartmouth  College,  or  to  study  theology 
with  Long  Island  ministers.  He  soon  sailed  from  New 
London  to  Gibraltar,  thence  to  the  Barbary  coast,  and 
homewards  by  way  of  the  West  Indies.  Soon  he  was  off 
again,  this  time  to  England,  where  he  made  the  acquaint- 

1  In  his  journal  for  July  31,  1826,  Mr.  Sparks  says  that  Lafayette 
aided  him  in  obtaining  materials  for  a  life  of  Ledyard. 


SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LEDYARD.        375 

ance  of  Captain  Cook,  and  embarked  with  him  in  his  last 
voyage  around  the  world.  Ledyard's  journal  of  this  four 
years'  cruise  is  highly  entertaining  and  instructive.  Mr. 
Sparks  quoted  from  it  extensively,  and  allowed  Ledyard 
to  tell  his  adventures  in  his  own  graphic  language.  Led- 
yard was  near  Captain  Cook  when  the  great  voyager  was 
killed  by  the  natives  upon  one  of  the  Sandwich  Islands, 
and  the  account  of  the  circumstances  leading  to  that  event 
is  painstaking  and  valuable. 

THE   NORTHWEST   COAST. 

For  Ledyard,  the  most  important  result  of  this  long 
voyage  was  the  interest  conceived  by  him  in  the  north- 
western coast  of  North  America,  which  region  was  twice 
visited  during  Cook's  third  expedition  around  the  world. 
Ledyard's  own  discovery  of  a  Russian  settlement  on  the 
island  of  Onalaska  could  not  have  failed  to  impress  him 
with  the  importance  of  the  northwest  coast  for  the  fur 
trade.  After  his  return  to  America  in  1782,  on  board  a 
British  man-of-war,  he  took  summary  leave  of  the  English 
service  in  Long  Island  Sound;  and  after  visiting  his 
mother  at  Southold,  endeavored  to  awaken  public  interest 
in  the  northwest  coast  and  its  commercial  advantages. 
Robert  Morris  was  greatly  impressed  with  Ledyard's 
scheme,  and  was  disposed  to  give  him  a  ship  to  go  to  the 
northern  Pacific  Ocean.  Ledyard  wrote  to  his  cousin 
concerning  that  far-sighted  man,  Robert  Morris :  "  I  have 
had  two  interviews  with  him  at  the  Finance  Office,  and 
to-morrow  expect  a  conclusive  one.  What  a  noble  hold 
he  instantly  took  of  the  enterprise !  .  .  .  I  take  the  lead 
of  the  greatest  commercial  enterprise  that  has  ever  been 
embarked  on  in  this  country,  and  one  of  the  first  moment, 
as  it  respects  the  trade  of  America.  If  the  affair  is  con- 
cluded on,  as  I  expect  it  will  be,  it  is  probable  I  shall  set 
off  for  New  England  to  procure  seamen  or  a  ship,  or  both. 


376  SPARKS'  LIFE   OF  LEDYARD. 

Morris  is  wrapt  up  in  the  idea  of  Yankee  sailors."  Al- 
though Ledyard's  project  was  seriously  entertained  by 
Morris,  and  although  steps  were  actually  taken  to  secure 
a  vessel  in  Boston  and  New  London,  the  idea  was  gener- 
ally regarded  as  visionary,  and  was  finally  abandoned  by 
New  England  skippers.  One  of  them,  Captain  Deshon, 
of  New  London,  afterwards  admitted  that  Ledyard's  ac- 
count, in  its  minutest  detail,  was  verified  by  the  first 
voyages  from  the  United  States  to  those  northern  seas. 
In  view  of  the  immense  fortunes  that  have  been  made  in 
the  fur  trade  of  Alaska,  and  of  the  international  interest 
now  attached  to  the  seal  fisheries I  in  Bering's  Sea,  the 
following  extract  from  Sparks'  "  Life  of  Ledyard  "  is  of 
historical  interest  and  present  value  :  — 

"  Ledyard's  knowledge  of  the  resources  of  the  north- 
west coast  in  furs,  derived  from  his  observations  there, 
particularly  at  Nootka  Sound  and  the  Russian  establish- 
ment on  the  island  of  Onalaska,  together  with  the  enor- 
mous advances  which  he  had  seen  paid  in  Canton  on  the 
original  cost  of  this  article,  had  convinced  him  that  great 
profits  might  be  realized  by  a  voyage  fitted  out  expressly 
for  this  trade.  Hitherto  no  market  had  been  opened  to 
the  natives,  by  which  they  could  dispose  of  the  superabun- 
dance of  their  furs,  or  receive  such  articles  in  exchange  as 
might  suit  their  fancy  or  convenience ;  hence  the  furs 
could  be  purchased  extremely  low,  and  paid  for  in  com- 
modities of  little  intrinsic  value,  and  at  such  prices  as  the 
vendor  might  choose  to  affix.  It  was  clear,  therefore,  in 
his  mind,  that  they  who  should  first  engage  in  this  trade 
would  reap  immense  profits  by  their  earliest  efforts,  and 
at  the  same  time  gain  such  knowledge  and  experience 
as  would  enable  them  to  pursue  it  for  years  with  advan- 

1  "  North  American  Review,"  September,  1890,  "  Our  Seal  Fish- 
eries," by  D.  O.  Mills.  Cf.  Henry  W.  Elliott's  monograph  on  the 
"  Seal  Islands  of  Alaska." 


SPARKS'  LIFE   OF  LEDYARD.  377 

tages  superior  to  any  that  could  be  commanded  by  the 
competitors  who  might  be  drawn  into  the  same  channel  of 
commerce." 

Sparks  says  Ledyard  was  "  the  first,  whether  in  Amer- 
ica or  Europe,  to  suggest  a  scheme  of  trade  with  the  north- 
west coast,  which  has  since  proved  to  be  a  very  lucrative 
field  of  commerce  to  merchants  in  both  hemispheres.  It 
was  more  than  a  year  after  his  earliest  application  to  the 
merchants  of  New  York  before  any  expedition  of  the 
kind  was  fitted  out  from  Europe.  The  first  voyage  from 
the  United  States  to  the  northwest  coast  was  in  the  ship 
Columbia,  of  three  hundred  tons,  which  sailed  from  Bos- 
ton under  the  command  of  Captain  John  Kendrick,  about 
three  years  after  Ledyard's  visit  to  that  place  in  search 
of  a  ship  for  Mr.  Morris.  He  may  justly  be  considered, 
therefore,  the  first  projector  of  this  branch  of  commerce.', 

LEDYARD   AND   JEFFERSON. 

Disappointed  at  the  lack  of  enterprise  shown  by  his 
own  countrymen,  Ledyard  embarked  for  Europe  with  let- 
ters from  Robert  Morris  to  certain  merchants  in  France. 
There  an  agreement  was  made  with  a  company  to  fit  out 
a  ship  for  the  intended  voyage  ;  but,  after  eight  months' 
preparation,  the  design  was  abandoned.  In  Paris  Led- 
yard received  hearty  encouragement  from  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son. "At  this  time"  (1785),  says  Mr.  Sparks,  "Mr. 
Jefferson  was  minister  from  the  United  States  at  the 
court  of  France.  That  patriot,  equally  ardent  in  the  love 
of  science  and  friendly  to  every  enterprise  which  had  for 
its  object  the  ( improvement  of  his  country,  received  Led- 
yard with  great  kindness,  and  approved  most  highly  his 
design  of  an  expedition  to  the  northwest  coast  of  America. 
He  perceived  at  once  the  advantages  that  would  flow  from 
such  a  voyage,  not  merely  in  its  immediate  mercantile 
results,  but  in  its  bearing  on  the  future  commerce  and 


378  SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LEDYARD. 

political  interests  of  the  United  States.  No  part  of  that 
wide  region  had  then  been  explored,  nor  any  formal  pos- 
session taken  of  it,  except  the  few  points  at  which  Cook's 
vessels  had  touched,  and  others  where  the  Russians  pos- 
sessed small  establishments  for  the  prosecution  of  the  fur 
trade  with  the  Indians.  These  latter  were  also  probably 
confined  to  the  islands.  To  a  statesman  like  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, it  was  evident  that  a  large  portion  of  that  immense 
country,  separated  from  the  United  States  by  no  barrier 
of  nature,  would  eventually  be  embraced  in  their  terri- 
tory. He  was  convinced  of  the  propriety,  therefore,  of 
its  being  explored  by  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and 
regretted  the  failure  of  Ledyard's  attempts  in  his  own 
country  to  engage  in  a  voyage  before  the  same  thing  had 
been  meditated  anywhere  else.  These  views  were  deeply 
impressed  on  the  mind  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  in  them 
originated  the  journey  of  Lewis  and  Clark  overland  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean,  twenty  years  afterwards,  which  was 
projected  by  him,  and  prosecuted  under  his  auspices." 

It  is  not  unreasonable  to  suppose  that  Jefferson's  con- 
ception of  the  economic  importance  of  the  far  Northwest 
to  the  United  States  was  first  quickened  by  the  enthusi- 
astic reports  of  John  Ledyard.  To  Jefferson  is  due  the 
Louisiana  Purchase,  and  that  far-reaching  continental 
policy  which  found  later  expression  in  the  struggle  for 
Oregon,  in  the  purchase  of  Alaska  from  the  Russian  gov- 
ernment, and  in  the  assertion  of  American  rights  in  Ber- 
ing's Sea. 

LEDYARD  AND  PAUL  JONES. 

Failing  to  persuade  the  French  merchants  to  risk  an 
expedition  to  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  Ledyard 
sought  the  cooperation  of  his  own  countryman,  Captain 
Paul  Jones.  These  two  intrepid  and  adventurous  spirits 
made  elaborate  plans  for  opening  the  fur  trade  between 
the  northwest  coast  and  Canton,  and  for  supplementing 


SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LED  YARD.  379 

this  enterprise  by  importing  teas  and  silks  from  China 
into  Europe  and  the  United  States.  Their  plans  proved 
too  vast  for  their  capital,  and  finally  fell  through. 

LEDYAKD  IN   RUSSIA. 

The  dauntless  Ledyard  then  determined  to  go  to  Russia 
and  obtain  permission  from  the  Empress  Catherine  to 
travel  across  her  Siberian  dominions  to  Bering's  Strait. 
Thence  he  proposed  to  cross  over  to  the  American  con- 
tinent and  to  pursue  his  route  down  the  coast  and  across 
the  interior  to  the  United  States.  Mr.  Jefferson  x  inter- 
ested himself  heartily  in  this  daring  project,  and  through 
the  Russian  minister  at  Paris,  opened  negotiations  with 
the  Empress  Catherine  which  resulted,  after  long  and 
vexatious  delays,  in  Ledyard's  receiving  the  desired  pass- 
port. 

While  waiting  in  St.  Petersburg,  Ledyard  wrote  to  Jef- 
ferson a  long  letter,  from  which  the  following  are  char- 
acteristic extracts :  "  I  cannot  tell  yon  by  what  means  I 

1  Jefferson  afterwards  wrote  :  "  I  suggested  to  him  [Ledyard] 
the  enterprise  of  exploring  the  western  part  of  our  continent  by  pass- 
ing through  St.  Petersburg  to  Kamtschatka,  and  procuring  a  passage 
thence  in  some  of  the  Russian  vessels  to  Nootka  Sound,  whence  he 
might  make  his  way  across  the  continent  to  the  United  States." 
"Life  of  Matthew  Fontaine  Maury,"  by  Mrs.  D.  F.  M.  Corbin, 
London,  1888,  p.  6  ;  quoted  by  Dr.  Goode  in  his  valuable  paper  on 
"National  Scientific  and  Educational  Institutions,"  "Papers  qf 
the  American  Historical  Association,"  vol.  iv.  p.  126.  Dr.  Goode 
attributes  Jefferson's  interest  in  the  Northwest  to  the  early  geo- 
graphical teaching  and  remarkable  conjectures  of  the  Rev.  James 
Maury,  an  Episcopal  clergyman  in  Walker  Parish,  Albemarle  County, 
Virginia.  Very  interesting  to  Mr.  Jefferson  must  have  been  that 
meeting  in  Paris  with  a  man  who  had  actually  been  with  Captain 
Cook  to  Nootka  Sound  and  through  Bering's  Strait,  who  alone  of  all 
his  crew  had  explored  with  the  natives  the  island  of  Onalaska,  dis- 
covered the  Russian  settlement,  and  seen  with  his  own  eyes  the 
sloop  in  which  Captain  Bering  made  his  famous  discoveries  in  the 
time  of  Peter  the  Great. 


380       SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LEDYARD. 

came  to 'Petersburg,  and  hardly  know  by  what  means  I 
shall  quit  it,  in  the  further  prosecution  of  my  tour  around 
the  world  by  land.  If  I  have  any  merit  in  the  affair,  it 
is  perseverance,  for  most  severely  have  I  been  buffeted, 
and  yet  still  am  even  more  obstinate  than  before  ;  and 
Fate,  as  obstinate,  continues  her  assaults.  How  the  mat- 
ter will  terminate,  I  know  not.  The  most  probable  con- 
jecture is,  that  I  shall  succeed,  and  be  buffeted  around 
the  world,  as  I  have  hitherto  been  from  England  through 
Denmark,  through  Sweden,  Swedish  Finland,  and  the 
most  unfrequented  parts  of  Russian  Finland,  to  this  au- 
rora borealis  of  a  city.  ...  An  equipment  is  now  on  foot 
here  for  the  Sea  of  Kamtschatka,  and  it  is  the  first  to 
visit  the  northwest  coast  of  America.  It  is  to  consist  of 
four  ships.  This  and  the  expedition  that  went  from  here 
twelve  months  since  by  land  for  Kamtschatka  are  to  co- 
operate in  a  design  of  some  sort  in  the  Northern  Pacific 
Ocean,  the  Lord  knows  what ;  nor  does  it  matter  what 
with  me,  nor  indeed  with  you,  nor  any  other  minister,  nor 
any  potentate,  south  of  fifty  degrees  of  latitude.  ...  I 
dined  to-day  with  Professor  Pallas.  He  is  an  accom- 
plished man,  and  my  friend,  and  has  traveled  throughout 
European  and  Asiatic  Russia.  I  find  the  little  French  I 
have  of  infinite  service  to  me.     I  could  not  do  without  it." 

IN   SIBERIA. 

Through  social  influences  Ledyard  finally  got  his  pass- 
port, and  an  invitation  to  travel  at  government  expense 
three  thousand  miles  through  Russian  dominions,  in  com- 
pany with  a  Scotch  physician  in  imperial  service.  He  trav- 
ersed Siberia,  like  George  Kennan  in  our  own  day,  enjoy- 
ing the  scenery,  and  also  the  society  of  political  exiles. 
Our  eighteenth  century  American  traveler  was  also  treated 
with  great  civility  by  Russian  government  officials.  He 
wrote  a  letter  from  Barnaoul,  in  Siberia,  July  29,  1787, 


SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LED  YARD.  381 

to  Jefferson,  and  transmitted  it  through  his  friend  Pro- 
fessor Pallas  at  St.  Petersburg  :  "  How  I  have  come  thus 
far,  and  how  I  am  to  go  still  farther,  is  an  enigma  that  I 
must  disclose  to  you  on  some  happier  occasion.  I  shall 
never  be  able,  without  seeing  you  in  person,  and  perhaps 
not  then,  to  inform  you  how  universally  and  circumstan- 
tially the  Tartars  resemble  the  aborigines  of  America. 
They  are  the  same  people ;  the  most  ancient  and  the  most 
numerous  of  any  other ;  and  had  not  a  small  sea  divided 
them,  they  would  all  have  been  still  known  by  the  same 
name."  This  was  a  favorite  idea  with  Ledyard.  He 
noted  many  curious  correspondences  to  Indian  customs 
among  the  Tartars ;  for  example,  the  mode  of  constructing 
the  yourte,  or  wigwam,  the  habit  of  handing  around  the 
pipe  for  smoking,  the  use  of  the  moccasin  and  of  wampum, 
and  the  scalping  of  enemies.  "  I  am  certain,"  he  says  in 
another  letter  to  Jefferson,  "  that  all  the  people  you  call 
red  people  on  the  continent  of  America,  and  on  the  con- 
tinents of  Europe  and  Asia,  as  far  south  as  the  southern 
parts  of  China,  are  all  one  people,  by  whatever  names  dis- 
tinguished, and  that  the  best  general  name  would  be  Tar- 
tar. I  suspect  that  all  red  people  are  of  the  same  family. 
I  am  satisfied  that  America  was  peopled  from  Asia,  and 
had  some,  if  not  all,  its  animals  from  thence." 

At  Barnaoul  Ledyard  left  his  traveling  companion,  and 
proceeded  eastward  to  Irkutsk  with  the  imperial  courier 
in  charge  of  the  mail.  Here  he  tarried  ten  days,  and 
made  careful  notes  in  his  journal.  From  Irkutsk  he 
pushed  northward  to  the  river  Lena,  and  embarked  with  a 
Swedish  officer  in  a  small  boat  for  Yakutsk,  which  they 
reached  after  a  fatiguing  journey  of  twenty -two  days. 
Ledyard  had  left  Irkutsk  in  harvest  time,  but  found  at 
Yakutsk  six  inches  of  snow.  Here  he  was  detained  by 
the  commandant  all  winter.  Here  he  continued  his  Sibe- 
rian journal,  and  wrote  his  famous  eulogy  on  women, 
which  deserves  perpetuation  :  — 


382        SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LEDYARD. 

ledyard's  eulogy  of  women. 
"  I  have  observed,  among  all  nations,  that  the  women 
ornament  themselves  more  than  the  men ;  that,  wherever 
found,  they  are  the  same  kind,  civil,  obliging,  humane, 
tender  beings ;  that  they  are  ever  inclined  to  be  gay  and 
cheerful,  timorous  and  modest.  They  do  not  hesitate,  like 
man,  to  perform  a  hospitable  or  generous  action;  not 
haughty,  nor  arrogant,  nor  supercilious,  but  full  of  courtesy 
and  fond  of  society  ;  industrious,  economical,  ingenuous ; 
more  liable  in  general  to  err  than  man,  but  in  general, 
also,  more  virtuous,  and  performing  more  good  actions 
than  he.  I  have  never  addressed  myself  in  the  language 
of  decency  and  friendship  to  a  woman,  whether  civilized 
or  savage,  without  receiving  a  decent  and  friendly  answer. 
With  man  it  has  often  been  otherwise.  In  wandering 
over  the  barren  plains  of  inhospitable  Denmark,  through 
honest  Sweden,  frozen  Lapland,  rude  and  churlish  Fin- 
land, unprincipled  Russia,  and  the  widespread  regions  of 
the  wandering  Tartar,  —  if  hungry,  dry,  cold,  wet,  or  sick, 
woman  has  ever  been  friendly  to  me,  and  uniformly  so ; 
and  to  add  to  this  virtue,  so  worthy  of  the  appellation  of 
benevolence,  these  actions  have  been  performed  in  so  free 
and  so  kind  a  manner  that,  if  I  was  dry,  I  drank  the 
sweet  draught,  and,  if  hungry,  ate  the  coarse  morsel  with 
a  double  relish." 

ARREST,   AND   RETURN   FROM   SIBERIA. 

At  Yakutsk  Ledyard  met  an  old  acquaintance,  Captain 
Billings,  an  Englishman,  who  had  been  an  astronomical 
assistant  during  Cook's  third  voyage,  but  who  was  now 
conducting  a  Russian  exploring  expedition  in  those  very 
regions  which  Ledyard  wished  to  penetrate.  Billings  was 
now  returning  to  Irkutsk  for  supplies,  with  the  intention 
of  fitting  out  an  expedition  from  Okotsk  for  the  American 


SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LEDYARD.  383 

coast.  This  seemed  to  Ledyard  a  good  opportunity,  and 
by  invitation  he  returned  to  Irkutsk  with  his  friend. 
Here  Ledyard  was  arrested  by  the  governor-general,  who 
had  received  his  instructions  from  the  empress.  Sparks 
conjectures  that  the  order  had  been  procured  from  St. 
Petersburg  by  government  officials  in  Siberia,  who  were 
interested  in  the  American  fur-trade,  and  were  afraid  that 
Ledyard  would  discover  too  much  if  allowed  to  proceed. 
For  this  reason  he  had  been  delayed  at  Yakutsk  until  his 
passport  could  be  countermanded.  In  the  charge  of  two 
guards,  he  was.  now  hurried  back  in  a  sledge  across  Si- 
beria to  Moscow  and  to  the  Polish  frontier,  where  he  was 
summarily  banished  from  the  empire. 

The  following  extract  from  Ledyard's  journal  shows 
how  grievous  was  his  disappointment :  "  My  ardent  hopes 
are  once  more  blasted,  —  the  almost  half -accomplished 
wish.  What  secret  machinations  have  been  at  work? 
What  motive  ?  But  so  it  suits  her  royal  Majesty  of  all 
the  Russias,  and  she  has  nothing  but  her  pleasure  to  con- 
sult ;  she  has  no  nation's  resentment  to  apprehend,  for  I 
am  the  minister  of  no  state,  no  monarch.  I  travel  under 
the  common  flag  of  humanity,  commissioned  by  myself  to 
serve  the  world  at  large ;  and  so  the  poor,  the  unprotected 
wanderer  must  go  where  sovereign  will  ordains ;  if  to 
death,  why  then  my  journeying  will  be  over  sooner,  and 
rather  differently  from  what  I  contemplated ;  if  otherwise, 
why  then  the  royal  dame  has  taken  me  much  out  of  my 
way." 

Reflection  upon  the  fickle  character  of  the  Empress 
Catherine  might  have  suggested  to  Ledyard  a  slight  re- 
vision of  his  eulogy  of  women,  but  he  remained  perfectly 
loyal  to  his  first  principles  :  "I  am  now  two  hundred  and 
twenty  versts  from  Moscow,  on  the  road  to  Poland. 
Thank  Heaven,  petticoats  appear,  and  the  glimmerings  of 
other  features.     Women  are  the  sure  harbingers  of  an 


384  SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LEDYARD. 

alteration  in  manners,  in  approaching  a  country  where 
their  influence  is  felt."  His  journey  of  six  thousand 
versts  from  Irkutsk  to  the  Polish  frontier  occupied  six 
weeks.  In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  he  said :  "  I  know  not 
how  I  passed  through  the  kingdoms  of  Poland  and  Prus- 
sia, or  from  thence  to  London,  where  I  arrived  in  the 
beginning  of  May,  disappointed,  ragged,  penniless;  and 
yet  so  accustomed  am  I  to  such  things,  that  I  declare  my 
heart  was  whole." 

FROM   RUSSIA   TO   AFRICA.  —  DEATH. 

He  had  good  friends  in  London,  and  he  was  almost 
immediately  engaged  by  the  African  Association,  com- 
posed of  wealthy  and  scientific  men,  to  explore  the  inte- 
rior of  Africa,  crossing  that  continent  to  the  westward, 
from  Sennaar  to  the  river  Niger.  Asked  when  he  could 
set  out,  Ledyard  replied,  "  To-morrow  morning."  Ban- 
ished from  arctic  Siberia,  this  courageous  explorer  pro- 
posed now  to  penetrate  tropical  Africa  alone.  There  was 
something  of  heroic  reserve  in  Ledyard's  account  of  him- 
self. On  leaving  London  in  June,  1788,  he  said  to  the 
secretary  of  the  African  Association :  "  My  distresses  have 
been  greater  than  I  have  ever  owned,  or  ever  will  own,  to 
any  man.  Such  evils  are  terrible  to  bear,  but  they  never 
yet  had  power  to  turn  me  from  my  purpose.  If  I  live,  I 
will  faithfully  perform,  in  its  utmost  extent,  my  engage- 
ment to  the  society ;  and  if  I  perish  in  the  attempt,  my 
honor  will  still  be  safe,  for  death  cancels  all  bonds." 
Ledyard  fell  sick,  and  died  in  Cairo  in  November,  1788, 
just  after  completing  his  preparatory  studies  in  the  slave 
markets,  and  after  arranging  to  join  a  caravan  to  Sen- 
naar, whence,  as  he  wrote  Mr.  Jefferson,1  he  intended  "  to 

1  Jefferson  wrote  to  Bishop  Madison  from  Paris,  July  19,  1788,  con- 
cerning Ledyard's  African  expedition :  "  He  promises  me,  if  he- 
escapes  through  this  journey,  he  will  go  to  Kentucky,  and  endeavor 


SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LED  YARD.  385 

cut  the  continent  across  between  the  parallels  of  twelve 
and  twenty  degrees  of  north  latitude." 

INFLUENCE   OF   LEDYARD   ON   SPARKS. 

The  career  of  this  heroic  youth,  who  proposed  to  "  go 
alone  "  through  Africa,  as  he  had  done  among  the  Six 
Nations,  the  Alaskans,  and  the  Tartars,  is  of  the  same 
striking  interest  as  are  the  travels  of  Livingstone  and 
Stanley.  It  is  no  wonder  that  the  life  and  example  of 
John  Ledyard  made  a  profound  impression  upon  Jared 
Sparks,  and  gave  to  his  own  career  something  of  the  spirit 
of  an  explorer,  if  not  in  Africa,  at  least  in  the  then  un- 
trodden fields  of  American  history.  We  make  no  apology 
for  this  long  review  of  Sparks'  Ledyard,  for  it  is  a  work 
of  American  biography  too  little  known,  and  one  of  the 
strongest  formative  influences  in  Mr.  Sparks'  own  literary 
life,  which  was  largely  that  of  an  original  investigator 
and  of  an  historical  pioneer. 

Mr.  Sparks  thus  concludes  his  memorial  of  Ledyard  : 
"  The  acts  of  his  life  demand  notice,  less  on  account  of 
their  results  than  of  the  spirit  with  which  they  were  per- 
formed, and  the  uncommon  traits  of  character  which 
prompted  to  their  execution.  Such  instances  of  decision, 
energy,  perseverance,  fortitude,  and  enterprise  have  rarely 
been  witnessed  in  the  same  individual ;  and  in  the  exer- 
cise of  these  high  attributes  of  mind,  his  example  cannot 
be  too  much  admired  or  imitated." 

REPUBLICATION  IN   ENGLAND   AND   GERMANY. 

Sparks'  "Life  of  Ledyard"  was  well  received  and 
highly  commended  in  this  country,  and  was  almost  imme- 

to  penetrate  westerly  to  the  South  Sea."  Ledyard  died,  but  his 
ideas  lived,  and,  through  Jefferson,  entered  into  the  history  of  the 
great  Northwest. 

25 


386  SPARKS'  LIFE  OF   LEDYARD. 

diately  republished  in  England.1  The  work  was  trans- 
lated into  German  2  by  Dr.  Michaelis,  and  was  published 
in  that  language  in  1829. 

THE  LEDYARD   FAMILY. 

The  satisfaction  of  the  Ledyard  family  with  the  bio- 
graphical work  which  Sparks  had  done  is  indicated  in  the 
following  letter  to  him  from  John  Ledyard,  who  wrote 
from  New  York,  February  2,  1828  :  "  Your  favor  dated 
the  10th  December,  together  with  20  volumes  of  the  life 
of  Ledyard,  and  the  manuscripts  lent  you,  came  safe  to 
hand.  I  deferred  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  same 
until  I  should  have  run  through  the  history  of  your  hero. 
I  have  perused  it  with  pleasure  and  satisfaction;  think 
you  have  placed  your  subject  in  the  most  interesting  light, 
and  made  the  best  possible  disposition  of  the  few  and  im- 
perfect materials  you  had  to  work  with.  It  has  given 
entire  satisfaction  to  my  relatives,  who,  with  the  writer, 

1  John  Miller,  a  London  publisher,  wrote  to  Jared  Sparks  from 
Pall  Mall,  July  30,  1827,  offering  to  republish  the  "  Life  of  John 
Ledyard  "  in  England  :  "  I  shall  be  very  glad  to  receive  the  early 
sheets  of  your  ■  Life  of  John  Ledyard,'  and  shall  have  no  hesitation 
in  publishing  it  upon  the  very  common  and  equitable  plan  of  sharing 
profits,  as  I  have  always  done  with  Mr.  Cooper  and  Miss  Sedgwick. 
In  this  arrangement,  of  course,  I  take  all  the  risk.  You  have  no 
responsibility  whatever.  The  first  proceeds  go  towards  the  actual 
expenses  of  paper,  printing,  and  advertising,  and  after  that  the 
receipts  are  divided  equally.  I  doubt  if  any  one  would  purchase 
unless  it  was  sent  in  manuscript  and  first  published  here." 

2  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  from  Boston,  July  12,  1830,  to  J.  G.  Flugel,  of 
Leipsic  :  "  I  was  very  much  pleased  with  the  translation  of  the  ■  Life 
of  Ledyard.'  As  far  as  I  can  judge,  it  is  executed  with  accuracy 
and  good  judgment.  One  of  the  copies  you  sent  me  was  deposited 
in  the  Library  of  Harvard  University,  another  in  the  Boston  Athe- 
naeum, and  another  in  the  Library  of  Congress  at  Washington. 
Please  to  accept  my  thanks  for  these  copies,  as  well  as  for  the  other 
copies  ;  and  present  my  best  regards  and  acknowledgments  to  Mr. 
Michaelis,  the  translator." 


SPARKS'  LIFE  OF  LED  YARD.  387 

feel  grateful  to  you  for  having  rescued  from  oblivion  the 
memory *  of  our  deceased  kinsman,  and  enrolled  his  name 
in  no  unenviable  station  in  the  register  of  our  adventur- 
ous and  patriotic  countrymen.  You  will  please  receive 
through  this  medium  the  thanks  of  my  family  and  friends, 
and  their  expressions  of  respect  and  esteem  for  the  author 
of  The  Life  of  Ledyard,  and  permit  me  to  subscribe  my- 
self most  respectfully  your  obliged  friend  and  obedient 
servant." 

MR.    SPARKS   TO   MRS.   MADISON. 

Here  is  a  letter  sent  by  Mr.  Sparks  to  Mrs.  James 
Madison,  from  Boston,  July  15,  1830,  presenting  her 
with  a  copy  of  his  "  Life  of  Ledyard  :  "  "  Dear  Madam  : 
Will  you  allow  me  to  present  you  with  a  little  volume 
containing  the  story  of  a  man  whose  fortunes  and  fate  I 
think  may  interest  you  in  your  leisure  hours  ?  Indeed, 
his  celebrated  and  beautiful  eulogy  on  women  (p.  252) 
gives  him  some  claims  to  the  notice  and  approbation  of 
all  ladies  whose  hearts  are  touched  with  the  qualities  of 
generosity,  justice,  and  truth.  I  have  not  forgotten  our 
conversation  on  the  multitude  of  books,  and  our  mutual 
opinion,  in  which  I  believe  Mr.  Madison  agreed  very 
heartily,  that  there  are  many  more  books  made  than  any- 
body cares  to  read,  either  for  profit  or  pleasure.  Let  it 
be  my  apology  for  adding  this  volume  to  the  multitude 
that  it  is  short,  and  I  hope  not  very  dull,  for  it  makes  no 
pretension  to  learning,   wisdom,  philosophy,  or  politics. 

1  When  in  Paris,  in  the  year  1841,  Mr.  Sparks  interested  himself 
in  selecting,  in  the  cemetery  of  Pere-Lachaise,  a  suitable  model  for  a 
monument  to  be  erected  in  Cairo  to  the  memory  of  John  Ledyard. 
He  selected  an  Egyptian  obelisk,  and  proposed  the  following  inscrip- 
tion :  "  John  Ledyard  |  the  American  Traveller  |  Born  in  Connecti- 
cut, 1751  |  Died  at  Cairo,  1788  |  on  his  way  |  to  the  Interior  of 
Africa."  Mr.  Sparks  offered  to  share  the  expense  of  erecting  this 
monument.  —  Letter,  dated  at  Paris,  96  Faubourg  St.  Honore",  Janu- 
ary 29,  1841. 


388  SPARKS'  LITE  OF  LEDYARD. 

It  only  aims  to  tell  a  simple  story  in  a  plain  way.  I 
cherish  a  lively  and  most  agreeable  recollection  of  my 
visit  to  Montpellier,  and  shall  always  rank  it  among  the 
bright  and  happy  incidents  of  my  life." 


JARED   SPARKS 

1828 

From  an  unfinished  painting  by  Stuart 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

ORIGIN  OF  SPARKS'   "LIFE  AND  WRITINGS   OF 
WASHINGTON." 

Jar^d  Sparks'  interest  in  the  writings  of  George 
Washington  may  be  traced  back  to  an  early  period. 
When  Sparks  was  teaching  school  at  Lancaster,  Mass., 
he  received  a  letter  from  an  old  Exeter  schoolmate  and 
life-long  friend,  William  B.  Sprague,  afterwards  famous 
for  his  "  Annals  of  the  American  Pulpit."  Sprague  wrote 
from  Mount  Vernon,  April  27,  1816  :  "  I  am  glad  that  it 
is  in  my  power  to  comply  with  your  request  by  sending 
you  a  scrap  of  General  Washington's  handwriting.  Even 
here  it  is  much  sought  for,  and  considered  by  every  one 
as  perfectly  invaluable."  Sprague  was  himself  an  inde- 
fatigable collector  of  autographs  and  original  letters ;  he 
frequently  appealed  to  Sparks  in  later  years  for  assistance 
in  the  increase  of  a  valuable  manuscript  collection.  The 
early  favor  shown  by  Sprague  to  Jared  Sparks  bore  rich 
fruit,  for  this  "  scrap  of  General  Washington's  handwrit- 
ing "  was  the  beginning  of  Sparks'  famous  collection  of 
the  writings  of  Washington. 

The  origin  and  growth  of  the  historical  enterprise  of 
Jared  Sparks  are  clearly  seen  in  the  following  selections 
from  his  vast  correspondence  upon  the  life  and  writings 
of  Washington.  The  idea  of  a  complete  edition  of  the 
writings  of  Washington  was  first  proposed  to  Jared 
Sparks,  March  25,  1824,  by  Charles  Folsom,  then  con- 
nected with  a  printing  establishment  in  Cambridge.  Fol- 
som said,  in  a  letter  to  his  old  Exeter  friend,  then  editor 
of  the  " North  American  Eeview  :  "  "I  wish  to  publish  a 


390      LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

handsome  and  correct  edition  of  Washington's  writings 
complete.  To  this  end  I  should  wish  to  communicate 
with  those  persons  who  would  aid  me  to  do  it  in  the  best 
manner.  Who  are  they  at  the  South  ?  "  In  the  interest 
of  this  project  of  his  friend  Folsom,  Sparks  wrote,  April 
2, 1824,  to  the  Hon.  Bushrod  Washington,  of  Mount  Ver- 
non, who  then  owned  the  papers  which  Sprague  had 
doubtless  been  allowed  to  see. 

Judge  Washington  replied  from  Mount  Vernon^  May 
31,  1824 :  "  Since  my  return  from  my  Northern  Circuit  I 
received  your  favor  of  the  2d  of  April,  which  had  been 
lying  some  time  in  the  Alexandria  post-office.  Were  it 
in  my  power  to  afford  the  intended  publisher  of  General 
Washington's  .works  the  assistance  he  wishes,  it  would 
now  be  too  late,  I  presume,  to  do  it.  But  the  delicate 
state  of  my  health,  and  the  entire  occupation  of  the  little 
time  I  can,  on  that  account,  devote  to  business  by  other 
employments  which  will  admit  of  no  postponement,  would 
prevent  my  rendering  him  any  useful  service,  even  if  the 
means  of  doing  so  were  in  my  possession  ;  for,  strange  as 
it  may  appear,  I  have  no  collection  in  print  of  the  Gen- 
eral's writings,  although  it  is  presumable  that  the  whole 
of  them  are  to  be  found  in  manuscript  amongst  the  papers 
which  he  bequeathed  to  me." 

To  this  letter  Mr.  Sparks  appended  the  following  manu- 
script note :  "  The  preceding  letter  was  written  in  reply 
to  an  inquiry  which  I  made  on  account  of  a  publisher 
who  contemplated  publishing  an  edition  of  George  Wash- 
ington's writings.  I  have  myself  thought  of  this  plan  for 
some  time.  At  present  we  cannot  find  the  writings  of 
Washington  without  looking  through  many  books  and 
documents,  and  it  would  certainly  be  desirable  to  have  all 
the  works  of  this  great  man  brought  together.  It  is 
understood  that  the  family  possess  several  unpublished 
manuscripts,  which  would  be  valuable ;  but  from  this  note 


LIFE   AND  WRITINGS    OF  WASHINGTON.      391 

from  Judge  Washington,  there  seems  to  be  little  disposi- 
tion to  make  them  public.     J.  S.,  June  20,  1824." 

No  encouragement  being  given  to  Folsom's  project  of 
publication,  he  seems  to  have  given  it  up.  Mr.  Sparks, 
ever  persistent  in  a  good  cause,  began  in  fresh  and  inde- 
pendent ways  to  make  inquiries  concerning  Washington's 
letters,  some  of  which  had  been  already  published,  but 
most  of  which  were  widely  scattered.  Sparks'  travels  in 
the  Southern  and  Middle  States,  his  former  residence 
in  Baltimore  and  in  Washington,  his  wide  acquaintance 
with  public  and  literary  men  throughout  the  country,  his 
extensive  correspondence  with  writers  for  the  "  North 
American  Review,"  his  personal  friendship  for  many 
Harvard  and  Exeter  men  who  occupied  positions  of  trust 
and  influence,  — all  these  facts  combined  to  make  his 
search  successful. 

Dr.  Mease,  of  Philadelphia,  sent  him  the  following  item 
of  information,  April  30,  1824  :  "  You  will  find  some 
interesting  letters  of  General  Washington  in  his  corre- 
spondence with  Dr.  Anderson,  published  about  1800  or 
1801  in  London  ;  and  A.  Young's  correspondence,  Lon- 
don, 1801  ;  also  in  Sir  John  Sinclair's  correspondence  in 
Washington's  facsimile,  copies  of  which  were  sent  to  the 
governors  of  each  of  the  States  about  1801  or  1802."  Dr. 
Mease  wrote  again  more  fully,  December  16,  1825  :  "  I 
am  now  enabled  to  answer  your  queries  respecting  Gen- 
eral Washington's  letters.  This  I  have  it  in  my  power  to 
do,  from  consulting  Mr.  Carey,  whose  brother  was  per- 
mitted to  copy  the  originals  in  the  office  of  the  War  De- 
partment, and  who  published  them. 

"  1.  They  make  their  appearance  first  in  London.  2. 
There  has  been  an  American  edition,  but  where  it  was 
printed  I  cannot  say.  No  alterations  or  additions  were 
made.  3.  I  do  not  know  whether  the  printed  letters  were 
compared  with  the  originals ;  this  comparison  cannot  now 


392      LIFE  AND   WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

be  made,  as  all  the  papers  in  the  war  office  were  burnt 
when  that  office  took  fire  in  1801  or  18Q2.  4.  Mr.  Carey 
never  published  any  more  letters.  It  is  probable  he  still 
has  the  copies.  He  lives  in  West  Square,  London,  and 
his  address  is  John  Carey,  LL.  D.  5.  Washington's  pri- 
vate letters  have  never  been  collected.  Arthur  Young 
published  Washington's  letters  to  him,  in  the  year  1801. 
These  I  have  read.  Dr.  James  Anderson  also  published 
about  the  same  time  Washington's  letters  to  him.  These, 
also,  I  have  read.  Sir  John  Sinclair,  also  about  the  same 
time,  published  a  facsimile  in  quarto  of  all  Washington's 
letters  to  him,  and  sent  a  copy  to  every  governor  in  the 
States,  as  I  understood  at  the  time." 

Mr.  Sparks  continued  to  correspond  with  old  friends, 
local  antiquaries,  and  with  secretaries  of  state  in  the 
various  capitals,  with  a  view  to  the  discovery  of  original 
Washington  manuscripts.  The  following  letter  from  Mr. 
E.  Bartlett,  a  student  friend  at  Phillips  Exeter  Academy, 
who  wrote  from  Concord,  N.  H.,  January  2,  1826,  is  a 
fair  illustration  of  the  character  of  the  letters  received  by 
Mr.  Sparks  in  answer  to  his  many  inquiries.  Evidently 
the  work  of  collecting  manuscript  had  begun  none  too 
early :  "lam  glad  to  learn  that  you  intend  publishing 
Washington's  works,  and  it  would  give  me  much  plea- 
sure to  aid  you  in  collecting  the  necessary  materials,  but  I 
fear  you  will  be  sadly  disappointed  in  your  expectations 
from  this  State.  It  is  with  shame  and  grief  I  have  to  tell 
you  that  the  Secretary's  Office  does  not  contain,  so  far  as 
I  can  discover,  a  single  letter  of  Washington's  worth  pub- 
lication. On  opening  the  only  files  marked  *  Washington's 
Letters,'  I  find  but  one  or  two  very  brief  letters,  and  those 
respecting  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  the  office  once  contained  many  of  his  letters,  but 
everything  of  that  description  has,  till  within  a  few  years, 
been  regarded,  I  believe,  as  a  part  of  the  useless  lumber 


LIFE  AND   WRITINGS   OF  WASHINGTON.      393 

of  the  office,  and  treated  accordingly.  Besides  the  letters 
which  may  thus  have  been  scattered  to  the  winds,  probably 
people  who  have  had  curiosity  to  possess  some  of  Wash- 
ington's writings  have  laid  hands  on  such  as  they  could 
find  in  this  office.  I  have  it  in  contemplation  to  look 
over,  if  I  can  find  leisure,  all  the  old  papers  here,  but  I 
have  little  hope  of  discovering  any  of  Washington's  let- 
ters. When  Belknap  wrote  his  history  he  had  access  to 
all  the  public  papers,  and  to  President  Weare's,  and  prob- 
ably many  others,  but  I  have  never  understood  that  he 
neglected  to  return  all  he  received  from  the  Secretary's 
Office. 

"  General  Sullivan's  papers  have  fared  but  little  better 
than  the  others.  They  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  late 
Judge  Steele  (his  son-in-law),  at  Durham,  and  1  have 
been  informed  that  the  judge's  son,  now  Dr.  Richard 
Steele,  of  Durham,  foolishly  scattered  them,  also,  to  the 
winds.  Some  he  carried  to  Hanover,  when  a  student,  and 
gave  away  or  threw  away,  as  he  would  be  likely  enough  to 
do,  and  a  few  were  afterwards  obtained  from  him,  while 
he  practiced  in  Portsmouth,  by  the  proprietors  of  the 
Athenseuni  in  that  town.  You  have  friends  in  Ports- 
mouth who  can  inform  you  whether  any  of  Washington's 
letters  were  among  them.  A  public  advertisement  might 
bring  many  of  his  letters  and  other  papers  to  light.  Not- 
withstanding this  discouragement  I  shall  be  able  to  give 
you  a  little  aid.  I  obtained  from  the  late  General  Pea- 
body,  of  Exeter  (whom  you  well  remember  as  that  abomi- 
nable old  democrat,  whom  '  Bartlett,'  in  defiance  of  the 
'Principal'  and  other  powers,  would  occasionally  visit), 
a  beautiful  manuscript  copy  of  all  the  proceedings  and 
correspondence  of  the  Committee  of  Congress  appointed 
in  April,  1780,  to  repair  to  headquarters  and  in  coopera- 
tion with  General  Washington  to  reorganize  the  army, 
reform  its  abuses,  and  in  short  to  do  whatever  was  neces- 


394      LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

sary  to  bring  an  efficient  force  into  the  field.  This  book 
contains  three  hundred  and  fifty-four  closely  written,  large 
folio  pages,  and  is  certified  by  Abraham  Brasher,  Secre- 
tary *of  the  Board.  Among  the  letters  of  the  officers  of 
the  army  are  fifteen  from  Washington  entirely  on  the  sub- 
ject referred  to  the  committee.  These  are  interesting 
and  worthy  of  preservation.  If  the  originals  and  the  re- 
port of  the  committee  were  consumed  in  the  War  Office, 
these  will  have  the  greater  value.  Schuyler,  Matthews, 
and  Peabody  were  that  committee.  I  should  say  more  on 
this  subject  if  I  had  time  before  the  closing  of  the  mail. 
I  write  carelessly,  but  you  will  excuse  it.  I  fear  you 
would  be  impatient  if  I  were  to  wait  longer  and  answer 
more  minutely.  I  shall  hear  from  you  again,  and  will 
then  finish  what  I  wish  to  add.  I  dare  not  here  touch 
upon  '  auld  lang  syne.'  " 

The  best  historical  summary  of  the  results  of  Mr. 
Sparks'  inquiries  during  a  period  of  nearly  two  years, 
from  the  time  Charles  Folsom  first  proposed  a  complete 
edition  of  the  writings  of  Washington,  is  contained  in  the 
following  elaborate  letter,  dated  Boston,  January  16, 
1826,  and  addressed  to  the  Hon.  Bushrod  Washington  : 
"  You  may  perhaps  recollect,  that  nearly  two  years  ago  I 
wrote  you  concerning  a  design  which  a  friend  of  mine 
then  had;  of  publishing  an  edition  of  General  Washing- 
ton's works.  As  he  did  not  carry  his  purpose  into  exe- 
cution, I  was  myself  led  to  examine  the  subject,  and  have 
read  with  great  attention  such  of  the  writings  of  General 
Washington  as  I  have  been  able  to  obtain.  I  have  also 
made  numerous  inquiries  respecting  his  official  letters  to 
the  governors  of  the  States  during  the  Revolution,  and  to 
the  principal  officers  of  the  army.  The  result  of  my  in- 
vestigation has  been,  that  there  is  in  existence  a  vast 
number  of  unpublished  letters  written  by  him,  which  are 
of  the  highest  importance  as  containing  materials  for  a 


LIFE   AND  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON.       395 

correct  history  of  the  country,  and  as  exhibiting,  in  a  still 
more  imposing  light  than  has  ever  yet  been  clone,  the  ex- 
traordinary resources  and  powers  of  the  author's  mind, 
and  the  controlling  influence  of  his  opinions  and  charac- 
ter in  gaining  the  independence  and  establishing  the  free 
government  which  are  now  the  glory  and  happiness  of 
his  countrymen,  and  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

"  Under  this  conviction,  and  after  very  mature  reflec- 
tion and  extensive  inquiry,  I  have  resolved,  should  such 
a  project  meet  your  approbation,  to  collect  and  publish 
all  the  works  of'  General  Washington,  both  such  as  have 
already  appeared  in  print,  and  a  selection  from  such  as 
are  to  be  found  in  manuscript.  My  plan  is  to  accompany 
the  whole  with  a  full  body  of  notes  and  historical  illustra- 
tions, and  to  arrange  the  materials  under  the  following 
divisions :  — 

"  Part  I.  —  Official  Letters. 

"  This  division  will  embrace  those  parts  of  General 
Washington's  correspondence  which  may  be  strictly  called 
official,  that  is,  his  letters  to  the  Governor  of  Virginia, 
while  engaged  in  the  French  War ;  his  letters  to  the  Pres- 
ident of  Congress  and  the  committees  on  the  army  during 
the  whole  Revolution  ;  his  letters  to  the  governors  of  the 
States,  and  committees  appointed  to  correspond  with  him 
by  different  legislatures;  his  letters  to  officers  of  the 
army,  and  other  individuals  engaged  in  public  affairs  ; 
and  such  of  his  letters  while  President  of  the  United 
States  as  may  be  deemed  of  an  official  nature. 

"  The  two  volumes  of  *  Washington's  Official  Letters,' 
first  published  in  London,  in  the  year  1795,  contain  those 
only  which  were  addressed  to  the  President  of  Congress 
from  the  time  he  took  command  of  the  army,  in  June, 
1775,  to  the  end  of  the  year  1778,  about  three  years  and 
a  half.     These  were  copied  in  the  Secretary's  Office  at 


396      LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Philadelphia,  by  a  person  who  took  them  to  London,  and 
published  them,  with  the  apparent  design  of  continuing 
the  series.  But  the  sale  probably  did  not  encourage  him 
to  fulfil  his  intention,  as  he  is  still  living  in  London,  and 
nothing  in  addition  to  the  above  two  volumes  has  appeared. 
These  letters  were  doubtless  correctly  copied,  but  they 
are  printed  with  many  omissions,  which  were  thought 
necessary  to  accommodate  them  to  the  state  of  public 
feeling  at  that  time.  I  do  not  find  that  any  of  the  letters 
to  Congress,  after  the  year  1778,  have  been  printed ; 
nor  any  of  the  vast  number  which  he  wrote  to  the  gov- 
ernors of  the  States ;  nor  any  of  those  sent  to  officers  of 
the  army,  except  in  a  few  instances  where  memoirs  of 
some  of  the  general  officers  have  been  written. 

"  I  have  learned  from  the  secretaries  of  several  States 
that  many  letters  from  General  Washington  are  on  file 
among  the  public  papers,  copies  of  which  can  be  obtained 
without  difficulty.  The  same  thing  I  have  also  ascertained 
in  regard  to  the  papers  left  by  some  of  the  leading  officers 
of  the  army.  Many  letters  of  the  Commander-in-Chief 
are  among  them.  In  the  library  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society  is  a  volume  of  original  letters  by  Gen- 
eral Washington,  collected  from  the  papers  of  Governor 
Hancock,  and  deposited  there  by  his  widow.  In  the  same 
library  is  also  a  series  of  volumes  of  manuscripts  which 
belonged  to  Governor  Trumbull,  and  which  contain  all 
General  Washington's  correspondence  with  him.  A 
gentleman  in  New  Hampshire  has  a  full  copy  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  committee  of  Congress  which  visited 
the  army  in  1780  to  consult  with  the  Commander-in-Chief 
on  important  affairs.  In  this  manuscript  volume  are  con- 
tained fifteen  letters  from  General  Washington.  Numer- 
ous unpublished  letters  of  his  are  also  deposited  in  the 
library  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society.  In  short,  it 
would  not  be  easy  to  calculate  the  number  of  letters  of 


LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON.      397 

• 

this  description,  all  of  them  exceedingly  important,  which 
may  be  gathered  from  different  sources,  by  a  thorough  and 
persevering  examination. 

"  When  these  are  collected,  my  purpose  is  to  arrange 
them  in  chronological  order,  and  to  add  such  explanations, 
by  way  of  notes,  as  will  make  every  statement  and  allusion 
clearly  understood,  and  exhibit,  in  connection  with  the 
letters,  a  thread  of  history  as  continuous  and  perfect  as 
the  nature  of  the  subject  will  admit.  In  constructing  the 
notes,  many  valuable  materials  may  be  drawn  from  the 
letters  written  in  reply  to  those  of  General  Washington, 
very  few  of  which  have  ever  been  published.  To  what 
extent  these  may  be  obtained,  can  be  known  only  by  future 
inquiry.  Copies  of  those  written  by  the  governors  and 
other  authorities  of  the  States  are  unquestionably  pre- 
served. All  other  sources  of  information  will  likewise  be 
resorted  to,  which  promise  in  any  way  to  aid  the  execu- 
tion of  my  plan. 

"  Part  II.  —  State   Papers  and  Other  Official  Docu- 
ments. 

"  In  this  division  will  be  brought  together  his  Messages 
to  Congress,  Addresses,  General  Orders  to  the  Army,  and 
wjiatever  other  papers  there  may  be  of  a  public  nature, 
and  which  cannot  be  properly  ranked  under  the  division 
of  official  letters. 

"  The  notes  and  illustrations  here  will  principally  relate 
to  the  political  state  of  the  times  ;  to  the  opinions,  views, 
and  purposes  of  the  author ;  to  his  wisdom  in  devising 
measures  of  the  most  salutary  kind,  and  his  influence  and 
the  weight  of  his  character  in  carrying  them  into  effect ; 
to  his  agency  in  directing  the  progress  of  events,  and 
leading  them  to  the  best  ends  in  establishing  the  new 
government  on  a  solid  foundation ;  and,  indeed,  to  what- 
ever may  elucidate  the  history  of  his  political  life. 


398      LIFE  AND   WRITINGS   OF  WASHINGTON. 

"  Part  III.  —  Private   Correspondence. 

"  In  this  department  much  discretion  must,  of  course, 
be  exercised.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  his  private 
letters,  nor  all  that  can  be  collected,  are  suited  to  publica- 
tion. There  is  much,  even  here,  that  is  not  only  curious, 
but  valuable.  His  agricultural  correspondence  with  Sir 
John  Sinclair  and  Mr.  Anderson,  which  was  published  in 
England,  will  come  under  this  head  ;  and  many  letters 
which  have  appeared  from  time  to  time  in  public  papers 
and  journals  ;  as  well  as  numerous  others  in  manuscript, 
known  to  be  in  the  hands  of  individuals.  Of  this  de- 
scription of  letters  I  should  not  be  disposed  to  print  any, 
except  such  as  you,  and  other  judicious  persons,  may  deem 
in  accordance  with  the  dignity  of  the  work,  as  containing 
interesting  facts,  or  developing  traits  of  the  author's  mind 
and  character. 

"  The  notes  under  this  division  will  be  few  and  short, 
explaining  parts  of  the  letters  that  may  require  it,  and 
detailing  such  particulars  and  incidents  as  may  come  to 
my  knowledge  respecting  the  private  pursuits,  and  the 
characteristic  habits  and  opinions,  of  the  writer. 

"  I  have  thus,  sir,  in  as  few  words  as  possible,  disclosed 
to  you  my  plan.  In  making  to  you  this  frank  and  explicjt 
exposition,  I  have  two  objects  in  view.  First,  as  it  is  a 
thing  in  which  you,  as  an  individual,  are  more  deeply  in- 
terested than  any  other  person,  it  is  highly  proper  for  me 
to  ascertain  whether  you  approve  my  undertaking,  and  are 
willing  to  promote  it  by  your  counsel  and  aid,  before  I 
take  any  public  measures  for  prosecuting  it.  And,  sec- 
ondly, whether  you  will  consent  that  access  may  be  had  to 
the  papers  of  General  Washington  in  your  possession. 

"  I  am  aware  that  there  is  some  delicacy  sin  this  second 
point,  nor  should  I  venture  to  make  the  inquiry  were  I 
not  encouraged  to  do  it  by  many  gentlemen  to  whom  I 


LIFE  AND  WRITINGS    OF  WASHINGTON.      399 

have  explained  my  design,  on  whose  judgment  I  can  rely, 
and  to  whom  the  fame  of  no  man  is  dearer  than  that  of 
Washington.  These  have  professed,  one  and  all,  to  regard 
my  project  as  one  of  a  magnitude  and  consequence  which 
justify  me  in  making  even  such  an  application  ;  and,  what- 
ever may  be  your  views  as  to  the  expediency  of  allowing 
the  papers  to  be  examined,  I  cannot  doubt  you  will  duly 
appreciate  my  motives,  and  freely  excuse  anything  that 
may  to  you  have  the  appearance  of  impropriety  in  the 
liberty  which  I  take.  It  was  the  habit  of  General  Wash- 
ington to  preserve  copies  of  his  correspondence.  While 
in  the  army  he  kept  regular  letter-books  for  this  purpose ; 
and  from  many  circumstances  I  infer  the  same  was  done 
in  respect  to  most  of  his  private  letters.  In  his  corre- 
spondence with  Mr.  Anderson,  for  instance,  he  sent  a 
duplicate  of  a  letter  which  he  found  had  not  reached  its 
destination. 

"  Now  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  General  Washington's 
letters  have  been  preserved  with  great  care  by  the  persons 
into  whose  possession  they  have  fallen,  and  it  can  hardly 
be  doubted  that  a  happy  advertisement  would  bring  nearly 
all  of  them  to  light,  and  those  in  the  archives  of  the 
legislatures  of  the  States  may  be  had  by  a  direct  applica- 
tion :  yet,  after  every  effort  is  made,  there  must  be  de- 
ficiencies, particularly  in  regard  to  letters  among  the 
papers  of  the  general  officers  of  the  army,  whose  descend- 
ants may  desire  to  retain  them  for  a  first  publication  in  a 
future  biographical  account  of  the  person  to  whom  they 
were  written.  And  some  will  also  necessarily  be  over- 
looked that  are  in  the  offices  of  the  secretaries  of  the 
States,  by  reason  of  the  mass  of  papers  with  which  they 
will  be  connected.  The  only  possible  mode  of  supplying 
such  deficiencies  is  by  examining  the  copies  of  correspond- 
ence left  by  General  Washington.  If  you  agree  with  me, 
therefore,  as  you  most  certainly  will,  that  if  such  a  work 


400      LIFE  AND  WRITINGS   OF  WASHINGTON. 

is  executed,  it  should  be  done  in  as  complete  and  perfect  a 
manner  as  possible,  I  think  you  will  not  fail  to  see,  in  a 
clear  and  convincing  light,  the  force  of  these  hints. 

"  Again,  there  are  other  documents  of  the  highest  value 
among  the  papers  of  General  Washington,  many  of  which 
cannot  be  supposed  to  exist  anywhere  else,  and  these  are 
the  letters  received  by  him  during  his  whole  public  life. 
It  would  seem  that  he  was  as  remarkable  for  retaining  the 
originals  of  all  letters  sent  to  him  as  for  preserving  copies 
of  his  own.  In  almost  every  letter  to  Congress  he  men- 
tions copies  of  letters  inclosed,  which  he  had  received 
from  public  persons,  and  the  originals  of  which  were  kept 
by  himself.  In  some  cases  it  is  not  likely  that  the  writers 
of  these  letters  preserved  copies ;  in  others,  where  copies 
were  taken  at  the  time,  they  have  doubtless  been  lost  in 
the  vicissitudes  through  which  they  have  passed ;  so  that 
at  this  day  it  is  probable  that  the  only  copies  in  being  are 
the  single  ones  among  the  papers  at  Mount  Vernon.  Yet 
these  letters  unfold  many  of  the  leading  principles  and 
moving  springs  of  the  Revolution ;  they  afford  the  very 
best  materials  for  history  ;  and,  in  a  word,  are  absolutely 
essential  to  illustrate  the  works  of  General  Washington. 

"  With  these  views  of  the  subject,  I  shall  leave  it  to 
your  better  judgment  to  decide  in  what  light  it  is  proper 
for  you  to  regard  my  proposed  undertaking.  As  to  my- 
self, it  only  needs  to  be  added  that  I  have  been  chiefly  in- 
fluenced by  a  deep  conviction  of  the  importance  of  such 
a  work,  both  as  a  tribute  due  to  the  name  of  Washington, 
and  a  repository  for  perpetuating  the  most  valuable  trea- 
sures of  American  history,  which,  in  their  present  scattered 
state,  are  subject  to  be  swept  into  oblivion  by  every  wind 
that  blows ;  exposed  to  the  mercy  of  accident,  and  the 
consuming  power  of  the  elements.  My  thoughts  have 
been  more  or  less  occupied  with  the  plan  for  the  last  two 
years ;  as  a  literary  enterprise,  it  falls  in  with  my  inclina- 


LIFE   AND   WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON.      401 

tions  and  pursuits  ;  but  the  labor  of  collecting  materials 
so  widely  diffused,  and  of  preparing  them  in  the  way  I 
propose  for  the  press,  is  one  of  which  no  adequate  concep- 
tion can  be  formed  by  any  person  who  has  not  had  some 
experience  in  works  of  a  similar  kind.  But  I  have  re- 
solved to  engage  resolutely  in  the  task,  if  I  undertake  it 
at  all,  and  to  spare  neither  industry  nor  expense  in  en- 
deavoring to  execute  it,  as  far  as  my  ability  will  allow,  in 
a  manner  creditable  to  the  fame  of  Washington,  to  our 
literature,  and  to  our  national  history. 

"  For  further  information,  as  to  my  purposes  and  quali- 
fications, permit  me,  sir,  to  refer  you  to  Judge  Story,  with 
whom  I  have  conversed  on  the  subject,  and  who  manifests 
a  lively  interest  in  the  plan  of  collecting  into  one  body  all 
the  writings  of  General  Washington.  With  Mr.  Webster 
and  Mr.  Wheaton  I  am  also  acquainted,  and  I  doubt  not 
they  will  readily  answer  any  inquiries  you  may  wish  to 
make  respecting  my  character  and  pursuits. 

"  I  shall  write  to  Judge  Marshall,  and  I  hope  you  will 
do  me  the  favor  to  show  him  this  letter,  that  he  may  fully 
understand  my  views  and  motives." 

The  above  letter  is  important,  for  it  represents  not  only 
Mr.  Sparks'  acquired  knowledge  concerning  the  Wash- 
ington papers,  but  his  first  matured  plan  of  arranging 
and  publishing  them.  His  evident  acquaintance  with 
other  sources  of  supply  than  the  Mount  Vernon  collec- 
tion gave  him  a  certain  command  of  the  literary  situation, 
although  Judge  Washington  did  not  immediately  realize 
the  fact. 

The  warmest  encouragement  was  given  Mr.  Sparks 
in  his  project  by  some  of  the  best  men  in  this  country. 
Joseph  Story  wrote  to  Jared  Sparks  from  Salem,  January 
20,  1826 :  "  I  think  your  project  of  collecting  the  works 
of  Washington  a  noble  project,  and  deserving  of  univer- 
sal encouragement.  I  know  not  into  whose  hands  the 
26 


402      LIFE  AND  WRITINGS   OF  WASHINGTON. 

task  could  have  better  fallen.  Your  letter  to  Judge 
"Washington  is  excellent  both  in  matter  and  manner,  and 
develops  your  plan  in  such  a  way  as  cannot  but  command 
his  approbation.  I  go  to  Washington  next  Thursday,  and 
have  so  many  things  to  do  in  the  mean  time  that  I  can 
scarcely  put  my  thoughts  on  paper.  On  Monday  next  I 
attend  a  corporation  meeting  of  Harvard  College  at  the 
Athenaeum,  Boston.  Can  I  see  you  there  a  few  minutes 
in  the  forenoon  ?  I  will  cheerfully  give  you  a  letter  to 
Judge  Washington,  or  carry  your  package  myself.  I 
think  you  will  do  well  to  write  to  Chief  Justice  Marshall. 
His  work  on  the  Colonies  ought,  by  the  bye,  to  be  re- 
viewed by  some  able  hand." 

Edward  Everett  also  encouraged  the  project.  He  wrote 
Jared  Sparks  from  Washington,  February  2,  1826  :  "  I 
duly  received  your  favor,  making  inquiry  about  Gen- 
eral Washington's  Revolutionary  letters,  etc.  They  are 
all  in  existence  in  the  Department  of  State,  and  (what 
cannot  be  said  of  most  of  the  papers  there)  bound  and 
in  a  convenient  condition  for  reference.  Your  project 
seems  to  me  an  admirable  one.  I  wish  it  all  success,  and 
will  do  anything  here  which  I  can  to  aid  it." 

Daniel  Webster,  then  a  member  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives for  Massachusetts,  wrote  on  February  4,  1826 : 
"  It  will  give  me  true  pleasure  to  aid  you  in  your  intended 
collection  of  General  Washington's  works,  in  any  and 
all  ways  in  my  power.  Judge  Story  has  not  yet  arrived, 
but  we  expect  him  this  eve.  1  will  have  an  early  conver- 
sation with  him  on  the  subject.  I  think  your  proposed 
work  one  of  great  importance,  and  which  you  could  so 
execute  as  to  do  yourself  great  credit." 

Judge  Story  soon  arrived  in  Washington,  and  on  the 
23d  of  February,  1826,  reported  to  Mr.  Sparks  the  un- 
favorable result  of  his  interview  with  Judge  Washington 
and  Chief  Justice  Marshall :  "  I  have  delivered  your  let- 


LIFE  AND  WRITINGS   OF    WASHINGTON.       403 

ters  respecting  the  publication  of  General  "Washington's 
letters  to  Chief  Justice  Marshall  and  Judge  Washington. 
With  the  latter  I  have  had  considerable  conversation  on 
the  subject.  I  learn  from  him  that  he  and  the  Chief  Jus- 
tice have  already  prepared  three  volumes,  which  are  ready 
for  the  press,  and  will  soon  be  put  to  press.  Judge 
Washington  does  not  incline  to  favor  your  project,  but  as 
he  intends  writing  you  himself,  I  forbear  to  state  his 
views.  The  truth  seems  to  be,  that  he  deems  these  let- 
ters a  sort  of  family  inheritance,  and  that  no  person  ought 
to  be  permitted  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  publica- 
tion unless  he  stands  in  his  own  intimate  confidence. 

"  I  regret  exceedingly  that  he  should  not  heartily  em- 
brace your  proposal.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  task  will 
or  can  be  better  performed  by  any  one  than  yourself.  It 
is  a  noble  enterprise,  and  requires  industry,  caution,  re- 
search, and  enthusiasm.  I  conjecture  that  the  forthcoming 
volumes  will  contain  merely  a  selection  of  letters  without 
note  or  comment.  Under  such  circumstances  the  publica- 
tion must  be  in  every  way  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory, 
since  much  of  the  value  of  such  a  work  must  arise  from 
the  ability  of  the  reader  to  comprehend  the  circumstances 
to  which  it  refers,  and  the  collateral  facts  with  which  it  is 
connected. 

"I  have  thought  that  Judge  Washington  was  unwill- 
ing to  be  pressed  further  on  the  subject.  He  stated,  how- 
ever, to  me  this  afternoon  that  he  should  converse  with 
the   Chief   Justice   respecting   it,    and   afterwards   write 

you." 

Sparks  wrote  to  Judge  Story,  March  4,  1826,  upon  the 
unpromising  situation:  "I  was  not  much  disappointed 
with  the  report  of  your  ill-success  respecting  the  Wash- 
ington papers,  although  my  zeal  was  a  little  dampened  by 
the  news.  I  was  disposed  to  give  my  time  and  exertions 
to  a  very  laborious  undertaking,  because  I  thought  a  good 


404      LIFE   AND  WRITINGS   OF  WASHINGTON. 

end  would  be  answered,  and  because  I  had  a  desire  to 
send  out  a  perfect  edition  of  Washington's  writings.  By 
a  reasonable  access  to  the  papers  at  Mount  Vernon,  the 
plan  might  be  accomplished  with  entire  success.  I  con- 
sider such  a  privilege  no  favor  to  me  ;  I  ask  it  only  as  a 
means  of  doing  the  greatest  justice  to  the  subject.  But 
all  the  important  materials  may  be  obtained  from  other 
quarters,  though  with  great  trouble,  and  my  present  im- 
pression is  that  I  shall  pursue  the  project.  Washington's 
public  letters  and  papers  are  the  property  of  the  nation. 
As  such  they  ought  to  be  before  the  nation,  and  he  who 
brings  them  out  does  a  public  service. 

"  I  have  not  heard  from  Judge  Washington  nor  Judge 
Marshall. 

"  With  many  thanks  for  your  kind  attention  to  this 
business,  I  am,  sir,  yours  very  truly." 

Here  is  a  letter,  dated  at  Washington,  March  13,  1826, 
from  Bushrod  Washington  to  Jared  Sparks :  "  Your  letter 
of  the  26th  January  was  handed  me  by  Mr.  Justice  Story, 
and  I  owe  you  an  apology  for  the  delay  which  has  taken 
place  in  answering  it.  The  truth  is  that,  although  living 
under  the  same  roof,  the  important  cases  which  the  judges 
have  had  to  examine  and  discuss  in  conference  diverted 
the  attention  of  the  Chief  Justice  and  myself  from  the 
subject,  insomuch  that  it  is  but  lately  that  we  had  an 
opportunity  of  conversing  upon  it. 

"  The  only  answer  which  it  is  now  in  my  power  to  give 
to  your  proposal  will  be  contained  in  the  following  state- 
ment of  facts:  A  part  of  the  work  which  you  contem- 
plate writing  has  for  some  years  past  engaged  the  atten- 
tion, and  commanded  the  labors,  of  the  Chief  Justice  and 
myself.  It  is  now  completed,  and  we  expect  in  the  course 
of  the  summer  to  put  to  press  about  three  volumes  of 
what  we  judge  to  be  the  most  interesting  of  General 
Washington's  letters,  written  during  the  War  of  the  Revo- 


LIFE  AND  WRITINGS   OF  WASHINGTON.      405 

lutioD,  and  subsequent  to  its  termination.  It  is  further 
our  intention  to  publish  many  of  the  letters  addressed  to 
him  by  the  governors  of  the  several  States,  foreign  officers, 
and  others  during  those  periods. 

"  The  letters  written  by  him  prior  to  and  during  the 
French  War  are,  many  of  them,  copied,  and  will  be  pub- 
lished at  some  future  period." 

Chief  Justice  Marshall  wrote  to  Jared  Sparks  from 
Washington,  March  26,  1826 :  "  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
receiving  your  letter  of  the  26th  of  January  by  Judge 
Story,  stating  your  intention  of  publishing  an  edition  of 
all  the  works  of  General  Washington.  Feeling  a  deep  in- 
terest in  the  fame  of  our  illustrious  fellow-citizen,  I  am 
gratified  at  the  expectation  of  seeing  his  works  ushered  to 
the  world  by  a  gentleman  whose  literary  reputation  en- 
sures full  justice  to  his  memory.  I  can  bestow  on  the 
plan  only  my  best  wishes  for  its  success,  and  the  feeble  aid 
which  is  afforded  by  a  subscription  to  it.  The  papers  are 
in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Washington,  and  are  entirely  at 
his  disposal.  He  has  shown  me  the  letter  addressed  by 
you  to  him,  with  his  answer  to  it.  If  the  publication  he 
is  about  to  make  shall  defeat  the  more  enlarged  and  per- 
fect edition  which  you  propose,  it  will  be  a  circumstance 
which  I  shall  regret.  It  is  not  the  object  of  Mr.  Wash- 
ington to  attach  any  notes  or  illustrations  to  the  publica- 
tion he  proposes  making,  but  simply  to  select  some  of  the 
most  interesting  of  the  letters  and  to  offer  them  to  the 
public." 

Jared  Sparks  firmly  intended  to  carry  out,  if  necessary 
in  an  independent  way,  his  own  literary  project.  He  con- 
tinued actively  to  prosecute  Ms  inquiries  for  further  in- 
formation concerning  Washington's  correspondence.  In- 
deed, instead  of  yielding  to  disappointment  on  account  of 
apparent  rebuff,  this  literary  explorer  began,  like  Led- 
yard,  after  failure  in  one  quarter,  to   take  even  wider 


406      LIFE  AND   WRITINGS   OF  WASHINGTON. 

ranges  than  before.  Mr.  Sparks  now  proposed  collecting 
materials  for  a  history  of  the  American  Revolution. 

Thomas  Jefferson  wrote  to  Mr.  Sparks  from  Monticello, 
April  8,  1826  :  "I  am  happy  to  be  informed  of  the  his- 
torical work  on  our  country  which  you  are  about  to  under- 
take, because  I  know  that  whatever  you  undertake  will  be 
well  done.  In  your  search  after  materials,  you  will  of 
course  look  into  those  possessed  by  Congress.  The  collec- 
tion of  American  history  they  received  with  my  library 
was  generally  rich,  that  particularly  so  of  pamphlets  from 
the  commencement  of  our  dispute  with  Great  Britain  to 
the  commencement  of  open  hostilities,  and  of  thirty  or 
forty  years  of  newspapers  before  that. 

"  I  am  sorry  I  shall  be  able  to  be  of  little  use  to  you. 
Age  and  ill-health  disqualify  me  from  it,  and  the  increas- 
ing disability  of  my  hand  will  soon  oblige  me  to  make 
it  known  that  I  am  no  longer  able  to  write  at  all,  or  to 
answer  letters  on  any  subject. 

"  I  may  perhaps  in  conversations,  during  the  welcome 
visit  you  are  so  kind  as  to  promise  me,  be  able  to  furnish 
some  suggestions.  But  even  in  that  way  the  decay  of 
my  memory  will  curtail  much  the  store  of  my  recollec- 
tions. With  my  regrets  that  I  shall  be  able  to  be  of  so 
little  service  to  you,  accept  the  assurance  of  my  great 
esteem  and  respect." 

After  an  extensive  tour  of  historical  inquiry  through  the 
Southern  and  Middle  States,  as  later  described  in  selec- 
tions from  his  journals,  Mr.  Sparks  was  in  position  to  write 
the  following  letter  from  Boston  to  the  Hon.  Bushrod 
Washington,  September  12, 1826 :  "  Your  favor  of  March 
13th,  declining  to  aid  me  in'a  publication  of  General  Wash- 
ington's works,  was  duly  received.  I  had  already  made 
such  progress  in  the  undertaking  that  I  could  not  reconcile 
myself  to  the  idea  of  abandoning  it,  although  compelled 
to  prosecute  it  under  many  disadvantages.     Since  that 


LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON.       407 

time  I  have  visited  all  the  Southern  and  Middle  States, 
examined  thoroughly  the  public  offices  in  each,  and  pro- 
cured copies  of  General  Washington's  letters,  and  the 
replies  of  the  governors.  In  addition  to  these,  I  have 
obtained  copies  of  the  valuable  Revolutionary  correspond- 
ence on  file  in  the  different  offices.  These  letters  contain 
a  rich  treasure  of  historical  matter,  the  substance  of  which 
I  shall  use  in  making  the  notes  and  historical  illustrations 
to  the  edition  of  Washington's  works.  I  am  now  on  the 
eve  of  a  tour  for  a  similar  investigation  in  the  New  Eng- 
land States  ;  after  which  I  shall  go  partially  through  all 
the  files  in  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  at  Washington, 
and  gather  the  materials  deposited  there.  I  have,  more- 
over, collected  numerous  letters  from  private  sources,  par- 
ticularly from  among  the  papers  of  the  major-generals  of 
the  army,  which  are  with  their  descendants  in  different 
parts  of  the  country. 

"In  short,  I  am  very  confident  of  procuring  nearly 
everything  which  can  throw  light  on  the  public  character 
and  transactions  of  General  Washington,  and  these  are 
the  points  in  which  the  public  is  generally  interested,  and 
with  which  posterity  will  seek  to  become  acquainted.  Yet 
my  ambition  was  to  make  a  perfect  edition  of  his  writings, 
one  that  should  stand  as  a  perpetual  monument,  worthy  of 
his  fame  and  of  his  country.  I  can  truly  say  that  I  had 
no  other  motive  in  commencing  this  project,  and  although 
I  doubt  not  the  pecuniary  results  will  be  adequate  to  the 
expense  of  money,  and  perhaps  of  time  and  trouble,  in 
carrying  it  on,  yet  this  has  been  and  is  still  a  secondary 
consideration.  My  only  regret  is,  that  the  work  must  at 
last  be  imperfect,  my  great  purpose  defeated,  my  hopes 
but  partially  realized,  and  a  reasonable  expectation  of  the 
public  disappointed. 

"  At  this  stage  of  the  business,  and  with  these  views,  I 
hesitate  not  to  appeal  again  to  you ;  and  I  do  it  the  more 


408       LIFE  AND  WRITINGS   OF  WASHINGTON. 

confidently  as  my  design  has  met  with  universal  favor 
where  I  have  made  it  known,  and  from  gentlemen  on 
whose  judgment  I  can  rely,  and  whose  approbation  ought 
to  inspire  confidence.  I  have  not  only  received  prompt 
assistance  where  it  has  been  desired,  but  I  have  invariably 
witnessed  a  strong  and  deep  interest  in  my  undertaking. 
I  would  now  ask  you  whether,  upon  reviewing  the  subject 
with  the  above  facts  and  circumstances  before  you,  it  does 
not  on  the  whole  appear  to  you  an  object  worthy  of  your 
regard,  to  aid  in  laying  before  the  public  a  full  collec- 
tion of  General  Washington's  writings  by  allowing  those 
papers  to  be  consulted  which  are  to  be  found  only  in  your 
possession  ? 

"  The  day  must  of  course  come  when  all  these  papers 
will  find  their  way  to  the  public  in  some  form  or  other. 
The  voice  of  the  country,  the  genius  of  history,  will  de- 
mand them.  As  this  will  in  the  nature  of  things  happen, 
is  it  not  better  that  they  should  be  published  under  your 
own  eye,  with  your  inspection  and  guidance  ?  This  seems 
to  me  so  obvious  a  fact,  that  I  cannot  suppose  it  needs  for 
a  moment  to  be  insisted  on.  Your  only  hesitation,  there- 
fore, must  be  in  regard  to  the  manner  of  issuing  the  pub- 
lication. You  propose  to  do  it  by  selections  and  in  parts, 
publishing  some  letters  written  during  the  Revolution 
first,  and  then  those  received  by  General  Washington 
from  other  persons,  and,  last  of  all,  his  early  letters  relat- 
ing to  the  French  War.  Having  some  knowledge  of  the 
details  of  literary  undertakings,  and  of  the  public  taste  in 
these  matters,  1  am  fully  convinced  that  this  plan  will  not 
succeed.  Works  brought  out  in  a  shape  so  broken  and 
disconnected  will  have  but  a  limited  sale,  nor  can  a  book- 
seller be  found  who,  at  much  hazard,  would  engage  in  such 
a  scheme  ;  whereas,  if  the  entire  works  of  Washington 
were  presented  to  the  public  in  a  form  suited  to  the  dig- 
nity of  the  subject,  a  national  interest  and  a  national  feel- 


LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON.       409 

ing  would  be  excited,  and  a  wide  and  honorable  patronage 
might  be  expected. 

"  That  the  subject  may  at  once  be  brought  to  a  definite 
point,  I  have  resolved  to  make  you  the  following  proposal. 
With  the  permission  to  have  access  to  all  the  papers  in 
your  possession,  and  an  unrestricted  use  of  them,  I  will 
engage  to  execute  the  work  according  to  the  plan  proposed 
in  my  former  letter,  taking  upon  myself  the  charge  and 
responsibility  of  the  literary  part,  and  the  business  of  find- 
ing a  publisher  and  superintending  the  publication ;  and 
I  will  agree  then  to  divide  with  you  equally  the  property 
of  the  copyright  and  the  profits  of  sale,  that  is,  you  being 
entitled  to  one  half  and  I  to  the  other ;  it  being  under- 
stood on  your  part  that  any  paper  may  be  withheld  which 
you  do  not  deem  suited  for  publication,  and  on  my  part 
that  the  expenses  which  I  have  incurred,  and  shall  here- 
after incur,  in  procuring  materials  for  the  historical  illus- 
trations of  the  work,  shall  be  deducted  before  any  division 
of  the  property,  or  of  the  profits  of  sales,  shall  be  taken 
into  consideration.  This  seems  to  me  as  liberal  an  offer 
as  can  reasonably  be  asked.  In  regard  to  other  consider- 
ations, I  know  not  that  I  can  say  more,  but  must  leave 
you  to  decide  as  your  judgment  shall  dictate. 

"  If  you  see  objections  to  this  proposal  which  shall  in- 
duce you  to  decline  accepting  it,  I  shall  shortly  make  my 
project  fully  known  to  the  public,  soliciting  materials 
from  every  quarter,  and  proceed  in  preparing  the  work 
with  as  much  expedition  as  the  nature  of  the  undertaking 
will  admit." 

Judge  Washington  wrote  to  Mr.  Sparks  from  Mt.  Ver- 
non, November  24,  1826  :  "Your  letter  of  the  12th  Sep- 
tember came  to  my  hand  some  time  during  the  present 
month  in  consequence  of  my  long  absence  from  home  ;  and 
being  one  of  a  large  bundle  of  letters  which  had  been  ac- 
cumulating, it  has  only  been  perused  within  the  last  hour. 


410      LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

This,  I  trust,  will  be  accepted  as  a  satisfactory  apology 
for  my  silence.  I  shall  write  to  the  Chief  Justice  to-day 
and  state  to  him  your  proposition  ;  as  soon  as  I  receive 
his  answer,  you  shall  hear  from  me  conclusively,  and  I 
hope  satisfactorily." 

Mr.  Sparks  himself  wrote  from  Boston  to  Chief  Justice 
Marshall,  December  1,  1826  :  "  On  the  following  pages 
you  will  find  a  copy  of  a  letter  which  I  wrote  some  weeks 
ago  to  Judge  Washington.  He  informs  me  that  he  has 
written  to  consult  you  on  the  proposal  therein  contained ; 
and  as  I  have  thought  it  possible  that  it  might  not  occur 
to  him  to  send  you  a  copy  of  the  letter,  I  take  the  liberty 
to  forward  it  for  your  consideration. 

"  Since  I  saw  you  in  Richmond,  I  have  visited  all  the 
old  States,  and  carefully  examined' the  public  offices  in 
each,  and  procured  copies  of  all  the  important  papers  re- 
lating to  the  Revolution,  and,  among  others,  all  the  letters 
of  General  Washington.  I  have  also  had  access  to  the 
papers  of  many  of  the  officers  of  the  army,  among  whom 
are  Sullivan,  Lord  Stirling,  Steuben,  Clinton,  Lincoln, 
and  I  am  now  busily  engaged,  with  a  copyist  constantly 
employed  in  pursuing  my  investigations.  In  most  cases  I 
am  favored  with  the  loan  of  all  papers  not  contained  in 
public  offices,  which  I  retain  till  I  have  examined  them 
thoroughly,  and  taken  copies  of  all  that  are  important.  I 
shall  pursue  this  through  all  the  Revolutionary  papers  in 
the  country  to  which  I  can  obtain  access,  and  I  have  not 
yet  met  one  instance  in  which  this  was  not  cheerfully 
granted.  Among  the  masses  of  papers  which  have  already 
passed  through  my  hands,  I  have  of  course  found  great 
numbers  of  General  Washington's  letters.  My  success,  in 
short,  has  been  such  that  I  have  resolved  to  execute  an 
edition  of  his  works  in  as  perfect  a  manner  as  I  can,  and 
to  use  the  materials  I  am  collecting  in  making  appropriate 
illustrations. 


LIFE  AND  WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON.       411 

"  I  need  not  repeat  to  you  how  important  it  will  be  to 
the  entire  success  of  the  undertaking,  for  me  to  have  the 
use  of  the  papers  in  Judge  Washington's  possession.  My 
views  on  this  subject  you  will  see  in  the  letter  annexed. 
As  I  know  Judge  Washington  has  entire  confidence  in 
your  judgment,  I  cannot  but  hope  that  you  will  see  the 
thing  in  the  same  light  as  myself,  and  will  encourage  him 
to  accept  the  proposal  which  I  have  made.  This  offer  is 
in  itself  a  highly  liberal  one,  especially  considering  the 
vast  pains  I  have  taken  in  collecting  materials  from  other 
quarters. 

"  Feeling  assured  that  you  will  cordially  promote  this 
object,  as  far  as  you  will  think  it  consistent  with  all  the 
merits  of  the  case,  I  am,"  etc. 

Marshall  replied  to  Sparks  from  Richmond,  December 
10, 1826  :  "  Your  letter  of  the  1st  inst.  reached  me  yester- 
day just  as  I  was  on  my  way  to  court.  Mr.  Washington 
had  previously  communicated  your  proposal  to  me,  and  I 
had  instantly  advised  his  acceptance  of  it.  I  cannot  doubt 
your  having  received  a  letter  from  him  on  the  subject 
early  in  this  month. 

"I  have  always  believed  that  the  correspondence  of 
General  Washington  would  appear  to  more  advantage  if 
published  according  to  your  views  of  the  subject,  under 
the  superintendence  of  a  gentleman  who  can  devote  a  suf- 
ficient portion  of  his  time  to  the  work,  and  is  qualified  to 
do  it  justice.  Neither  Judge  Washington  nor  myself  were 
in  a  situation  to  do  this,  and  his  purpose  did  not  extend 
beyond  a  selection  and  a  publication  of  the  letters  selected, 
unaccompanied  by  comment  or  notes  of  any  description. 
I  wish  you  all  the  success  you  anticipate." 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1827,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  from 
Baltimore  the  following  letter  to  Judge  Washington : 
"  Before  I  left  Boston  I  received  your  favor  of  the  24th 
November,  stating  that  you  had  under  consideration  my 


412      LIFE  AND  WRITINGS   OF  WASHINGTON. 

proposal  respecting  the  papers  of  General  Washington, 
and  that  you  had  written  to  Chief  Justice  Marshall  on  the 
subject.  I  also  soon  after  received  a  letter  from  the  Chief 
Justice,  in  which  he  expressed  a  full  approbation  of  my 
plan,  and  said  he  had  communicated  his  opinion  to  you. 
In  a  few  days  I  shall  be  in  Washington  city,  which  I  visit 
for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting  my  researches  in  the  pub- 
lic offices.  As  the  Supreme  Court  will  then  be  in  session, 
I  presume  you  will  be  there,  and  I  shall  seek  an  early 
opportunity  to  converse  with  you,  and  ascertain  your  final 
decision  in  regard  to  my  proposal." 

Judge  Washington  wrote  to  Mr.  Sparks  from  Mount 
Vernon,  January  2,  1827  :  "  I  received  yesterday  an  an- 
swer from  the  Chief  Justice  to  the  letter  I  wrote  him  on 
the  same  day  that  mine  to  you  bore  date.  He  informs 
me  that  he  answered  that  letter  on  the  day  he  received  it, 
which  answer  of  course  miscarried,  in  a  manner  quite  un- 
accountable, between  Kichmond  and  Alexandria.  I  have 
only  now  to  say,  in  respect  to  the  proposition  contained  in 
your  last  letter,  that  we  accept  it.  Presuming  that  we 
shall  see  you  in  Washington  during  the  sitting  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  which  commences  the  8th  inst.,  I  shall 
add  nothing  further  at  present." 

Mr.  Sparks  prepared  to  spend  the  spring  of  1827  at 
Mount  Vernon  in  a  careful  examination  of  the  papers. 
He  wrote  to  Judge  Washington  from  Baltimore,  Febru- 
ary 17,  1827,  signifying  this  intention :  "  I  write  merely 
to  remind  you  that  I  shall  be  prepared  to  visit  Mount 
Vernon  in  the  first  week  of  March,  and  propose  to  spend 
about  three  months  in  close  application  examining  the 
papers.  It  will  be  proper,  I  presume,  that  some  written 
instruments  should  exist  between  us,  and  I  hope  you  will 
have  it  prepared  when  I  call  on  you  in  passing  through 
Washington.  You  observed  that  Judge  Marshall  has  in 
his  possession  the  papers  relating  to  the  period  previous  to 


LIFE  AND   WRITINGS  OF  WASHINGTON.       413 

the  Revolution.  As  it  will  contribute  greatly  to  facilitate 
my  work  to  begin  and  go  on  in  chronological  order,  you 
will  do  me  the  favor  to  procure  these  papers  as  soon  as  it 
can  conveniently  be  done.  I  hope  to  be  prepared  to  send 
out  a  prospectus  and  collect  subscriptions  in  the  autumn. 
This  will  be  a  task  of  much  labor,  and  I  shall  seek  for  the 
best  agents." 

Leaving  for  subsequent  description  Mr.  Sparks'  de- 
lightful experience  at  Mount  Vernon,  and  his  further  cor- 
respondence with  Judge  Washington  and  Chief  Justice 
Marshall,  let  us  now  turn  to  those  interesting  journals  of 
travel  and  historical  investigation  in  the  Southern,  Mid- 
dle, and  Eastern  States  in  the  year  1826.  It  was  this 
previous  inquiry  for  manuscript  materials,  and  this  per- 
sonal examination  of  original  documents,  that  gave  Mr. 
Sparks  such  absolute  command  of  the  papers  of  Washing- 
ton at  Mount  Vernon.  It  is  also  important  to  bear  in 
mind  that  in  this  work  of  a  literary  explorer  we  discover 
one  of  the  leading  characteristics  of  Jared  Sparks,  the 
biographer  of  John  Ledyard. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
SPARKS'  JOURNAL  OF  A  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

March  22d,  Wednesday.  Left  Boston  at  five  oclock  in 
the  morning  for  Hartford,  by  way  of  Dedham,  Medfield, 
Pomfret,  and  Ashford.  Bad  road  and  indifferent  company 
the  whole  day,  neither  of  them  desirable  accompaniments 
to  a  ride  in  a  stage-coach.  .  .  . 

23d,  Thursday.  Off  before  daylight,  and  at  Hartford 
by  eleven  o'clock  on  board  the  steamboat.  Two  or  three 
Connecticut  farmers  in  the  stage  to  Hartford,  who  com- 
plained of  the  usury  laws  of  that  State,  as  producing  in 
their  present  operation  many  evils.  The  law  is,  as  hereto- 
fore in  Massachusetts,  that,  if  a  lender  of  money  is  known 
to  demand  more  than  six  per  cent.,  he  forfeits  the  whole 
debt.  .  .  . 

24^,  Friday.  At  daylight  awoke  in  my  berth,  and 
found  the  steamboat  quietly  moored  at  the  wharf  in  New 
York.  Breakfast  at  Bunker's;  meet  there  Mr.  Carter, 
Marean,  and  other  acquaintances.  Called  on  Mr.  Sewall, 
Mr.  Sedgwick,  and  the  agents  of  the  "N.  A.  Review." 
Mr.  Sedgwick  is  engaged  in  procuring  a  republication 
of  Mrs.  Barbauld's  works  in  New  York,  at  his  own  risk ; 
has  corresponded  with  Miss  Aikin  on  the  subject,  and 
promised  to  send  her  the  proceeds  of  the  sale.  We  both 
thought  it  desirable  to  have  a  review  of  the  work  in 
the  "North  American."  Left  N.  York  at  one  o'clock 
in  company  with  Mr.  Carter,  and  had  a  disagreeable, 
rainy  passage,  by  steamboat  and  stages,  to  Trenton. 

25th,    Saturday.      Arrived    in    Philadelphia    at    ten 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  415 

o'clock;  called  on  Mr.  Vaughan,  Mr.  Taylor,  and  Rev. 
Mr.  Ware,  then  in  that  city  ;  and  also  Mrs.  Astley.  Staid 
but  two  hours,  when  I  set  out  for  Baltimore  in  the  steam- 
boat down  the  Delaware.  Crossed  to  the  Chesapeake  from 
Newcastle,  Mr.  Roche  of  New  Bedford,  and  Mr.  Lamot, 
in  company.  Various  conversation,  a  little  reading,  and  a 
due  portion  of  ennui. 

26th,  Sunday.  At  sunrise  awoke  at  the  wharf  in  Balti- 
more, and  went  to  Barnum's ;  slept  several  hours,  having 
taken  no  rest,  except  while  traveling,  since  leaving  Bos- 
ton. Called  at  Miss  Williams',  where  I  met  several 
friends.  Many  cherished  associations  came  to  my  mind 
in  this  family.  I  resided  there  four  years,  at  an  eventful 
period  of  my  life,  received  unbounded  kindnesses,  and 
found  a  most  welcome  home.  My  fortunes  separated  me 
from  my  labors  and  connections  in  Baltimore,  but  my 
memory  will  always  recur  with  delight  and  deep  interest 
to  the  days  of  my  residence  there,  and  to  the  people 
whose  kindnesses  and  confidence  were  a  solace  to  me, 
amidst  the  trials  of  various  kinds  which  I  was  called  to 
endure.  Ill-health  weighed  heavily  upon  my  spirits,  and 
anxious  cares  oppressed  me,  but  in  the  people  of  my 
charge  I  found  uniform  sympathy  and  affection.  These 
can  never  be  forgotten. 

In  the  evening  attended  church.  Mr.  Dewey,  of  New 
Bedford,  preached.  Here  again  the  magic  power  of  asso- 
ciation was  busy,  but  I  forbear. 

21th,  Monday.  Rode  to  Washington  in  the  morning. 
Mr.  Houston,  member  of  Congress  from  Tennessee,  in  the 
stage-coach ;  a  violent  oppositionist ;  was  an  officer  in 
General  Jackson's  army  and  wounded  in  battle ;  thinks 
no  man  quite  so  wonderful  as  General  Jackson,  and  sup- 
poses him  above  all  others  entitled  to  the  Presidency. 
Told  some  striking  anecdotes  of  his  habits  and  manners 
as  commander  of  an  army ;  remarkable  power  of  gaining 


416  SOUTHERN   TOUR  IN  1826. 

the  affection  of  the  soldiers.  In  one  case  walked  through 
a  march  of  several  days,  and  gave  up  his  horse  to  be 
ridden  alternately  by  wounded  soldiers.  In  a  battle  with 
the  Indians  a  squaw  was  killed  with  an  infant  in  her 
arms,  which  was  found  after  the  battle  and  brought  to  the 
general.  He  immediately  ordered  the  best  care  to  be 
taken  of  it,  and  sent  it  soon  to  his  wife.  Under  her 
charge  the  child  grew  up,  and  he  is  now  sent  to  school, 
and  treated  in  all  respects  by  the  general  as  one  of  his 
own  family.  This  same  Mr.  Houston  two  days  before 
made  a  warm  speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
against  the  Massachusetts  claim.  He  descanted  much  on 
this  topic,  and  said  the  claim  ought  not  on  any  principles 
of  justice  or  policy  to  be  allowed. 

Took  tea  with  Mr.  Everett,  having  previously  met  Mr. 
Wallenstein,  and  accompanied  him  to  Mr.  Everett's  lodg- 
ings. Conversation  on  the  Panama  question,  which  is 
now  coming  before  the  House.  Mr.  Wallenstein,  although 
the  main  spoke  in  the  wheel  of  the  Russian  embassy  to 
this  country,  is  much  in  favor  of  the  President's  views  of 
this  subject.  Walk  and  converse  with  Mr.  Wallenstein 
on  various  topics,  and  he  promises  to  write  for  me  a 
review  of  Commodore  Kruzenstern's  works,  that  is,  his 
voyages  and  charts.  Wallenstein  and  Kruzenstern  were 
particular  friends  in  St.  Petersburgh. 

Received  to-day  a  letter  from  Judge  Washington,  and 
another  from  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  on  the  subject  of  an 
edition  of  General  Washington's  works,  which  I  proposed 
to  collect  and  publish.  Some  weeks  since,  I  made  appli- 
cation through  Judge  Story  to  Judge  Washington,  devel- 
oping my  plan,  and  desiring  to  have  access  to  the  papers 
at  Mt.  Vernon,  as  the  only  means  of  making  a  perfect 
collection.  Judge  Washington  declined  acceding  to  this 
proposal,  on  the  ground  that  he  and  Judge  Marshall  had 
already  prepared  some  of  General  Washington's  letters 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  417 

for  publication,  and  in  due  time  the  most  of  his  papers 
would  be  published.  Thus  my  plan  is  defeated,  or  at 
least  partially  so,  as  the  papers  cannot  be  fully  obtained 
from  any  other  quarter.  See  my  letters  to  Judge  Wash- 
ington and  Judge  Marshall,  and  theirs  in  reply,  on  file. 

28th,  Tuesday.  Writing  letters  all  the  morning  to  Dr. 
Channing,  Professor  Norton,  Samuel  A.  Eliot,  Mr.  Gray, 
and  others.  Left  Washington  at  one  o'clock,  p.  M.,  and 
arrived  at  Fredericksburgh  in  the  evening,  steamboat 
down  the  Potomac. 

29th,  Wednesday.  Writing  in  the  morning.  Walk 
about  the  town  of  Fredericksburgh ;  very  pleasant  loca- 
tion and  vicinity;  vegetation  coming  rapidly  forward; 
early  fruit-trees  in  blossom  ;  season  at  least  four  or  five 
weeks  in  advance  of  Boston.  Passed  the  evening:  with 
Mr.  Gray,  agent  of  the  "North  American  Keview,"  who 
is  a  sensible,  intelligent  man,  and  has  been  very  successful 
in  circulating  the  work.  He  thinks  there  will  be  no  such 
thing  as  book-making  in  Virginia  for  a  century  to  come. 
People  here  prefer  talking  to  reading,  as  Mr.  Houston  said 
of  those  of  Tennessee.  The  "  Review,"  however,  is  gaining 
favor  in  Virginia.  A  prejudice  long  existed,  but  it  is 
going  off,  and  people  seem  more  and  more  inclined  to 
judge  the  book  by  its  merits,  and  not  from  their  own 
apprehensions.  Among  forty-six  subscribers  on  Mr.  Gray's 
list,  however,  there  is  only  one  clergyman,  and  his  name 
is  recently  inserted.  There  are  eight  physicians,  and  the 
same  number  of  lawyers. 

30th,  Thursday.  Left  Fredericksburgh  at  one  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  and  arrived  at  Richmond  (70  miles),  over 
a  most  barren,  desolate  country,  at  three  o'clock,  p.  M. 
Among  the  passengers  in  the  stage  were  Baron  Stackel- 
berg,  Swedish  Minister  to  the  United  States,  a  lady,  the 
widow  of  Tobias  Lear,  and  her  son,  and  Lieutenant  Camp- 
bell of  the  navy.  The  company  on  the  whole  was  fortu- 
27 


418  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

nately  combined,  and  things  went  off  smoothly,  except  on 
one  occasion,  when  a  short  debate  on  politics  took  place. 
Baron  Stackelberg  avowed  himself,  as  an  individual,  a 
decided  friend  of  the  Panama  mission,  and  spoke  of  Mr. 
Adams'  message  on  the  subject  as  a  very  able  paper. 
One  or  two  others  believed  the  mission  to  be  full  of 
.mischief,  and  declared  they  had  never  seen  anything  from 
Mr.  Adams  that  indicated  great  abilities,  »or  cool,  good 
sense.  By  this  time  matters  were  carried  so  high  that  it 
was  found  best  to  drop  the  subject.  The  baron  remarked 
in  the  course  of  the  conversation  that  he  considered  Mr. 
Adams  among  the  ablest,  if  not  the  ablest  statesman  now 
living. 

Called  on  Mr.  Wickham  in  the  evening,  with  a  letter 
of  introduction  from  Mr.  William  Sullivan ;  very  politely 
received,  and  passed  two  hours  with  him.  Conversation 
on  the  resources  of  Virginia,  slave  population,  tobacco, 
and  John  Kandolph,  and  other  miscellaneous  topics.  To- 
morrow I  am  to  be  introduced,  by  the  aid  of  Mr.  Wick- 
ham, to  the  clerks  who  have  possession  of  the  public  docu- 
ments, that  I  may  examine  those  parts  pertaining  to  the 
Revolution. 

31st,  Friday.  Mr.  John  Wickham,  to  whom  I  brought 
a  letter  of  introduction,  is  absent  from  town  to-day.  His 
son,  Mr.  William  F.  Wickham,  introduced  me  to  the 
clerk  of  the  Council,  through  whom  I  obtained  access  to 
the  archives  of  that  body.  It  appears  that  when  the 
British  entered  Richmond,  in  1781,  the  papers  of  the 
Council  were  carried  off  or  destroyed.  There  is  one  old 
volume  for  1749,  and  nothing  more  till  1776,  after  which 
the  series  is  complete.  This  journal  consists  of  a  very 
brief  record  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Council,  referring 
to  letters  and  documents  on  file.  None  of  these  letters 
have  I  yet  been  able  to  find. 

The  first  letter-book  begins  January  9,  1781,  and  there 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  419 

are  three  volumes  for  that  year,  one  of  them,  and  part  of 
another,  written  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  governor  of  the 
State.  These  letters  are  chiefly  on  the  army,  and  written 
to  Washington,  Greene,  Lafayette,  Baron  Steuben,  the 
president  of  Congress,  and  to  officers  of  various  ranks  in 
different  parts  of  the  State.  They  are  highly  valuable  as 
materials  for  a  history  of  the  Revolution.  From  the  above 
date  the  series  of  letter-books  appears  complete. 

I  found  also  a  most  interesting  volume  of  manuscript 
papers,  lettered  on  the  back  as  follows :  •*  Letters  to  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  and  Inquiry  from  April, 
1773,  to  May,  1775." 

It  occupies  seventy  long  folio  pages.  The  legislature 
of  Virginia  was  the  first  to  propose,  by  a  formal  act,  the 
Committees  of  Correspondence,  March  12,  1773.  On  the 
19th  of  the  same  month,  the  Speaker  (Randolph)  sent  a 
copy  of  the  resolution  to  each  of  the  other  colonies,  invit- 
ing all  to  adopt  the  same  measure.  The  proposal  was 
accepted  by  them  all,  and  this  manuscript  volume  con- 
tains the  replies  of  each  legislature  to  the  Assembly  of 
Virginia,  commonly  in  the  words  of  the  resolutions  of  the 
legislature ;  and  also  several  communications  afterwards 
sent  by  committees  of  correspondence,  especially  those  of 
Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland.  In  regard 
to  the  time  of  assenting  to  the  proposal  of  Virginia,  the 
legislatures  seem  to  have  been  guided  chiefly  by  the  date 
of  the  succeeding  session.  No  objection  to  the  scheme 
appears  to  have  been  intimated  from  any  quarter,  but  on 
the  contrary  it  was  most  cordially  approved  in  every  in- 
stance. The  plan  was  adopted  by  the  Rhode  Island  legis- 
lature May  7th,  and  by  Massachusetts  May  28th ;  and 
by  the  other  colonies  whenever  the  legislatures  convened. 
There  is  a  long  and  valuable  letter  signed  by  Thomas 
Cushing  and  Samuel  Adams,  and  another  from  the  com- 
mittee in  Philadelphia,  which  express  in  full  and  strong 


420  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

terms  the  grounds  of  complaint  against  the  British  gov- 
ernment, the  absolute  necessity  of  resisting  aggressions 
already  imposed,  and  in  short  the  entire  spirit  which 
burst  out  with  so  much  vehemence  in  all  parts  of  the 
country  in  1775.  This  volume  contains  none  of  the  letters 
written  by  the  Virginia  committee,  but  only  those  which 
they  received. 

Passed  all  the  morning  in  the  Council  Chamber  examin- 
ing papers.  Towards  evening  walked  over  the  town. 
The  view  from  the  State  House  (Capitol),  up  and  down 
James  River,  is  exceedingly  beautiful.  The  Capitol  is  in 
many  respects  a  fine  building,  in  tasteful  architectural 
proportions.  There  is,  however,  one  remarkable  blunder. 
The  stately  pillars  which  support  the  pediment,  and  the 
half  pillars  on  the  sides  of  the  building,  are,  from  top  to 
bottom,  of  the  same  diameter.  How  so  strange  a  blunder 
occurred  in  a  building  of  much  architectural  pretension, 
I  have  not  been  informed. 

In  the  centre,  under  the  dome,  is  a  marble  statue  of 
Washington,  a  little  larger  than  life.  The  figure  stands 
erect,  leaning  with  one  arm  on  a  post  made  of  a  bundle  of 
rods,  a  plough  at  the  feet,  and  a  cane  in  one  hand.  His 
costume  is  precisely  that  which  he  was  accustomed  to 
wear  in  the  army,  sufficiently  ungraceful,  it  is  true,  for  a 
piece  of  statuary,  but  to  my  taste  it  is  precisely  what  it 
ought  to  be.  Let  us  have  our  great  hero  as  he  was,  and 
not  in  the  garb  of  any  ancient  Greek  or  Roman.  A  fine 
marble  bust  of  Lafayette  occupies  a  niche  near  the  statue 
of  Washington. 

April  1st,  Saturday.  The  morning  was  passed  in  read- 
ing Gerardin's  continuation  of  Burk's  "History  of  Vir- 
ginia," particularly  for  the  years  1780-81.  It  is  a  meagre 
history,  and  bunglingly  put  together.  Gerardin  was  a 
man  of  talents,  but  came  late  to  the  country  (being  a 
Frenchman)  and  never  learned  English  well.     His  "  Con- 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  421 

tinuation,"  however,  is  doubtless  authentic,  as  it  was 
written  under  the  eye  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  with  the  use 
of  some  of  his  manuscript  papers.  Met  Mr.  Wickham  at 
the  Capitol,  went  with  him  into  the  Council  Chamber, 
and  saw  Mr.  Richardson,  clerk  of  the  Council.  He  was 
absent  yesterday.  He  gives  a  better  account  of  the  pa- 
pers than  I  had  before  received,  although  the  principal 
part  of  those  relating  to  the  time  of  the  Revolution  are 
lost.  A  few  valuable  letters  from  General  Washington 
and  others  are  on  file,  and  may  be  easily  examined. 

CHIEF   JUSTICE  MARSHALL. 

Called  on  Chief  Justice  Marshall;  entered  his  yard 
through  a  broken  wooden  gate,  fastened  by  a  leather 
strap  and  opened  with  some  difficulty,  rang,  and  an  old 
lady  came  to  the  door.  I  asked  if  Judge  Marshall  was  at 
home.  "  No,"  said  she,  "  he  is  not  in  the  house ;  he  may 
be  in  the  office,"  and  pointed  to  a  small  brick  building  in 
one  corner  of  the  yard.  I  knocked  at  the  door,  and  it 
was  opened  by  a  tall,  venerable-looking  man,  dressed 
with  extreme  plainness,  and  having  an  air  of  affability  in 
his  manners.  I  introduced  myself  as  the  person  who  had 
just  received  a  letter  from  him  concerning  General  Wash- 
ington's letters,  and  he  immediately  entered  into  conver- 
sation on  that  subject.  He  appeared  to  think  favorably 
of  my  project,  but  intimated  that  all  the  papers  were 
entirely  at  the  disposal  of  Judge  Washington.  He  said 
that  he  had  read  with  care  all  General  Washington's  let- 
ters in  the  copies  left  by  him,  and  intimated  that  a  selec- 
tion only  could  with  propriety  be  printed,  as  there  was  in 
many  of  them  a  repetition,  not  only  of  ideas,  but  of  lan- 
guage. This  was  a  necessary  consequence  of  his  writing 
to  so  many  persons  on  the  same  subjects,  and  nearly  at 
the  same  time.  He  spoke  to  me  of  the  history  of  Vir- 
ginia;    said  Stith's  History  and  Beverly's  were  of  the 


422  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

highest  authority,  and  might  be  relied  on.  Of  Burk  he 
only  remarked  that  the  author  was  fond  of  indulging  his 
imagination,  "but,"  he  added  in  a  good-natured  way, 
"  there  is  no  harm  in  a  little  ornament,  I  suppose."  He 
neither  censured  nor  commended  the  work.  He  conversed 
some  time  on  what  he  calls  an  error  in  the  history  of 
Virginia  as  generally  received.  Robertson  states  that 
Virginia  recognized  King  Charles  II.  before  he  was  pro- 
claimed in  England.  Henning,  it  seems,  in  his  volumi- 
nous compilation  of  Virginia  statutes,  has  denied  the  fact. 
Judge  Marshall  says  that  Henning  is  right  in  stating  that 
no  such  act  was  ever  passed  formally  by  the  legislature 
or  assembly  of  the  colony,  but  yet  he  is  mistaken  in 
affirming  that  such  was  not  the  state  of  feeling  among  the 
leading  people.  Beverly  affirms  it  was,  and  as  he  was 
connected  with  the  leading  families  of  the  colony,  and 
acquainted  with  the  circumstances,  his  testimony  ought  to 
be  received  implicitly.  Such  and  other  things  were  the 
topics  of  conversation,  till  the  short  hour  of  a  ceremonious 
visit  had  run  out.  I  retired  much  pleased  with  the  ur- 
banity and  kindly  manners  of  the  Chief  Justice.  There 
is  consistency  in  all  things  about  him,  —  his  house,  grounds, 
office,  himself,  bear  marks  of  a  primitive  simplicity  and 
plainness  rarely  to  be  seen  combined. 

Washington's  farewell  address. 

Dined  with  Mr.  Wickham ;  much  animated  and  agree- 
able conversation  on  literary,  political,  and  local  topics. 
Mr.  Benjamin  Watkins  Leigh  was  present,  a  very  intelli- 
gent man,  and  of  quick  colloquial  powers.  The  contro- 
versy about  Washington's  Farewell  Address  came  up.  Mr. 
Leigh  said  he  had  seen  in  Judge  Marshall's  hands  a  copy 
of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Jay  which  explained  the  whole  mat- 
ter. When  this  subject  was  agitated  some  time  ago,  Judge 
Peters,  of  Philadelphia,  wrote  to  Mr.  Jay  inquiring  the 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826.  423 

state  of  facts.  Mr.  Jay  replied  that  after  General  Wash- 
ington had  drafted  his  Farewell  Address,  he  sent  a  copy 
to  him  and  Hamilton  for  them  to  examine,  and  suggest 
any  additions  or  alterations  which  they  thought  proper. 
A  few  words  they  added,  but  neither  omitted  nor  altered 
anything.  Hamilton  wrote  out  the  whole  with  his  own 
hand;  in  this  copy  the  additions  were  made;  he  then 
wrote  a  fair  copy,  which  was  returned  with  General  Wash- 
ington's manuscript.  Some  of  the  additions  suggested 
were  retained,  but  Mr.  Jay  does  not  recollect  which  they 
are.  Hamilton's  first  copy  was  retained,  with  the  inter- 
lineations. This  is  the  paper  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Mr.  King,  and  for  obtaining  which  there  is  now  a  suit 
in  chancery  by  Hamilton's  family.  When  this  business 
is  terminated,  it  is  presumed  Mr.  Jay's  letter  will  be  pub- 
lished with  a  full  exposition  of  the  case. 

I  wrote  a  note  to  the  governor,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Mr.  Wickham,  making  application  to  the  Council  of  State 
for  permission  to  examine  the  papers  of  the  department, 
and  take  copies.  The  result  I  shall  know  when  I  return 
from  the  South.     A  copy  of  the  note  is  on  file. 

DOWN   THE   JAMES   RIVER. 

2d,  Sunday.  Left  Richmond  at  six  o'clock,  A.  M.,  in 
the  steamboat,  and  arrived  in  Norfolk  at  twelve  at  night. 
Little  to  be  seen  in  passing  down  the  river,  —  here  and 
there  a  valuable  estate  on  the  bank,  but  the  borders  of 
the  river  are  in  many  places  low  and  marshy.  Passed  the 
old  site  of  James  Town,  sixty  miles  above  Norfolk.  One 
house  only  remains  of  the  first  town  that  was  settled  by 
the  English  in  America.  The  ruins  of  a  church  and  a 
few  houses  are  seen.  The  place  is  a  kind  of  sandbar 
making  into  the  river,  forming  a  peninsula,  with  such  ex- 
tensive marshes  in  the  rear  as  to  make  it  very  unhealthy. 
The  river  at  this  place  is  not  less  than  three  miles  wide, 


424  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

and  it  grows  broader  from  this  point  till  it  empties  into 
Hampton  Eoads.     It  is  a  noble  stream. 


NORFOLK  TO   CHARLESTON. 

3cZ,  Monday.  At  Norfolk  ;  wrote  letters  to  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, Edward  Everett,  Mr.  Folsom.  Visited  Portsmouth 
and  the  Navy  Yard  at  Gosport  in  company  with  Mr. 
Hall. 

4th,  Tuesday.  Left  Norfolk  at  nine  in  the  morning, 
in  the  stage-coach,  and  arrived  at  Murfreesboro'  same 
evening. 

5th,  Wednesday.  From  Murfreesboro'  to  a  house  eigh- 
teen miles  from  Tarborough. 

6th,  Thursday.     To  Fayetteville. 

1th,  Friday.  Passed  the  day  at  Fayetteville  ;  conver- 
sation with  McRea,  agent  for  the  "  N.  A.  Review  ;  "  also 
with  Mr.  Hadlock,  bookseller.  .  .  . 

Sth,  Saturday,  In  the  stage-coach  on  the  road  to 
Charleston. 

9th,  Sunday.     Stage-coach  on  the  road  to  Charleston. 

10th,  Monday.  Arrive  at  Charleston  at  eight  o'clock  in 
the  morning;  stop  at  Mrs.  Courtney's  in  Broad  Street, 
and  dine  at  Mr.  Gilman's.  Received  letters  from  Messrs. 
Young,  Webster,  Douglas,  Whiting,  Adams.  Much  fa- 
tigued with  the  long  journey. 

11th,  Tuesday.  Writing  letters  all  the  morning  to 
Mr.  Webster,  President  Holley,  Mr.  A.  Young,  Mr.  Doug- 
las, Mr.  Skinner,  Captain  Whiting.  Look  over  Dray- 
ton's "  Memoirs  "  with  a  view  of  ascertaining  in  what 
quarter  to  search  for  papers  illustrating  the  Revolution. 
Pass  the  evening  at  Mr.  Gilman's,  in  company  with  Mr. 
Crafts,  Mr.  A.  Gibbes,  Mr.  Adams,  President  of  the 
Charleston  College,  and  other  gentlemen. 

12th,    Wednesday.      Inquire    about   papers ;    no   one 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  425 

knows  anything  on  the  subject,  but  all  are  ready  to  men- 
tion numerous  other  persons  who  are  presumed  to  be 
fully  informed  of  the  matter.  Judge  Proileau  calls  and 
introduces  me  to  the  library.  No  manuscripts  there,  nor 
any  other  documents  pertaining  to  the  Revolution,  except 
a  file  of  a  newspaper  printed  in  Charleston  at  the  time. 
Dine  with  Mr.  Belcher,  in  company  with  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Gilman  and  others. 

13th,  Thursday.  My  friend  and  classmate,  Mr.  Eg- 
gleston,  who  is- settled  in  Charleston,  introduced  me  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  from  whom  I  obtained  permission  to 
examine  any  papers  in  his  office.  After  an  hour's  toil  in 
tumbling  dusty  folios,  we  found  nothing  whatever  bearing 
on  the  period  of  the  Revolution.  There  are  a  few  musty 
volumes  of  colonial  matter,  being  chiefly  copies  of  bonds 
and  invoices,  but  nothing  in  the  nature  of  a  journal,  nor 
any  facts  whatever  of  historical  value.  During  the  whole 
period  of  the  Revolution  no  single  paper  or  record  of  any 
description  was  found,  nor  does  the  secretary  know  that 
any  such  are  contained  in  his  office.  There  are  other 
public  documents  at  Columbia,  and  among  them  it  is  pos- 
sible there  may  be  something  of  importance.  Mr.  Eggles- 
ton  next  introduced  me  to  Major  Garden,  author  of  "  An- 
ecdotes of  the  Revolution."  He  could  tell  nothing  of 
manuscript  papers  of  the  Revolutionary  times.  When  the 
British  were  here  in  1780,  many  papers  were  destroyed ; 
it  is  probable  that  others  were  taken  by  individuals,  and 
it  is  not  likely  that  any  of  them  were  preserved  in  the 
public  archives.  Drayton's  "Memoir"  contains  letters 
and  other  documents  of  value.  A  great  many  must  have 
been  written,  —  such  as  the  correspondence  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Intelligence,  the  Committee  of  Safety,  govern- 
ors' letters,  etc.  In  the  library  is  a  file  of  a  newspaper 
printed  in  Charleston  1731-32. 

14:th,  Friday.     Passed  the  morning  making  calls  on 


426  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

friends,  and  in  the  library  of  the  city.  A  good  but  not 
extensive  collection  of  books.  Very  little  in  the  way  of 
American  history.  Dine  at  Mr.  Proileau's  with  several 
gentlemen  of  the  city,  among  whom  were  Mr.  King,  Mr. 
Bee,  Mr.  Pringle,  Mr.  Gadsden,  Mr.  Pettygrew,  attorney- 
general,  Mr.  Legare  (pron.  Legree),  Mr.  Fraser.  These 
gentlemen  are  mostly  lawyers,  and  the  party  was  exceed- 
ingly agreeable,  —  men  of  intelligence,  liberal  views,  and 
affable  manners.  I  had  a  letter  to  Judge  Proileau,  and 
his  civilities  have  been  marked  and  serviceable  to  me.  I 
only  regret  that  I  cannot  stay  much  longer  in  Charleston, 
to  enjoy  the  society,  which  is  proverbial  for  its  refinement 
and  hospitality,  and  which,  from  my  short  experience,  has 
been  in  these  respects  no  more  than  justly  represented. 

A  singular  incident  occurred  here  to-day.  A  negro  was 
condemned  to  be  hung  for  setting  fire  to  a  house.  The 
sentence  was  to  be  executed  between  the  hours  of  twelve 
and  two  o'clock.  At  twelve  he  was  brought  to  the  place 
of  execution,  but  no  hangman  appeared,  nor  did  any  one 
invested  with  this  office  come  forward  till  the  time  had 
expired.  The  negro  was  taken  back  to  prison.  It  is  said 
that  fifty  dollars  were  offered  to  any  person  who  would 
act  as  hangman,  but  none  could  be  found. 

15th,  Saturday.  Judge  Johnson  has  many  valuable 
Kevolutionary  papers  in  his  possession,  particularly  those 
of  Governor  Rutledge  and  General  Pinckney.  They  are 
supposed  to  be  copied  into  volumes.  Mr.  Rutledge,  to 
whom  the  governor's  papers  belong,  lives  in  Tennessee. 
Mr.  Gadsden's  papers  were  all  destroyed  by  him  when  he 
was  taken  prisoner.  The  papers  of  Rutledge  and  Pinck- 
ney may  probably  be  obtained. 

RESEARCHES   IN   GEORGIA. 

Left  Charleston  at  noon  in  the  stage-coach  for  Augusta. 
The  low  country,  nearly  as  far  as  Barnwell,  exhibits  a  dis- 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  427 

mal  appearance  to  a  traveler ;  almost  an  unbroken  series 
of  swamps  covered  with  thick  brushwood,  reeds,  and  trees, 
hardly  a  house  to  be  seen  for  many  miles.  Here  and 
there  a  solitary  plantation,  with  a  few  straggling  whites, 
emaciated,  and  apparently  struggling  to  preserve  the 
thread  of  life  against  the  all-devouring  effects  of  the  cli- 
mate. These  things,  contrasted  with  the  companies  of 
slaves  that  meet  you  wherever  there  is  any  attempt  at  cul- 
tivation, give  the  whole  country  an  air  of  wretchedness, 
and  the  traveler  sighs  to  escape  from  scenes  so  disheart- 
ening and  revolting. 

16th,  Sunday.  Seventy  or  eighty  miles  from  Charles- 
ton, we  emerged  from  the  swampy  country,  and  arrived  at 
the  region  of  pine  lands,  or  pine  barrens,  as  they  are 
appropriately  called;  the  soil  a  deep  sand,  and  hardly 
productive  of  any  kind  of  cultivation.  In  the  morning 
passed  a  large  plantation,  where  the  slaves  were  numer- 
ous, and  so  scantily  clothed,  both  male  and  female,  as  to 
set  decency  at  defiance.  It  being  Sunday,  and  therefore 
the  slaves'  holiday,  some  of  them  were  at  work  by  the 
roadside,  cultivating  each  his  small  patch  of  sweet  pota- 
toes, or  perhaps  a  little  cotton.  The  master  was  lolling  in 
the  piazza  of  his  house,  surrounded  by  groups  of  these 
half-naked  slaves,  apparently  unconscious  that  there  was 
anything  disgusting  in  the  scene  around  him.  Such  is  the 
power  of  habit. 

As  we  approached  the  Savannah  Kiver,  the  country 
assumed  a  better  aspect,  —  soil  more  fertile  and  inhab- 
itants more  numerous.  Crossed  the  river  a  little  after 
sunset  two  miles  below  Augusta,  at  a  bluff  famous  in  the 
times  of  Indian  wars.  Eeached  Augusta  at  nine  o'clock. 
This  place  is  sustained  principally  by  its  cotton  market, 
it  being,  after  New  Orleans,  the  most  extensive  in  the 
United  States.  The  moment  I  stepped  out  of  the  stage  I 
was  accosted  in  a  familiar  and  eager  manner  by  a  person 


428  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

of  good  appearance :  "  Sir,  are  you  from  Charleston  ?  " 
"Yes,  sir."  "Pray,  how  is  cotton  there?"  "Indeed,  I 
cannot  say,  sir,  as  I  am  not  in  that  line."  The  man 
turned  on  his  heel  and  left  me.  The  talk  of  the  people 
in  every  direction  was  of  cotton,  and  I  heard  lamentations 
from  every  quarter  touching  the  present  depression  of 
prices,  and  the  gloomy  prospects.  During  the  cotton  spec- 
ulations a  year  ago,  the  increase  of  price  was  so  rapid 
that  a  mania  seized  on  the  farmers,  and  even  good  fields 
of  corn  were  cut  up  and  cotton  planted  in  its  stead.  Cot- 
ton is  now  at  nine  and  one  half  cents  a  pound,  a  price 
which  hardly  pays  for  cultivation,  and  corn  is  $1.25  a 
bushel.  In  all  the  south  country,  I  have  heard  one  un- 
ceasing complaint  of  the  low  price  of  cotton  and  the 
expense  of  provisions.     Negroes  will  not  eat  wheat  flour. 

Vlth,  Monday.  Left  Augusta  at  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  in  the  mail  stage-coach,  for  Milledgeville.  Slept 
at  Sparta,  or  rather  took  lodgings  there  a  few  hours  while 
the  stage  stopped.  A  cock-fight  in  the  town  had  drawn 
together  the  neighboring  gentry,  and  the  town  was  full ; 
gambling  and  noise  all  night.  The  gamblers  were  in  small 
parties  in  separate  rooms,  which  seemed  designed  for  the 
purpose.  The  cock-fight  is  to  last  three  days,  and  to  be 
succeeded  by  races,  which  will  continue  through  the  week. 
Betting  is  said  to  run  high.  I  went  into  the  gambling 
rooms,  and  the  business  was  conducted  with  method  and 
systematically ;  playing  for  money  of  various  amounts ; 
much  drinking  and  profane  language,  but  no  quarreling. 
The  picture,  however,  was  full  of  disgust.  I  desire  neither 
to  see  it  again  nor  to  contemplate  it  more. 

18tfA,  Tuesday.  Arrived  in  Milledgeville  at  ten  in  the 
morning.  From  Augusta  about  forty  miles,  the  country 
is  a  pine  barren,  and  the  road  heavy  sand.  The  remain- 
der of  the  way,  through  the  villages  of  Warrenton,  Powell- 
ton,  and  Sparta,  there  are  some  good  plantations,  particu- 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  429 

larly  on  the  Ogechee  River.  Cotton  is  the  prevailing 
crop,  with  a  little  corn  for  home  consumption.  'Between 
Augusta  and  Milledgeville  (96  miles)  I  should  presume 
we  met  more  than  100  wagons  loaded  with  cotton  for  the 
Augusta  market.  The  wagons  were  commonly  drawn  by 
five  horses,  and  each  conveyed  from  five  to  eight  bags  of 
cotton,  usually  eight  bags.  The  wagons  are  large,  like 
those  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  teamsters  carry  their  own 
provision  and  that  of  their  horses.  They  encamp  in  the 
open  air  in  the  night,  on  the  border  of  a  creek,  or  near  a 
spring  of  fresh  water,  and  kindle  a  fire  in  the  woods, 
which  gives  them  light  and  warmth,  and  by  which  they 
cook  their  food.  In  riding  in  the  stage  in  the  night, 
encampments  of  this  kind  are  frequently  seen  on  the 
roadside  throughout  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia. 

Presented  my  letters  of  introduction  to  Dr.  Benjamin 
A.  White,  who  was  extremely  civil,  and  kindly  offered 
his  services  to  promote  my  objects  in  this  place.  Dr. 
White  was  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1811.  He 
introduced  me  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  of  whom  I  in- 
quired about  Revolutionary  papers.  He  said  there  were 
none  in  his  office,  but  that  all  papers  of  this  sort  were  in 
the  archives  of  the  council. '  Dr.  White  then  introduced 
me  to  Major  Wood,  an  officer  of  that  department,  who 
gave  me  permission  to  examine  the  papers,  and  I  spent 
the  afternoon  in  that  employment.  Read  McCall's  "  His- 
tory of  Georgia  "  till  bedtime,  —  those  parts  particularly 
relating  to  the  Revolution. 

Governor  Troup  is  absent  on  his  plantation  some  miles 
in  the  country,  and  I  fear  I  shall  be  disappointed  in  see- 
ing him,  as  he  is  not  expected  to  return  till  the  end  of  the 
week.  But  I  am  allowed  free  access  to  the  public  docu- 
ments, and  can  thus  attain  my  object. 

19th  April,  Wednesday.  Passed  the  whole  day  looking 
over  the  papers  in  the  Executive  Department.     There  is 


430  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

a  regular  journal  entitled  "  Minutes  of  the  Executive 
Department,"  embracing  the  entire  period  of  the  Revolu- 
tion. The  journal  from  1771  to  1783  is  contained  in  two 
thick  folio  volumes.  These  I  have  examined  from  begin- 
ning to  end,  and  marked  various  parts  to  be  copied. 
They  contain  materials  of  interest,  inasmuch  as  many- 
letters  from  the  executive  to  the  leading  officers  of  the 
Revolution  are  entered  at  full  length  in  the  journal. 
There  is  particularly  a  long  letter  of  this  sort  to  General 
Lincoln  when  he  took  command  of  the  Southern  army, 
giving  a  minute  account  of  the  state  of  things  in  Georgia 
at  that  time,  and  a  similar  one  to  Governor  Rutledge,  of 
South  Carolina.  This  journal  was  continued  under  the 
colonial  government  till  November  22,  1775,  when  Gov- 
ernor Wright  was  taken  prisoner,  and  his  government 
broken  up.  The  old  Council  was  succeeded  by  the  "  Coun- 
cil of  Safety,"  the  first  of  whose  doings  on  the  journal  is 
dated  December  11,  1775.  From  that  time  the  transac- 
tions recorded  are  wholly  those  of  the  Provincial  Council, 
till  the  organization  of  the  new  government  under  the 
Union. 

Among  the  files  of  letters  in  the  Executive  Department, 
I  have  selected  several  to  be  copied.  They  are  as  fol- 
lows, viz.  :  2  letters  from  General  Washington  ;  10  letters 
from  General  Green  to  the  Governor  of  Georgia ;  2  let- 
ters from  General  Green  to  Governor  Rutledge ;  21  let- 
ters from  General  Wayne  to  the  Governor  of  Georgia ; 
1  letter  from  Robert  Morris  ;  1  letter  from  Telfair  and 
Jones  ;  1  letter  from  Governor  Rutledge. 

The  above  are  all  the  letters  of  general  value  which  I 
found  among  the  files.  Many  letters  are  filed  which  were 
written  to  the  governors  by  the  officers  of  the  state  militia. 
Some  of  these  have  historical  value,  as  giving  accounts  of 
battles  and  skirmishes,  but  they  are  mostly  of  a  local 
nature. 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  431 

The  "Journal  of  Assembly  "  does  not  commence  till 
1786.  All  that  existed  previously  to  that  date  has  been 
lost,  or  probably  carried  to  England  during  the  Revolu- 
tion. Governor  Wright  held  possession  of  Savannah 
some  time  after  the  Provincial  Congress  was  formed,  and 
it  is  supposed  that  he  took  possession  of  many  papers  and 
carried  them  to  England. 

Joseph  V.  Bevan,  Esq.,  of  Savannah,  is  engaged  in 
writing  a  history  of  Georgia,  and  has  collected  a  great 
many  private  papers  relating  to  the  Revolution.  Letters 
of  a  public  character  were  preserved  by  individuals  at  the 
time  of  the  first  Revolutionary  movements,  chiefly  because 
there  was  no  public  depository  for  them.  Such  was  the 
case  in  all  the  colonies,  and  these  papers  are  now  for  the 
most  part  in  possession  of  the  descendants  of  the  conspic- 
uous actors  in  the  Revolutionary  scenes. 

Particulars  upon  which  to  consult  Mr.  Bevan  hereaf- 
ter :  1.  As  to  Revolutionary  papers  received  by  him  from 
individuals.  2.  Whether  he  has  been  able  to  obtain  the 
letters  of  the  early  Committees  of  Correspondence.  3.  In 
the  journal  of  the  Council  of  Safety  it  is  recorded,  De- 
cember 16,  1775,  that  the  proceedings  of  the  Provincial 
Congress,  so  called,  were  preparing  for  publication  in  a 
separate  pamphlet.  Were  they  ever  published?  4.  Is 
it  known  what  became  of  the  "  Journal  of  Assembly  " 
previously  to  1786  ? 

20th  April,  Thursday.  Morning  in  the  Executive  De- 
partment ;  made  arrangements  with  Dr.  White  to  have 
the  papers,  which  I  have  marked,  copied  and  sent  to  Sa- 
vannah, and  thence  to  Boston.  In  the  afternoon  walked 
over  the  town,  and  into  the  vicinity.  The  Oconee  River 
is  half  a  mile  from  town,  and  is  crossed  by  a  well-con- 
structed bridge.  Above  the  bridge  and  in  sight  are  rap- 
ids and  small  islands,  which  form  an  agreeable  view. 
Boats  ascend  the  river  nearly  to  the  bridge,  but  it  is  a 


432  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

passage  of  nearly  twenty  days  to  the  outlet  at  Darien,  and 
merchants  frequently  prefer  to  transport  their  goods  over- 
land from  Savannah.  The  Oconee  and  Ocmulgee  unite 
to  form  the  Altamaha. 

Milledgeville  is  a  pleasant  village,  built  on  a  surface  of 
small  hills  and  valleys,  which  give  it  an  agreeable  appear- 
ance. The  State  House  occupies  a  central  and  elevated 
position.  The  houses  are  separated  by  gardens,  and  the 
streets  planted  with  trees.  The  prevailing  belief  that  this 
town  will  not  be  the  permanent  seat  of  government  has 
caused  it  to  decline.  You  see  houses  and  stores,  in  vari- 
ous parts,  closed  and  unoccupied.  It  is  thought  that 
Macon,  thirty  miles  to  the  west,  on  the  Ocmulgee,  will 
ultimately  be  the  seat  of  government. 

Spent  the  evening  with  Dr.  White,  where  I  met  several 
gentlemen  of  the  town.  The  Creek  Treaty  makes  some 
talk.  All  the  lands  purchased  by  the  United  States  for 
Georgia  have  been  disposed  of  among  the  people  by  lot- 
tery. Whenever  a  tract  has  been  obtained  by  treaty,  it 
has  been  immediately  set  off  into  lots  by  the  State,  and 
each  lot  made  a  prize  in  the  lottery.  In  the  first  instance 
the  names  of  all  the  persons  in  the  State,  duly  qualified, 
were  put  together,  and  drawn  out  one  by  one,  and  each 
name  thus  drawn  was  entitled  to  the  lot  of  land,  the  num- 
ber of  which  was  drawn  out  in  connection  with  his  name. 
When  the  next  treaty  was  made,  and  another  purchase 
effected,  another  lottery  was  drawn  on  the  same  princi- 
ples, the  names  of  those  who  had  previously  drawn  prizes 
being  left  out. 

The  present  treaty  embraces  all  the  remaining  lands  of 
the  Creek  Indians,  and  they  are  valuable.  The  lottery 
for  disposing  of  these  lands,  therefore,  becomes  a  matter 
of  much  more  interest  than  any  heretofore,  both  because 
the  lands  are  more  valuable,  and  because  the  names  enti- 
tled to  prizes  are  reduced  to  a  comparatively  small  num- 


SOUTHERN   TOUR  IN  1826.  433 

ber.  This  is  doubtless  a  main  reason  of  the  extraordinary 
excitement  on  the  subject.  The  lottery  scheme  is  not 
universally  approved,  but  after  it  was  begun  it  was  in  a 
measure  necessary  to  continue  it ;  otherwise  strict  justice 
could  hardly  be  rendered  to  the  persons  who  had  drawn 
no  prizes.  It  is  thought  by  many  that  it  would  have  been 
much  better  for  the  State  to  have  sold  the  lands,  and 
established  a  fund  for  some  useful  purpose.  Yet  the 
lottery  scheme  has  caused  the  lands  to  come  more  readily 
into  market  by  a  competition  in  prices,  and  to  be  more 
rapidly  settled. 

One  event  only  has  happened  to  make  my  short  resi- 
dence in  Milledgeville  such  as  I  could  not  desire  it  to  be. 
Two  evenings  ago,  while  I  was  sitting  in  my  room,  my  ear 
was  assaulted  with  cries  and  screechings  of  a  person  in 
distress.  I  immediately  went  to  the  piazza,  and  could 
distinctly  hear  the  strokes  of  a  whip,  and  the  cries  redou- 
bled. I  walked  in  the  direction  of  the  noise  till  I  came 
to  the  market-house,  where  I  found  a  small  crowd  assem- 
bled, and  a  man  employed,  with  his  coat  off,  whipping  a 
negro.  The  end  of  a  rope  tied  the  negro's  hands  together, 
and  they  were  drawn  above  his  head  to  the  full  extent  of 
his  arms  by  passing  the  rope  through  a  pulley,  suspended 
from  a  beam,  and  then  drawing  it  tight  by  the  other  end. 
The  negro  was  naked,  except  a  pair  of  tattered  panta- 
loons. His  master  was  armed  with  a  very  heavy  team- 
ster's whip,  with  which  he  was  beating  him  with  all  the 
strength  he  could  command.  The  poor  negro  was  writh- 
ing under  his  tortures,  and  imploring  the  mercy  of  his 
master,  but  all  in  vain.  To  my  best  judgment  there  were 
nearly  a  hundred  lashes  inflicted.  I  never  witnessed  so 
shocking  a  scene,  and  it  was  rendered  doubly  aggravating 
from  the  obvious  fact  that  the  negro  suffered  rather  from 
the  master's  caprice  and  sudden  anger  than  from  any  just 
cause  of  punishment.  The  master  told  him  repeatedly  of 
28 


434  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826. 

his  offense,  while  he  was  whipping  him,  and  it  was  really 
too  trivial  to  merit  notice  from  a  considerate  man.  He 
said  the  negro  had  been  found  in  a  grogshop,  and  had  ven- 
tured some  remote  hints  that  he  should  run  away.  The 
negro  denied  that  he  purchased  anything  in  the  grogshop, 
and  said  he  was  there  accidentally.  After  the  master 
had  applied  the  whip  till  his  passion  was  exhausted,  the 
negro's  hands  were  untied,  and  he  was  locked  into  a 
dungeon,  constructed  in  one  corner  of  the  market-house, 
where  he  was  to  remain  through  the  night.  The  whole 
affair  was  a  shameful  and  outrageous  exhibition,  and 
could  serve  no  other  purpose  than  to  harden  the  heart 
and  blunt  the  sensibility  in  a  community  which  should 
frequently  witness  it.  Never  in  my  life  have  I  felt  my 
indignation  rise  so  high.  The  laws  ought  not  to  suffer 
such  exhibitions  in  public.  Let  cruel  masters  exercise 
their  tortures  in  private,  and  not  outrage  the  feelings  of 
society  by  giving  vent  to  their  inhuman  passions. 

21st  April,  Friday.  Left  Milledgeville  at  ten  o'clock 
in  the  morning  for  Augusta.  Full  stage  and  various  com- 
pany ;  among  others  was  Colonel  Joel  Baley,  whose  name 
has  recently  been  before  the  public  in  connection  with 
the  Creek  Treaty.  He  resides  at  the  Indian  Springs, 
where  the  treaty  was  made,  and  was  knowing  to  all  the 
circumstances  from  beginning  to  end.  There  are  some 
inexplicable  things  about  the  business,  even  as  explained 
by  Colonel  Baley,  —  a  little  juggling  probably  on  both 
sides ;  yet  it  is  evident  that  Governor  Troup  has  acted  on 
much  more  justifiable  grounds  than  the  public  have  been 
ready  to  suppose  from  the  apparent  warmth  of  his  com- 
munications on  the  subject.  The  truth  is,  the  United 
States  agents  have  managed  matters  with  great  folly,  and 
in  some  cases  with  obvious  duplicity.  .  .  . 

22 d  April,  Saturday.  After  riding  all  night  arrived 
in  Augusta  at  four  o'clock,  afternoon.      It  is  a  dismal 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  435 

road  and  country  from  Augusta  to  Milledgeville,  —  heavy 
sands,  interminable  pine  barrens,  wretched  log  hovels, 
with  here  and  there  only  a  planter's  house  in  which  there 
would  seem  any  hope  of  the  common  comforts  of  life. 
Found  Mr.  Gilman  in  Augusta,  and  passed  the  evening 
with  him,  in  company  with  Mrs.  St.  John,  a  former 
parishioner  of  mine  in  Baltimore ;  and  also  with  Colonel 
Gumming,  famous  for  his  combats  with  McDuffie  during 
the  last  year. 

23d  April,  Sunday.  Heard  Mr.  Gilman  preach  in  the 
morning  in  the  Academy,  where  Mr.  Crawford  (late  can- 
didate for  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States)  taught  a 
school  for  several  years.  The  audience  was  large  and 
attentive.  At  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  attended 
service  at  the  Presbyterian  Church,  performed  by  Wood- 
bury, who  is  on  a  mission  for  the  aid  of  the  Bible  Society. 
At  five  o'clock  went  to  the  Baptist  Church,  where  was  a 
great  crowd  collected  to  hear  Mr.  Shannon,  a  young  Irish 
preacher,  who  had  given  public  notice  that  he  should 
preach  against  the  Unitarians.  He  had  attended  Mr. 
Gilman  twice  and  taken  notes.  In  his  discourse  he  pro- 
fessed to  touch  on  the  whole  controversy.  He  was  violent 
and  sweeping  in  his  remarks,  but  not  bitter.  He  seemed 
to  know  nothing  of  the  real  merits  of  the  controversy,  and 
to  speak  more  from  feeling  and  first  impressions  than 
from  investigation  and  judgment.  He  reiterated  the  com- 
monplaces and  quoted  Greek,  but  without  much  point  or 
purpose.  In  the  evening,  at  eight  o'clock,  Mr.  Gilman 
preached  again.  Mr.  Shannon  had  referred  to  him  so 
often,  and  made  such  use  of  his  remarks,  that  he  thought 
it  necessary  to  address  the  audience,  before  the  sermon, 
with  further  illustrations  of  the  views  he  had  advanced, 
and  to  correct  several  erroneous  statements  which  Mr. 
Shannon  had  made.  The  Academy  room  was  full  to  over- 
flowing before  the  preacher  arrived,  and  many  afterwards 


436  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826. 

went  away  without  being  able  to  obtain  admittance.  The 
audience  appeared  to  listen  with  the  greatest  attention 
and  interest.  The  spirit  of  inquiry  is  abroad  in  Augusta. 
Mr.  Gilman's  two  discourses  this  day  were  excellent,  well 
calculated  to  enlighten  the  uninformed,  and  inculcate 
the  practical  doctrines  of  Christianity.  He  spoke  with 
earnestness  and  effect.  Mr.  Woodbury's  discourse  was 
also  directed  against  Unitarians.  This  mode  of  opposing 
the  opinions  of  others  is  sure  to  awaken  public  attention, 
and  to  defeat  its  own  aims. 

VISIT   TO    COLUMBIA,    S.  C. 

2±th  April,  Monday.  At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning 
left  Augusta  for  Columbia.  Passed  through  Edgefield, 
where  I  saw  a  black  man  with  a  rope  round  his  neck,  one 
end  of  which  was  in  the  hand  of  a  white  man  on  horse- 
back, who  was  thus  driving  the  negro  like  an  unruly 
brute.  The  black  was  encumbered  with  a  heavy  burden 
on  his  back,  and  was  obliged  to  keep  pace  at  some  times 
with  the  horse  at  full  trot.  It  was  a  cruel  and  barbarous 
sight,  but  too  common  to  make  any  impression  on  the 
people.     Slept  on  the  borders  of  Lexington  County. 

25th  April,  Tuesday.  Arrived  in  Columbia  at  eleven 
in  the  morning,  after  a  tedious  and  monotonous  ride  from 
Augusta,  —  pine  barrens,  unceasing  sands,  clouds  of  ne- 
groes where  any  vegetation  appears.  Edgefield  is  the 
only  town  on  the  route.  Lexington  is  a  small  settlement 
amidst  a  waste  of  pines.  Called  on  Dr.  Cooper,  Presi- 
dent of  Columbia  College,  and  presented  my  letter  of 
introduction ;  conversed  with  him  a  short  time,  and  with 
Professor  Nott ;  am  to  meet  them  again  in  the  morning 
to  be  introduced  to  the  proper  person  for  giving  me  access 
to  the  papers  in  the  Executive  Department. 

26th  April,  Wednesday.  Dr.  Cooper  called  at  eight 
o'clock,  and  introduced  me  to  Mr.  McCord,  a  gentleman 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  437 

of  the  bar.  Mr.  McCord  walked  with  me  to  the  State 
House,  and  by  his  aid  I  was  introduced  to  the  keepers  of 
the  records  and  papers  in  the  Executive  Department,  the 
Assembly,  and  Senate.  Professor  Nott  likewise  accompa- 
nied me.  Proposed  first  to  examine  the  papers  in  the 
Senate  ;  and  Professor  Nott  reconciled  the  keeper  to  this 
proposition  by  assuring  him  that  he  would  remain  with 
me  during  my  investigations,  and  make  himself  respon- 
sible for  the  safe-keeping  and  proper  treatment  of  the 
papers.  Mr.  Chapman,  the  keeper,  seemed  to  regard  me 
with  suspicion,  and  looked  at  me  as  he  would  do  at  a  land 
speculator  who  was  in  search  of  some  mysterious  docu- 
ment, and  might  do  mischief  by  gaining  too  much  know- 
ledge. His  scruples  were  happily  quieted,  however,  by  the 
plain  statement  of  the  case  which  I  made  to  him,  and  by 
the  interest  shown  in  my  behalf  by  the  gentleman  already 
mentioned.  The  result  was,  that  all  things  were  given  in 
charge  to  Professor  Nott,  who  remained  with  me  in  the 
Senate  Chamber  till  two  o'clock,  aiding  me  in  looking  over 
the  papers. 

Dined  with  Mr.  McCord,  in  company  with  a  dozen 
gentlemen,  among  whom  were  Judges  Nott,  Johnson  (of 
the  upper  country),  and  Colcock  ;  also  Mr.  Preston,  Mr. 
Desaussure,  Mr.  Butler,  Mr.  Bullard,  and  Holmes.  Dr. 
Cooper  came  in  after  dinner.  It  was  a  very  agreeable 
party.  The  conversation  was  that  of  men  of  intelligence, 
observation,  and  knowledge  of  the  world.  Professor  Van- 
uxem,  of  the  college,  was  of  the  party.  Politics  were 
duly  considered.  It  was  agreed  that  Everett's  notions  of 
slavery  in  his  speech  were  calculated  to  make  him  popu- 
lar at  the  South.  The  college  in  this  place  is  flourishing 
by  the  patronage  of  the  legislature.  Money  is  often 
granted  for  the  purchase  of  books,  and  there  is  at  this 
time  an  appropriation  of  this  sort.  It  is  supposed  that 
Professor  Henry  will  go  out  to  Europe  to  make  the  pur- 
chase. 


438  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

21th  April,  Thursday.  Devoted  the  whole  day  to  re- 
searches among  the  records  in  the  State  House,  with  as 
much  success,  on  the  whole,  as  I  had  reason  to  expect. 
Professor  Nott  has  aided  me.  Passed  the  evening  at 
President  Cooper's  in  company  with  the  professors  and 
several  gentlemen  of  Columbia.  Dr.  Cooper  possesses  a 
vast  fund  of  knowledge  on  almost  all  branches  of  science 
and  general  literature.  His  mind  is  capacious,  quick,  and 
fertile.  He  is  not  a  voluble  talker,  but  he  speaks  to  the 
point,  clearly  and  appropriately.  The  conversation  turned 
on  Professor  Stuart's  article  on  the  Hebrew  Pentateuch  in 
the  last  number  of  the  "  North  American  Review."  Dr. 
Cooper  expressed  a  decided  disapprobation  of  the  argu- 
ment, said  it  was  defective  in  many  points,  and  proposed 
to  reply  to  it,  if  I  would  insert  a  reply  in  the  "  Review." 
I  declined  on  the  ground  that  controversy  is  as  far  as 
possible  excluded  from  the  work. 

28th  April,  J?riday.  Finished  my  investigations  in  the 
offices,  having  looked  over  the  journals,  and  marked  such 
parts  as  I  wish  to  have  copied. 

The  old  colonial  journals  of  the  Council  are  very  full 
and  in  perfect  preservation  from  the  first  settlement  of 
the  State  down  to  the  end  of  the  year  1774.  In  these 
volumes  I  have  found  but  very  little  relating  to  the  Rev- 
olution. They  are  rich  in  matters  of  colonial  history, 
particularly  relating  to  the  Southern  Indians.  There  are 
upwards  of  forty  folio  volumes. 

The  journal  of  the  Senate  commences  with  January  8, 
1782,  after  which  it  is  complete.  Whatever  bears  on  the 
history  of  the  Revolution  I  have  selected.  There  were, 
probably,  previous  records  of  the  Senate,  but  they  are  not 
now  to  be  found. 

The  journals  of  the  Assembly  are  complete  from  Octo- 
ber, 1768,  to  April  15,  1775,  except  the  first  part  of  the 
year  1772,  where  the  records  of  one  session  are  missing. 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  439 

The  volume  wanting  is  marked  No.  35.  The  Provincial 
Congress  took  the  name  and  character  of  an  Assembly  on 
the  27th  March,  1776,  and  the  journal  is  continued  from 
that  date  till  October  20  following,  when  it  suddenly 
breaks  off,  and  nothing  more  appears  till  January  8, 1782. 
On  that  day  the  Assembly  met  at  Jacksonsborough. 

On  the  26th  of  February  the  House  adjourned  to  meet 
at  Jacksonsborough  on  the  second  Monday  in  August 
following.  But  the  next  record  is  at  Charleston,  July  7, 
1783,  at  the  beginning  of  a  session  ;  whence  it  follows 
that  no  journal  remains  of  the  second  session  at  Jacksons- 
borough, even  if  any  took  place. 

In  no  part  of  the  archives  in  the  State  House  have  I 
succeeded  in  finding  any  letters  of  any  sort,  either  on  file 
or  in  letter-books.  These  must  all  have  been  kept  by 
individuals ;  many  are  probably  in  the  possession  of  the 
heirs  of  Governor  Rutledge.  These  are  exceedingly  im- 
portant in  the  Revolutionary  history  of  South  Carolina,  as 
well  also  as  the  journal  of  the  Assembly  from  1776  to 
1782,  a  space  of  six  years,  during  the  most  active  part  of 
the  struggle. 

Mr.  Desaussure  of  this  place  has  put  into  my  hands 
a  volume  entitled  "Extracts  from  the  Journals  of  the 
Provincial  Congress  of  South  Carolina,  held  at  Charles- 
ton, Nov.  1  to  Nov.  29, 1775.  Printed  by  Peter  Timothy. 
1776.  Charleston."  8  vo,  pp.  165.  With  the  same  vol- 
ume is  bound  the  proceedings  of  the  second  session  of  the 
same  Congress,  from  February  1  to  March  30,  1776,  pp. 
167.  At  the  close  of  this  latter  session  the  new  constitu- 
tion was  adopted  on  the  26th  of  March ;  the  Congress 
took  the  name  of  Assembly ;  and  John  Rutledge  was  cho- 
sen the  first  governor.  It  has  been  said  that  this  was  the 
first  written  constitution  put  forth  in  the  colonies.  I  have 
heard  the  same  said  of  Virginia.  Which  is  correct  ? 
South  Carolina  obtained  permission  of  the  Continental 
Congress  to  institute  a  new  form  of  government. 


440  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

I  think  I  have  seen  it  somewhere  stated  that  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  first  Provincial  Congress  were  published. 
If  so,  the  work,  together  with  this  volume,  would  consti- 
tute an  accurate  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  revolu- 
tionists for  the  years  1775  and  1776.  Laurens  was  pres- 
ident of  the  first  Congress,  and  Drayton  of  the  second.  I 
find  the  following  entry  in  page  8  of  the  volume  men- 
tioned above  :  "  Colonel  Laurens  delivered  up  to  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  chair  all  the  letters,  papers,  etc.,  which  had 
come  into  his  hands  as  President  of  the  late  Congress, 
President  of  the  Council  of  Safety,  and  Chairman  of  the 
General  Committee."  Hence  there  were  documents  of  a 
public  nature  at  this  early  period  which  must  have  inter- 
est. It  is  stated,  moreover,  in  the  printed  journal  of  pro- 
ceedings, that  the  proceedings  of  the  Council  of  Safety 
were  read  to  the  Congress  from  time  to  time  till  the 
whole  were  completed.  At  this  time,  it  seems,  the  Coun- 
cil of  Safety  was  appointed  by  the  Congress  to  sit  with 
full  powers  during  the  adjournment  of  Congress.  Now 
the  journals  of  this  Council  of  Safety,  as  well  as  of  the 
Committee  of  Intelligence,  constitute  highly  important 
documents.  It  would  seem  most  probable  that  they  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Governor  Rutledge,  and  are  still  among 
his  private  papers. 

I  have  engaged  Professor  Nott  to  employ  a  copyist  to 
transcribe  for  me  all  the  materials,  which  I  have  marked 
as  suited  to  my  purpose,  in  the  archives  of  South  Caro- 
lina. 

Dined  at  Mr.  Preston's  in  company  with  several  gentle- 
men whom  I  had  before  met.  Since  leaving  Boston,  I 
have  not  found  a  more  intelligent,  literary,  and  hospitable 
society  than  in  this  place.  The  college,  doubtless,  has  an 
influence  on  the  literary  air  of  the  place.  Mr.  Preston 
is  a  polished,  well-informed  man,  and  I  am  highly  indebted 
to  him  for  his  assiduous  civilities.     Indeed,  I  may  extend 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  441 

the  same  remark  to  Mr.  McCord,  Professor  Nott,  and 
Judge  Cooper.  I  have  been  treated  by  these  and  other 
gentlemen  with  marked  kindness  and  attention.  Profes- 
sor Henry,  who  is  engaged  in  translating  Niebuhr,  has 
been  confined  to  his  house  by  illness.  I  called  on  him 
to-day.  He  is  a  little  discouraged  in  his  undertaking, 
from  the  report  of  a  translation  being  in  preparation  in 
England,  and  from  the  ill  reception  with  which  his  pro- 
posal has  been  received  by  the  publishers.  He  intends  to 
proceed,  however,  and  by  the  strong  solicitations  of  his 
friends  it  is  probable  he  will  publish  the  work  by  sub- 
scription. 

The  college  library  is  rich  in  valuable  editions  of  the 
best  works,  and  is  constantly  increasing  by  annual  appro- 
priations of  the  legislature.  The  college  is  now  unques- 
tionably in  a  very  flourishing  condition.  It  occupies  an 
elevated  and  beautiful  site.  The  president  and  professors 
live  within  the  college  grounds.  The  edifices  are  sur- 
rounded with  trees  and  gardens. 

29th  April,  Saturday.  In  the  morning  visited  the 
Lunatic  Asylum,  and  other  parts  of  the  town,  in  company 
with  Mr.  McCord  and  Professor  Nott  (Henry  J.  Nott). 
The  asylum  is  a  magnificent  edifice,  but  as  yet  unfinished. 
It  is  probable  that  the  State  has  been  more  bountiful 
in  erecting  this  establishment  than  the  exigency  of  the 
case  required.  The  cost  has  been  so  great  (more  than 
$100,000)  that  the  patience  of  the  legislature  has  become 
exhausted,  and  they  have  refused  to  make  appropriations 
for  completing  the  building.  It  may  be  supposed,  how- 
ever, that  it  will  not  be  suffered  to  fall  to  ruins  in  its 
present  stage.  We  passed  several  elegant  private  resi- 
dences in  different  parts  of  the  town,  and,  among  others, 
those  of  General  Wade  Hampton  and  General  John  Tay- 
lor. The  water-works  supply  the  town  with  water  by 
forcing  it  to  a  reservoir  by  steam,  as  in  Philadelphia.     A 


442  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

new  Catholic  Church  is  erecting,  which  is  a  tasteful  piece 
of  architecture. 

Left  Columbia  at  twelve  o'clock,  and  arrived  at  Cam- 
den (thirty-four  miles)  same  evening. 

30th  April,  Sunday.  At  Camden  all  day.  Called 
towards  evening  on  Mr.  Deas,  a  senator  in  the  legislature 
of  South  Carolina,  to  whom  I  had  a  letter.  He  rode  with 
me  to  Hobkirk's  Hill,  one  mile  north  of  Camden,  and 
showed  me  the  battle-ground  at  that  place.  Took  coffee 
at  his  house,  and  passed  an  hour  with  several  persons. 
Then  called  on  Dr.  Blanding  with  a  letter  from  Dr. 
Cooper  ;  was  entertained  by  Dr.  Blanding  with  a  minute 
account  of  the  battle  six  miles  north  of  Camden,  in  which 
the  British  under  Cornwallis  conquered  the  Americans 
under  Gates,  and  in  which  De  Kalb  fell.  The  battle  of 
Hobkirk's  Hill,  also,  was  fully  explained  by  Dr.  Blanding. 
The  headquarters  of  the  British  army  were  for  several 
months  in  Camden.  De  Kalb  was  mortally  wounded,  and 
was  brought  to  town,  where  he  died  and  was  buried.  His 
remains  have  lately  been  removed  to  a  more  central  part 
of  the  town,  where  a  plain  but  handsome  and  appropri- 
ate monument  has  been  erected  to  his  memory  by  the 
citizens  of  Camden.  Lafayette  laid  the  corner-stone.  It 
does  much  credit  to  the  patriotism  and  good  feeling,  as 
well  as  to  the  taste,  of  the  people. 

1st  May,  Monday.  By  stage  to  Cheraw,  about  fifty 
miles  from  Camden. 

2d  May,  Tuesday.  By  stage  to  Fayetteville.  The 
two  last  days'  ride  through  an  exceedingly  poor  country, 
consisting  of  sands  and  pine  barrens.  From  Augusta  to 
Fayetteville  the  country  is  extremely  barren,  and  very 
thinly  inhabited,  except  on  the  borders  of  the  rivers  and 
creeks. 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  443 

RESEARCHES   IN   NORTH   CAROLINA. 

§d  May,  Wednesday.  Stage  to  Raleigh,  sixty  miles. 
Free  blacks  and  mulattoes  in  North  Carolina  and  Ten- 
nessee have  the  privilege  of  voting,  the  same  as  white  per- 
sons. Country  improves  as  you  advance  inland.  Called 
in  the  evening  on  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Gales,  who  have  just  re- 
turned from  Washington. 

4th  May,  Thursday.  Mr.  Gales  called  in  the  morning, 
and  went  with  me  to  the  State  House  and  the  public 
offices ;  introduced  me  to  the  Secretary  of  State  and 
Treasurer.  Mr.  Hill,  Secretary  of  State,  very  politely 
offered  me  every  facility  in  his  power  in  examining  the 
public  documents.  Mr.  Gales  introduced  me  to  the  dif- 
ferent apartments  of  the  State  House.  It  is  a  beautiful 
structure,  fitted  up  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  Canova's 
statue  of  Washington.  The  arched  room  in  which  the 
statue  is  placed  is  exceedingly  handsome,  and  shows  this 
great  specimen  of  art  to  advantage.  The  Assembly  Room 
and  the  Senate  Room,  particularly  the  latter,  are  finished 
with  taste  and  elegance.  I  have  seen  no  State  House  in 
the  Union  which  can  be  compared  with  this,  especially  in 
its  interior  arrangements  and  beauty.  Passed  the  whole 
day  in  the  secretary's  office,  reading  the  original  journals 
of  the  Colonial  Assembly,  marking  such  passages  as  in- 
dicated the  spirit  of  the  Revolution.  Dined  with  Mr. 
Gales. 

5th  May,  Friday.  Perusing  the  journals  all  day  ;  find 
much  to  my  purpose,  and  am  surprised  to  see  at  how  early 
a  period,  and  with  how  much  resolution,  the  people  of 
North  Carolina  manifested  their  disapprobation  of  the 
English  government,  —  complained  of  oppression  and 
talked  of  resistance.  In  the  strong  feeling  of  indepen- 
dence which  brought  about  the  final  crisis,  this  State  was 
not  behind  any  in  the  Union.     If  circumstances  called 


444  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

this  feeling  later  into  action,  it  was  not  the  less  reacly  to 
act.  On  all  proper  occasions  it  was  exhibited  without 
reserve  ;  and  several  of  the  colonial  governors  found  the 
Assembly  a  very  untractable  body,  frequently  opposing 
their  views,  and  calling  in  question  the  legality  of  acts  of 
Parliament,  and  the  justice  of  royal  instructions. 

The  old  journals  of  Assembly  and  Council  are  well  pre- 
served in  this  State,  at  least  from  1750  onward,  which  is 
as  far  back  as  I  have  looked.  During  the  Revolution 
they  are  full  and  complete.  The  journals  seem  to  have 
been  printed  every  year  after  1776,  beginning  with  the 
first  Provincial  Congress,  held  at  Hillsborough.  It  is  a 
little  remarkable  that  not  a  single  copy  of  the  early 
printed  journals  is  in  any  of  the  state  offices  or  the 
library.  I  have  seen  only  a  few  broken  numbers,  and 
fear  a  set  cannot  be  obtained. 

Passed  the  evening  at  Mr.  Gales's,  where  I  met  Gen- 
eral Jones.  He  has  been  much  among  the  Creek  Indians ; 
says  they  have  a  regular  form  of  government,  with  king, 
council,  and  legislature ;  pass  laws  which  are  printed  and 
circulated ;  have  courts  of  justice  and  juries,  and  several 
schools  supported  by  themselves. 

General  Jones  told  me  that  Harman  Husbands  wrote 
an  account  of  the  Regulators  in  North  Carolina.  This 
must  be  a  curious  work,  as  Husbands  was  himself  a 
ringleader,  and  shut  out  by  name  from  the  general  par- 
don. He  removed  to  Pennsylvania,  and  headed  the  Whis- 
key Insurrection  in  that  State. 

Judge  Murphy  is  now  engaged  in  writing  a  history  of 
the  State  of  North  Carolina.  Much  is  expected  from  his 
undertaking.  It  is  supposed  he  will  have  access  to  the 
papers  which  Mr.  Francis  H.  Martin  has  been  for  many 
years  collecting  with  a  view  to  preparing  a  history  of  the 
State.  The  original  materials  in  the  public  offices  are 
also  abundant.     Thirty  years  ago  Mr.  Martin  was  pub- 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  445 

lisher  of  the  "  North  Carolina  Gazette,"  and  has  enjoyed 
peculiar  facilities  for  collecting  historical  materials.  Mr. 
Murphy  has  also  devoted  himself  much  to  the  interests 
and  progress  of  the  State.  His  pamphlets  on  the  inter- 
nal improvements  of  North  Carolina,  although  perhaps  a 
little  too  sanguine,  are  nevertheless  creditable  to  him  as  a 
writer  and  a  man  of  liberal  views  and  research. 

6th  May,  Saturday.  Employed  all  day  in  the  office 
of  the  Secretary  of  State  examining  files  of  letters.  I 
have  looked  through  the  files  for  the  years  1777  and 
1778.  They  were  written  chiefly  to  Governor  Caswell, 
the  first  governor  of  North  Carolina  under  the  new  con- 
stitution. The  principal  writers  are,  the  President  of 
Congress,  the  delegates  in  Congress  from  North  Caro- 
lina, Governor  Eutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  Governor 
Henry,  of  Virginia,  General  Lincoln,  and  the  officers  of 
the  North  Carolina  army  and  militia;  and,  also,  copies 
of  Governor  Caswell's  answers.  All  these  are  safely  pre- 
served, though  not  well  arranged. 

The  most  curious  and  valuable  letters  for  these  two 
years  are  those  from  Mr.  Thomas  Burke,  a  delegate  in 
Congress  from  North  Carolina,  to  Governor  Caswell.  It 
was  Mr.  Burke's  custom  to  take  sketches  of  the  debates  in 
the  old  Congress.  The  most  important  of  these  he  sent 
to  Governor  Caswell,  and  also  wrote  him  very  frequently 
and  fully  respecting  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  and 
views  of  its  members.  These  letters  and  sketches  I  have 
read  with  great  interest,  and  directed  copies  to  be  taken 
of  parts.  Mr.  Burke  was  a  spectator  at  the  battle  of 
Brandywine,  and  one  letter  gives  a  very  minute  account 
of  the  action.  He  very  freely  censures  General  Sullivan, 
and  considers  his  ill-judged  movements  the  chief  cause  of 
the  failure.  He  charges  him  with  culpable  negligence  in 
not  having  acquainted  himself  with  the  roads  and  ground, 
and  thereby  making  irretrievable  blunders  in  not  meeting 


446  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826. 

the  enemy  at  proper  points.  From  Mr.  Burke's  letters, 
it  seems  that  the  controversy  about  state  rights  and  the 
powers  of  Congress  began  very  early,  even  before  the 
Confederation.  He  says  distinctly  that,  in  his  opinion, 
Congress  should  have  no  power  except  such  as  was  ex- 
pressly delegated  by  the  States.  His  letters  on  this  sub- 
ject were  written  in  1777. 

There  is  a  curious  letter  from  Henry  Laurens  to  Gov- 
ernor Caswell,  written  I  think  in  1778.  Laurens  was  at 
that  time  president  of  Congress,  and  it  seems  the  North 
Carolina  delegates  were  highly  displeased  at  some  of  his 
measures  in  that  capacity.  These  delegates  drew  up  a 
paper  on  the  subject,  which  they  proposed  to  send  to 
Governor  Caswell,  and  which  they  first  submitted  to  the 
inspection  of  Laurens.  He  was  much  offended  with  the 
language  used  by  the  delegates,  and  the  letter  in  ques- 
tion was  written  privately  to  Governor  Caswell,  charging 
the  delegates  with  undue  warmth,  and  of  having  been 
betrayed  into  misrepresentations.  He  speaks  with  much 
displeasure,  and  a  little  violence.  Among  other  things 
Laurens  says  that  he  would  tell  it  as  a  secret  to  Gov- 
ernor Caswell,  that  there  was  a  party  in  Congress  deter- 
mined to  "hunt  him  down,"  as  he  expresses  it,  and 
evidently  considers  himself  ill-treated  without  a  cause. 
I  have  not  been  able  to  find  the  letter  of  the  delegates 
to  which  he  refers.  Burke  was  evidently  an  excitable 
man,  as  may  be  seen  from  his  letters,  apt  to  form  hasty 
opinions,  and  indulge  in  conjectures. 

.  Among  the  files  are  many  letters  from  Governor  Rut- 
ledge  and  Patrick  Henry,  then  governor  of  Virginia. 
Rutledge's  letters  are  short,  and  contain  nothing  but  the 
simple  matter  in  hand,  appearing  to  be  written  by  a  man 
under  a  heavy  pressure  of  business.  As  records  of  history 
they  are  not  of  much  value.  They  relate  mostly  to  the 
army,  and  are  commonly  written  to  urge  on  the  North 
Carolina  troops  to  the  defense  of  Charleston. 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826.  447 

Patrick  Henry's  letters  are  also  short,  and  contain  little 
matter.  They  are  of  a  very  different  character,  however, 
from  Rutledge's,  not  indicating  so  much  a  man  of  inces- 
sant and  oppressive  occupation  as  of  indolence  and  aver- 
sion to  writing.  Rutledge  writes  like  one  who  has  not 
time  to  say  more,  but  Henry  like  one  who  struggles 
against  nature  to  put  on  paper  the  little  that  comes  from 
him. 

1th  May,  Sunday.  In  the  morning  attended  service 
at  the  Presbyterian  Church,  and  heard  Dr.  MePheeters  ; 
in  the  afternoon  at  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  heard 
Bishop  Ravenscroft.  Thin  congregations  at  both  places. 
The  Methodists  said  to  be  the  most  numerous  sect  here. 

Looked  over  a  work  entitled  "  The  Civil  and  Political 
History  of  the  State  of  Tennessee,  from  the  Earliest  Set- 
tlement up  to  the  Year  1796,  including  the  Boundaries  of 
the  State.  By  John  Haywood.  Printed,  Knoxville,  1823." 
8  vo,  pp.  504.  The  details  of  the  work  are  too  minute  to 
be  of  general  interest,  but  the  author  seems  to  have  thor- 
oughly possessed  himself  of  his  subject.  The  accounts  of 
Indian  treaties,  wars,  the  first  sales  and  settlements  of 
lands,  boundaries,  and  particulars  in  the  history  of  North 
Carolina,  are  full.  As  a  local  history  it  is  a  work  of 
value,  but  too  diffuse  on  local  topics  for  general  reading. 

Sth  May,  Monday.  The  morning  passed  in  reading 
the  original  letters  on  Revolutionary  matters  in  the  office 
of  the  Secretary  of  State.  The  files  stop  in  the  middle  of 
the  year  1780.  In  the  governor's  office  I  found  letters  of 
1782  and  onward,  but  for  1781,  the  most  interesting  year 
of  the  war  in  the  Southern  States,  no  letters  were  found 
in  any  of  the  offices  ;  and  after  that  date  the  originals  are 
missing,  the  contents  only  being  registered  in  books  pre- 
pared for  the  purpose.  For  the  years  1782,  1783,  and 
1784,  the  letters  from  Hugh  Williamson,  author  of  the 
"  History  of  North  Carolina,"  are   numerous.      He  was 


448  SOUTHERN   TOUR  IN  1826. 

then  in  Congress,  and  made  very  full  reports  to  the  gov- 
ernor. Some  of  them  I  read,  but  they  are  verbose  and 
heavy.  .  .  .  And  yet  he  was  called  a  sensible  man  and  a 
learned ;  and  when  Everett  spoke  of  him  in  his  proper 
character,  in  a  review,  as  a  literary  man,  Dr.  Hosack,  of 
New  York,  took  a  mortal  offense  that  such  freedom  should 
be  used  in  speaking  of  so  much  dignity  and  wisdom.  .  .  . 

By  the  politeness  of  Mr.  Secretary  Hill  I  have  been 
permitted  to  take  copies  of  several  of  the  letters,  which 
have  been  deposited  in  the  files,  and  the  originals  he  has 
given  to  me.  Some  of  them  are  curious  as  being  the 
autographs  of  distinguished  men,  such  as  Governor  Rut- 
ledge,  Patrick  Henry,  Jefferson,  Jay,  Henry  Laurens, 
Governor  Caswell,  General  Lincoln,  and  others.  I  have 
the  letter  of  introduction  which  Governor  Rutledge  gave 
to  Lafayette  and  Baron  De  Kalb  for  Governor  Caswell, 
when  they  first  left  Charleston  to  go  to  Philadelphia  and 
join  the  army  under  Washington.  These  original  letters 
will  assist  in  completing  a  collection  for  the  purpose  of  a 
volume  of  the  facsimile  autographs  of  the  Revolutionary 
heroes  and  statesmen,  which  I  may  one  day  publish  with 
suitable  notices. 

Spent  an  hour  or  two  in  the  state  library.  The  great- 
est wonder  there  is  Lawson's  "  History  of  Carolina,"  a 
small,  thin,  quarto  volume,  printed  in  London,  1718. 
Three  or  four  years  ago  it  was  purchased  at  the  sale  of  a 
deceased  person's  property,  for  the  state  library,  at  the 
price  of  sixty  dollars  !  There  were  several  competitors, 
and  by  the  competition  it  was  run  up  to  that  price,  the 
most  remarkable  instance  of  the  bibliomania,  probably, 
which  has  occurred  in  this  country. 

Three  versions  have  been  made  of  the  laws  of  North 
Carolina:  first,  Iredell's  "Laws  of  North  Carolina,"  in 
one  volume  folio,  published  in  1790  ;  secondly,  Francis 
Xavier  Martin's  "  Laws  of  North  Carolina,"  in  one  quarto 


SOUTHERN   TOUR  IN  1826.  449 

volume,  published  in  1804,  and  another  thin  volume  after- 
wards ;  and  thirdly,  a  revision,  with  notes  by  Judges 
Taylor,  Potter,  and  Mr.  Yancey,  published  by  Gales  in 
1825,  in  two  volumes  octavo.  This  last  is  much  the  best. 
Iredell's  is  valuable  in  a  historical  point  of  view,  as  it 
gives  more  of  the  old  laws. 

I  have  agreed  with  Mr.  Hill  to  copy  all  the  papers 
which  I  have  selected  for  the  purpose  in  his  office,  and 
requested  Mr.  Gales  to  send  me  the  manuscripts,  and 
also  to  procure  for  me  the  old  printed  journals. 

Passed  the  evening  at  Mr.  Gales'.  From  this  amiable 
family,  in  all  its  branches,  I  have  received  many  tokens 
of  kindness,  and  never  more  than  during  my  present  visit 
to  Raleigh.     I  leave  them  with  reluctance. 

RETURN   TO   RICHMOND. 

9th  May,  Tuesday.  Set  off  at  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning  in  the  stage-coach  for  Richmond.  This  upper 
road  is  much  more  agreeable  to  the  traveler  than  the 
lower  one,  which  I  passed  from  Norfolk  to  the  south,  — 
more  marks  of  industry  and  comfortable  living,  —  some 
pleasant  country  residences  and  well-cultivated  planta- 
tions. The  scuppernong  grape  is  abundant  on  this  road. 
The  North  Carolina  wine  of  that  name,  however,  is  chiefly 
made  in  the  low  country  near  Plymouth  and  Washington. 
It  is  much  used  in  North  Carolina,  and  a  demand  is 
increasing  in  other  quarters.  A  ready  market  is  obtained 
for  all  that  is  made.  I  saw  one  vineyard  near  Warren- 
ton,  where  the  owner  is  preparing  to  make  wine.  The 
grape  runs  into  widespreading  vines,  which  are  supported 
by  frames  ;  so  that  a  vineyard  makes  one  continued  can- 
opy. The  vine  will  not  grow  if  cut  short  in  the  European 
mode.  The  bark  of  the  vine  is  smooth,  and  resembles  the 
bark  of  a  small  hickory  bush ;  the  leaf  is  much  smaller 
29 


450  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

than  with  other  grapes.     The  branches  are  extremely  nu- 
merous, and  intertwine  themselves  very  closely. 

I  have  not  yet  said  anything  about  the  eatables  of  the 
South.  One  word  on  that  subject.  At  this  season  I  have 
found  very  little  but  ham,  corn  bread,  rice,  and  eggs,  in 
their  various  modifications  and  combinations.  Corn  is 
cooked  with  much  more  skill  than  at  the  North,  and  is 
made  a  palatable  as  well  as  most  wholesome  food. 

Large  hominy  is  prepared  by  taking  the  hull  from  the 
corn,  cracking  the  kernels,  and  is  cooked  by  boiling,  — 
sometimes  mixed  with  beans.  It  is  an  excellent  dish  for 
dinner. 

Small  hominy  is  prepared  from  very  coarse  Indian 
meal,  with  the  flour  sifted  out,  the  hull  removed,  and 
then  boiled,  —  something  like  New  England  hasty  pud- 
ding. It  is  commonly  set  on  for  breakfast,  and  eaten 
with  butter. 

Corn  bread  and  corn  cakes  are  of  various  kinds,  but 
all  good.  A  coarse  corn  bread  is  made,  which  is  set  on 
warm  at  every  meal.  In  some  places  I  have  found  it  the 
best  thing  on  the  table,  and  have  made  many  a  meal  of 
this  and  ham  and  eggs.  There  is  an  excellent  kind  of 
corn  cakes,  almost  always  seen  at  breakfast,  made  of  the 
finest  flour,  and  baked  very  thin  and  of  different  dimen- 
sions, from  three  to  six  inches  diameter.  I  was  told  that 
meal,  eggs,  and  milk  composed  their  constituent  parts. 
They  are  light  and  well-flavored.  It  is  a  rare  thing  to 
see  in  the  south  country  cold  bread  of  any  sort.  Corn 
bread,  in  fact,  becomes  heavy  and  clogging  when  cold. 

Hice  cakes  are  made  in  various  ways  in  South  Caro- 
lina. One  way  is  to  boil  the  rice  soft,  and  then  bake  it 
into  cakes ;  another  is  to  make  their  cakes  of  rice  flour. 
In  this  state  they  resemble  the  corn  cakes.  In  both  forms 
they  are  excellent. 

Buckwheat  cakes,  in  their  best  estate,  are  almost  pecu- 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826.  451 

liar  to  Maryland  and  Virginia.  I  have  eaten  none,  in 
any  other  place,  which  were  anything  better  than  humble 
imitations  of  those  in  the  above  States. 

The  best  oysters  in  America  are  to  be  had  in  Norfolk, 
from  the  streams  that  run  into  the  Chesapeake,  particu- 
larly York  River. 

Canvas  Back  Ducks  are  found  in  perfection  only  in 
one  place,  which  is  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  at  Havre  de 
Grace,  where  the  Susquehanna  empties  into  the  bay.  So 
much  for  my  knowledge  of  culinary  matters.  In  Rich- 
mond people  eat  sturgeon. 

10th  May,  Wednesday.  Rode  all  night,  and  arrived  in 
Richmond  at  sunset  to-day.  Met  Judge  Marshall  last 
evening  at  the  town  of  Monroe,  on  the  Roanoke  River. 
He  was  on  his  way  to  hold  his  circuit  court  in  Raleigh, 
and  traveling  in  a  sulky.  He  said  he  much  preferred 
the  stage  for  its  expedition,  but  could  not  travel  nights. 
Passed  half  an  hour  very  agreeably  with  him.  He  spoke 
of  Canova's  statue  of  Washington  at  Raleigh  ;  said  he 
was  no  judge  of  the  art,  but  was  bound  to  suppose  it  a  chef 
a"ozuvre  ;  he  was  glad  the  country  had  a  specimen  of  art 
of  so  high  an  order,  but  said  it  gave  no  impressions  of 
Washington,  —  it  was  not  like  him  in  any  respect  what 
ever.  Houdon's  statue,  in  the  State  House  of  Virginia, 
he  observed,  is  a  very  exact  representation  of  Washing- 
ton, particularly  if  you  view  it  in  a  position  so  as  to  look 
at  the  figure  between  the  front  and  left  side. 

A  case  of  libel  is  to  come  on  at  Raleigh,  which  the 
judge  seemed  to  dread  exceedingly.  It  is  a  case  between 
two  clergymen,  Mr.  Whitaker  and  Dr.  McPheeters.  A 
good  deal  of  excitement  exists  on  the  subject,  and  the 
decision  must  involve  principles  which  present  legal  diffi- 
culties and  perplexities. 

Petersburgh  has  the  appearance  of  more  thrift  and 
business  than  almost  any  town  I  have  seen  at  the  South. 
It  is  a  market  for  cotton,  tobacco,  and  flour. 


452  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

Talked  politics  with  a  man  who  had  many  words,  but 
few  ideas ;  much  prejudice,  but  little  knowledge. 

11th  May,  Thursday.  Read  Chesterfield's  letters 
before  breakfast,  an  odd  volume  of  which  I  found  on  my 
table,  —  a  strange  mixture  of  fine  thoughts,  elegant  dic- 
tion, knowledge  of  the  world  and  of  books,  lively  and 
fertile  imagination,  sense  of  right  action,  and  loose  prin- 
ciples of  morals.  There  are  few  more  fascinating  writers 
than  Chesterfield,  and  few  who  should  be  read  with  more 
caution.  Went  early  to  the  Council  Chamber,  where  Mr. 
Richardson,  the  clerk  of  the  Council,  informed  me  that 
during  my  absence  the  Council  had  given  permission  for 
me  to  examine  and  take  copies  of  the  journals  and  papers 
in  the  Executive  Department.  Have  passed  the  whole 
day  in  making  this  examination.  (See  an  account  of  the 
nature  and  extent  of  these  papers  in  this  journal,  under 
the  date  of  April  19th.)  The  journals  of  the  Council  begin 
with  1776,  and  are  extremely  meagre,  being  chiefly  con- 
fined to  orders,  warrants,  and  the  like.  Correspondence 
and  papers  of  interest  are  referred  to  as  on  file,  and  never 
entered  on  the  journals.  All  that  is  of  historical  value 
I  have  noted.  The  volume  containing  the  letters  of  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  is  exceedingly  important. 
I  have  directed  the  whole  to  be  copied. 

The  governors'  letter-books  begin  with  January  1, 1781. 
The  first  volume  and  half  of  the  second  contain  letters 
written  entirely  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  five  months.  I  have 
read  these  through,  and  selected  such  as  bear  on  the  gen- 
eral history  of  the  war  in  the  Southern  States.  It  was  a 
most  critical  period,  when  Cornwallis  was  in  Carolina, 
opposed  to  the  army  of  Greene  ;  and  when  the  British 
forces  were  in  the  Chesapeake,  making  incursions  into 
the  country,  and  Steuben  and  Lafayette  were  command- 
ing the  Virginia  forces.  The  state  of  affairs  was  exceed- 
ingly perplexing  to  the  governor,  and  the  letters  written 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826.  453 

by  Jefferson  were  in  number  prodigious,  in  addition  to 
other  public  business.  One  is  astonished  to  see  how  many 
letters  to  different  persons,  and  on  every  variety  of  sub- 
ject, were  frequently  written  on  the  same  day.  General 
Washington,  the  president  of  Congress,  the  Virginia 
delegates,  Generals  Greene,  Lafayette,  and  Steuben,  he 
was  in  almost  daily  correspondence  with ;  besides  the  com- 
manders of  an  expedition  under  General  Clarke,  then 
acting  against  the  Indians ;  and  letters  without  number 
to  the  militia  officers  in  different  parts  of  the  State, 
urging  them  to  bring  forward  with  all  possible  dispatch 
the  quotas  of  militia  into  the  field ;  and  letters  to  commis- 
saries respecting  provisions  for  the  army  in  various  quar- 
ters. In  addition  to  this,  he  attended  the  Council  nearly 
every  day.  In  all  these  labors  are  seen  the  same  untiring 
activity,  and  exhaustless  resources  of  mind,  for  which  Jef- 
ferson has  always  been  so  eminent,  and  which  have  made 
him  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  the  age.  These 
letters  often  contain  remarks  throwing  light  on  the  prin- 
ciples, as  well  as  the  history,  of  the  Revolution.  They 
give  a  better  account  of  the  campaign  in  Virginia,  in 
1781,  than  all  the  written  histories  put  together.  In  fact, 
no  written  history  has  explained  the  events  clearly. 

Evening  at  Mr.  Wickham's.  Met  there  Mr.  Benjamin 
Watkins  Leigh,  of  whom  the  Virginians  boast  as  a  man 
of  distinguished  talents.  He  married  Mr.  Wickham's 
daughter ;  talks  well. 

\2th  May,  Friday.  Looked  through  the  letter-books 
of  the  governors  of  Virginia  till  1784.  Governor  Nelson, 
who  succeeded  Mr.  Jefferson,  wrote  almost  no  letters. 
His  health  was  too  poor  to  allow  him  to  attend  to  public 
business.  He  was  chosen  by  the  legislature,  while  in  ses- 
sion at  Staunton,  June  12,  1781.  Mr.  Jefferson's  term  of 
office  expired  on  the  3d,  so  that  for  nine  days  Virginia 
was  without  a  governor.     The  British  came  to  Charlottes- 


454  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826. 

ville,  and  the  legislature  fled  to  Staunton.  Governor  Har- 
rison succeeded  Nelson,  who  resigned  in  a  few  months. 
Harrison's  letters  are  numerous,  and  some  of  them  well 
written,  but  in  this  respect  they  are  far  behind  Jefferson's. 
I  have  selected  the  best  of  those  relating  to  the  general 
history  of  the  times. 

Was  introduced  to  the  clerk  of  the  Assembly,  who  gave 
me  access  to  the  documents  in  his  department.  The  jour- 
nals begin  with  1776.  There  is  one  volume  of  the  journal 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses  for  1770-71,  —  no  other  colo- 
nial journals,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  learn,  no  other  colonial 
papers,  except  one  or  two  old  volumes  of  the  Council  mat- 
ters, as  heretofore  mentioned.  It  would  hence  seem  that 
there  are  not  in  existence  any  manuscript  materials  for  a 
colonial  history  of  Virginia.  This  history  must  be  written 
wholly  from  such  printed  books  as  are  now  in  being. 
Several  particulars  are  collected  in  Henning's  statutes 
which  had  not  before  been  printed.  Some  ancient  private 
manuscripts,  I  believe,  are  to  be  found.  The  journals  of 
the  Assembly  are  dry,  and  meagre  in  details.  The  acts 
afford  a  much  better  view  of  passing  events,  particularly 
in  connection  with  the  governor's  letters  for  the  time. 

The  races  have  taken  place  in  Richmond  the  present 
week.  All  ranks  take  an  interest  in  them,  —  gentlemen, 
ladies,  mechanics,  and  negroes.  The  town  is  full  of  stran- 
gers, —  taverns  thronged,  and  all  the  fatigued  travelers' 
plans  of  quiet  and  rest  disconcerted  and  circumvented. 
John  Randolph  was  here  yesterday,  with  the  appearance 
and  manners  of  a  madman.  He  carried  in  his  hand  a 
large  purse  of  silver  coin ;  with  this  he  went  to  the  races. 
He  talked  wildly,  and  behaved  extravagantly. 

13th  May,  /Saturday.  All  day  in  the  Council  Cham- 
ber, reading  the  letters  on  file  written  to  the  governor  of 
Virginia  by  Washington,  Lafayette,  and  Steuben.  There 
are  many  from  each,  —  Lafayette's  the  most  numerous, 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  455 

amounting,  I  should  think,  to  a  hundred ;  about  half  of 
them  written    by  his  own  hand.     Nearly  all  the  letters 
by  the  three  persons  above  were  written  in  1781,  previ- 
ously to  the  capture  of  Cornwallis.     One  letter  from  La- 
fayette to    Patrick   Henry  was   written  in  Paris,  1785. 
Some  of   Lafayette's   letters,   particularly  those   written 
when  he  first  commenced  his  march  to  take  command  of 
the  forces  in  Virginia,  are  exceedingly  interesting,  and 
show  him  to  have  been  a  man  of  much  more  intellectual 
power  at  that  time  than  he  has  usually  had  credit  for. 
He  speaks  wisely  and  profoundly  of  the  state  of  the  con- 
test, and  the  object    to  be  gained,  and  always  with  an 
unfeigned  warmth  in  favor  of  the  cause  in  which  he  was 
engaged.     Previously  to  his  arrival  in  Virginia,  Steuben 
had  the  command  of  the  Continental  troops  and  militia 
in  that  State.     He  was  superseded  by  Lafayette  as  the 
senior  officer.     Steuben's  letters  relate  chiefly  to  the  mili- 
tia of  the  State,  and  contain  incessant  applications  to  the 
government  for  new  levies,  clothes,  arms,  and  provisions, 
till  at  length  his  patience  became  nearly  exhausted.     The 
tenor  of  many  of  Lafayette's  is  of  the  same  kind.     The 
fact  is,  the  State  was  so  much  harassed  by  being  made 
the  centre  of  the  war  that  it  was  not  possible  to  raise 
men  and  provide  for  them  with  the  expedition  that  was 
necessary.     I  have  directed  the  best  of  Lafayette's  letters 
to  be  copied,  as  well  as  those  of  Washington  and  Steuben. 
Taken  in  connection  with  Mr.  Jefferson's  letters  as  gov- 
ernor, they  exhibit  a  most  vivid  picture  of  the  war,  and 
its  mode  of  prosecution. 

Uth  May,  Sunday.  Attended  the  Episcopal  service 
in  the  "  Monumental  Church."  The  Bishop  (Moore)  was 
present,  but  one  young  man  read  the  service,  and  another 
preached.  The  church  stands  on  the  same  spot  where  the 
theatre  was  burnt  several  years  ago,  and  many  persons' 
lives  were  lost.     In  the  portico  is  a  marble  monument, 


456  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

a  sort  of  cenotaph,  on  which  are  inscribed  the  names  of 
the  persons  destroyed  by  the  fire.  Hence  the  name  of  the 
church.  It  has  never  been  finished,  and  the  portico,  with 
stone  columns  and  masonry,  is  already  falling  into  ruins. 
It  exhibits  a  melancholy  spectacle,  and  does  little  credit 
to  the  taste,  the  enterprise,  or  the  religious  feelings  of  the 
citizens  of  Richmond.  The  City  Hall  is  the  handsomest 
edifice  in  the  city.  The  Capitol  is  a  clumsy  and  false, 
although  an  imposing,  specimen  of  architecture. 

15th  May,  Monday.  Till  three  o'clock  in  the  Council 
Chamber,  perusing  papers,  chiefly  letters  from  distin- 
guished officers  of  the  Revolution  to  the  governors  of 
Virginia.  There  is  a  bundle  of  letters  from  Cornwallis 
and  Guy  Carleton,  relating  principally  to  exchange  of 
prisoners  ;  and  also  a  large  bundle  from  Count  de  Grasse, 
Rochambeau,  and  other  French  officers  ;  also  from  the 
French  minister  in  Philadelphia,  —  all  relating  to  the 
French  troops  while  stationed  in  Virginia.  Their  interest 
is  principally  of  a  local  nature,  and  they  contain  very  few 
facts  of  historical  importance. 

It  is  remarkable  that  they  are  nearly  all  written  in 
English,  but  with  the  French  idiom  so  strongly  marked 
as  to  show  that  they  were  written  by  Frenchmen.  The 
chirography  is  French.  I  observed  that  Baron  de  Steu- 
ben's letters  were  written  in  English,  and  by  a  person  of 
English  education.  I  have  seen  but  one  letter  written 
with  his  own  hand,  and  that  was  in  French.  He  was 
unpopular  in  Virginia,  from  not  knowing  the  genius  and 
feelings  of  the  people.  Lafayette  was  more  successful, 
having  more  prudence  and  a  better  understanding  of 
these  points.  He  was  reserved  in  action  where  he  was 
ignorant,  always  professing  the  greatest  respect  for  the 
institutions  of  the  country,  seeking  knowledge,  and  exer- 
cising gentleness  and  moderation.  I  read  a  letter  of 
General  Greene's  to-day,  written  at  the  time,  and  speak- 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  457 

ing  in  the  highest  praise  of  Lafayette's  command  in  Vir- 
ginia. Many  letters  from  Greene  are  on  the  files  which 
I  have  looked  over  to-day,  —  some  of  them  written  in  a 
vigorous  strain,  and  indicating  not  more  a  great  comman- 
der than  a  man  of  high  intellectual  power  and  knowledge 
of  mankind.  I  marked  several  to  be  copied.  On  file 
are  also  several  letters  from  General  Morgan,  —  two  or 
three  in  his  own  hand  very  curious.  He  was  illiterate, 
and  made  strange  work  with  the  Roman  characters,  but 
a  bright  sunshine  of  mind  shines  out  everywhere.  I  do 
not  remember  to  have  seen  compositions  so  illiterate 
among  any  of  the  letters  of  the  Revolutionary  worthies, 
except  General  Rutherford,  of  North  Carolina,  who  hardly 
spelt  a  single  word  right,  or  formed  an  intelligible  charac- 
ter. He  was  a  brave,  meritorious,  and  successful  officer. 
I  have  noticed  that  almost  all  the  letters  I  have  seen  were 
written  by  men  of  respectable  education.  Marlborough 
could  not  spell. 

On  file  also  are  letters  from  the  Virginia  delegates 
in  Congress  to  the  governor  for  the  years  1781-1785.  I 
examined  them,  but  found  very  little  worth  copying.  It 
was  a  custom  for  the  delegates  to  write  once  a  week  to 
the  governor,  and  he  as  often  to  them.  The  consequence 
is,  that  many  of  the  letters  are  empty  and  dry.  One 
from  Mr.  Monroe  at  the  close  of  the  session  in  1784,  re- 
lating to  the  controversy  about  Vermont,  and  other  mat- 
ters, is  valuable.  Mr.  Jefferson  wrote  a  few  letters  during 
that  session,  before  his  appointment  to  France,  but  they 
are  lost.  This  is  to  be  regretted,  for  no  man  of  the 
time  threw  so  much  solid  matter  into  his  compositions 
as  Mr.  Jefferson. 

A  curious  proposal  was  made  to  Congress  in  1782  by 
the  celebrated  Polish  adventurer,  Bereowsky,  to  raise  a 
legion  of  cavalry.  It  met  with  the  approbation  of  Wash- 
ington and  a  committee  of    Congress,  but  was  rejected 


458  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

apparently  on  the  ground  that,  from  the  then  state  of 
things,  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  war  would  be  prose- 
cuted. Bereowsky  then  made  the  proposal  to  the  State 
of  Virginia,  through  the  delegates  in  Congress.  It  was 
referred  to  the  legislature  by  Governor  Harrison,  but  not 
accepted,  chiefly  for  the  reasons  that  prevailed  against 
it  with  Congress.  Copies  of  all  the  papers  are  on  file, 
and  an  original  letter  to  the  Assembly  by  Bereowsky, 
and  also  the  original  letter  of  the  Virginia  delegates 
recommending  the  proposal  to  the  governor.  Bereowsky, 
by  these  papers,  appears  to  have  been  a  near  relative  of 
Pulaski,  and  to  have  served  with  him  in  Poland.  He 
purchased  a  ship  at  Baltimore,  which  he  armed,  and  went 
to  Madagascar,  where  he  was  killed  by  the  French  while 
he  was  attempting  to  fortify  himself.  The  lives  of  few 
men  have  been  marked  by  more  eccentricity  and  romance 
than  that  of  Bereowsky.  I  have  directed  copies  to  be 
taken  of  all  that  is  important  in  the  above  papers. 

I  have  at  length  closed  my  researches  in  Virginia. 
Have  agreed  with  Mr.  John  W.  Pleasants,  assistant  clerk 
of  the  Council,  to  copy  all  I  have  selected  from  different 
documents.  The  clerk  of  the  Council  is  Mr.  William  H. 
Richardson.  The  gentleman  with  whom  I  can  hereafter 
correspond  in  arranging  matters,  making  payment,  and 
sending  on  the  copies,  is  Prentice  Chubb,  Esq.,  Rich- 
mond. 

As  to  materials  for  colonial  history,  I  have  found  no- 
thing whatever  in  the  archives  of  Virginia.  Except  one 
or  two  old  volumes  of  Council  journals,  there  is  abso- 
lutely nothing  previously  to  1776,  and  almost  nothing  till 
1781.1  Everything  disappeared  when  Arnold  burnt  Rich- 
mond. In  North  Carolina  the  materials  are  very  meagre 
for  a  colonial  history,  —  next  to  nothing.     In  South  Car- 

1  In  the  Library  of  Congress  are  printed  journals  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses  from  1740  and  onwards  to  the  Revolution. 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  459 

olina  the  Council  journals  are  perfect,  making  more  than 
forty  volumes.  In  Georgia  I  found  nothing  colonial, 
except  two  or  three  odd  volumes  of  journals,  which  are 
not  worth  looking  through.  Nowhere  have  I  seen  any 
letters,  or  official  documents,  relating  to  the  events  of 
the  Provincial  Government,  and,  except  the  volumes  of 
Council  journals  in  South  Carolina,  I  do  not  think  there 
is  anything  to  be  consulted  for  a  colonial  history  in  the 
Southern  States,  except  what  is  in  print.  Further  east 
the  case  will  doubtless  be  found  widely  different. 

RETURN   TO   WASHINGTON. 

16th  M ay,  Tuesday.  Stage  from  Richmond  to  Potomac 
Creek,  seventy-eight  miles.  That  strange,  eccentric  being, 
John  Randolph,  was  in  company.  He  talked  all  day  ;  his 
memory  is  prodigious.  He  touched  upon  all  subjects,  — 
literature,  politics,  theology,  history,  with  quotations  innu- 
merable from  the  Latin  and  English  classics.  His  mind  is 
a  storehouse  filled  to  overflowing.  He  was  in  good  humor 
and  high  spirits  nearly  all  day,  and,  as  there  was  but  one 
gentleman  besides  myself  in  the  stage,  his  conversation 
was  carried  on  almost  entirely  with  me.  My  task  was 
not  a  hard  one,  however,  as  he  talked  incessantly ;  and, 
indeed,  if  his  conversation  were  printed,  it  would  be  quite 
as  entertaining,  profound,  and  versatile  as  his  speeches 
during  the  present  session  in  the  Senate.  It  was  literally 
a  speech  of  twelve  hours  in  length.  He  talked  much  of 
himself,  his  early  life,  political  course,  and  private  affairs ; 
and  he  was  particular  in  tracing  up  the  genealogy  of  his 
family  through  both  channels  of  father  and  mother.  He 
traced  the  chain  on  the  father's  side  to  Pocahontas,  and 
was  evidently  proud  of  being  descended  from  the  aborigi- 
nes of  the  country.  As  usual  he  was  full  of  his  denunci- 
ations of  the  present  government  and  its  measures.  He 
mourned  in  bitter  terms  over  what  he  called  the  fallen 


460  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

state  of  Virginia,  and  said  the  old  gentry  had  disappeared 
and  been  displaced  by  a  set  of  people  who  disgraced  their 
ancestors.  In  fact,  a  great  drawback  on  the  pleasure 
to  be  derived  from  his  conversation  was  his  ill-natured 
attacks  upon  character,  and  incessant  grumbling  at  the 
degeneracy  of  men  and  of  the  times.  He  is  vain,  and 
was  evidently  pleased  to  see  the  multitude  gaze  at  his 
singularly  fantastic  dress.  He  said  people  thought  him 
mad,  but  that  they  were  mistaken.  He  recognized  me,  as 
I  had  been  somewhat  acquainted  with  him  four  years  ago 
in  Washington.  I  had  also  been  a  classmate  and  inti- 
mate friend  of  his  favorite  nephew,  who  died  in  England 
soon  after  he  left  college.  To  this  nephew  he  was  ex- 
tremely attached.  He  told  me  that  he  was  his  sole  tutor 
from  his  infancy,  till  the  time  of  his  going  to  Cambridge, 
his  father  having  died  t when  he  was  an  infant.  No  stu- 
dent had  entered  college  better  qualified  than  young  Ran- 
dolph, particularly  in  the  Latin  language.  I  mentioned 
this  to  his  uncle,  who  was  evidently  pleased  with  it.  "  I 
can  believe  it,  sir,"  said  he  ;  "  I  took  great  pains  with  the 
boy.  I  had  nearly  forgotten  my  Latin.  I  learnt  it  anew 
that  I  might  be  able  to  teach  him.  I  taught  after  the 
plan  of  Home  Tooke ;  he  learnt  with  great  rapidity  ;  the 
only  punishment  I  ever  inflicted  on  him  was  to  take  away 
his  Caesar  when  he  had  recited  a  lesson  badly ;  I  put  it  in 
my  own  library  with  a  remark  on  the  title-page  express- 
ive of  my  disapprobation  ;  he  found  the  book,  and  was 
overcome  with  grief  ;  he  never  faltered  again,  sir.  I  took 
him  from  his  mother  before  he  could  speak  ;  he  slept  in 
his  crib  by  my  bedside ;  I  was  his  friend,  his  guardian, 
his  father,  his  instructor,  his  all ;  he  had  no  other  teacher 
or  guide ;  he  answered  my  fullest  hopes ;  I  sent  him  to 
Cambridge,  sir,  where  he  was  ruined.  He  was  suffered 
to  incur  expenses,  and  live  in  a  style  of  extravagance, 
which  would  turn  the  head  of   any  young   man.      The 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  461 

unpardonable  negligence  of  his  tutors  at  Cambridge  I 
cannot  forget ;  it  was  their  fault  that  such  things  should 
be  allowed." 

Thus  he  talked  about  his  nephew  for  a  long  time,  and 
the  circumstance  of  my  having  been  his  intimate  friend 
and  classmate  seemed  to  open  the  heart  of  the  uncle, 
and  to  bring  back  recollections  that  wrought  upon  him 
with  no  little  effect.  His  prepossessions  against  Harvard 
were  evidently  strong,  and  in  a  good  degree  false.  I 
endeavored  to  correct  them,  as  far  as  delicacy  would  per- 
mit ;  he  listened  patiently,  and  shook  his  head  in  silence ; 
and  closed  the  subject  by  saying :  "  There  's  something 
wrong,  —  I  will  not  say  rotten,  —  there  's  something 
wrong  in  Denmark."  I  confess  I  could  say  little  to  much 
purpose  in  extenuation  of  the  neglect  of  the  government 
of  college  in  allowing  openly,  as  certainly  was  done,  the 
extravagant  expenses  of  Randolph,  in  dress,  horses,  car- 
riages, etc.  Taken  all  in  all,  he  was  one  of  the  most 
promising,  perhaps  the  most  promising  young  man,  who 
has  been  at  Cambridge  within  my  knowledge  of  the  insti- 
tution. I  was  very  warmly  attached  to  him,  and  knew  his 
mind  and  attainments  perfectly. 

11th  May,  Wednesday.  Awoke  at  five  o'clock,  and 
found  myself  on  the  steamboat  at  the  wharf  in  Washing- 
ton. Took  lodgings  at  Gadsby's ;  called  on  friends ;  vis- 
ited the  Capitol,  listened  to  the  debates,  met  many  Rep- 
resentatives whom  I  had  formerly  known ;  at  night  was 
more  fatigued  than  after  riding  one  hundred  miles  in  a 
stage-coach.  Washington  is  a  tedious  place  to  all  but 
ambitious,  giddy-brained  politicians,  and  those  who  love 
to  labor  and  suffer  for  the  public  good.  Which  is  the 
larger  class  I  am  not  bound  to  decide. 

18th  May,  Thursday.  Passed  the  whole  day  in  the 
Congress  library,  examining  the  Department  on  Ameri- 
can History  and  Politics.     On  American  History  the  li- 


462  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

brary  is  exceedingly  meagre,  containing  nothing  but  a  few 
of  the  commonest  books ;  but  on  American  politics  it  is 
full,  particularly  to  the  year  1808,  when  Mr.  Jefferson 
left  the  government.  It  was  his  habit  to  preserve  pam- 
phlets and  papers,  and  they  are  all  deposited  in  this  li- 
brary.    Dine  with  E.  E.  [Edward  Everett]. 

19th  May,  Friday.  In  the  library  :  making  calls. 
Dine  with  Mr.  Sampson,  the  celebrated  Irish  counselor. 
He  now  lives  in  Georgetown,  with  his  son-in-law,  Captain 
Tone,  who  is  the  son  of  Theobald  Wolfe  Tone,  who  made 
so  distinguished  a  figure  during  the  trouble  of  Ireland 
thirty  years  ago.  He  was  an  officer  in  the  French  army, 
and  after  his  death  his  family  came  to  this  country.  His 
widow  is  now  living  at  Georgetown.  A  work  has  just 
been  published,  called  a  "  Life  of  Theobald  Wolfe  Tone," 
by  his  son,  Captain  Tone.  It  contains  many  particulars 
concerning  Ireland.  Mr.  Sampson  has  engaged  to  review 
it,  and  to  give  a  history  of  the  "  United  Irishmen,"  their 
grievances,  and  the  events  of  the  times.  I  met  at  Mr. 
Sampson's  the  celebrated  Washington  lawyer,  Walter 
Jones,  a  man  renowned  for  his  genius  and  his  indolence. 
He  was  rather  taciturn,  but  his  talk  abounded  with  ideas. 

20th  May,  Saturday.  Mr.  Webster  told  me  yester- 
day that  Mr.  Clay,  Secretary  of  State,  desired  to  see  me, 
and  wished  me  to  call  on  him  before  I  left  town.  I  had 
intended  to  wait  on  him  and  obtain  permission  to  exam- 
ine the  Revolutionary  documents  in  the  office  of  the  sec- 
retary. I  called  on  him  to-day  at  the  Department  of 
State.  The  conversation  turned  soon  on  South  American 
affairs,  and  Mr.  Clay,  with  great  apparent  frankness,  told 
me  that  he  had  read  my  article  in  the  "  North  American 
Review  "  on  the  alliance  of  the  Southern  republics,  and 
went  into  a  minute  explanation  of  the  views  of  the  cabi- 
net in  accepting  the  proposal  to  join  the  Congress  at 
Panama.     My  article  had  been  much  referred  to  in  the 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  463 

debates  in  Congress  on  the  subject,  and  its  facts  and  sen- 
timents perverted  by  the  party  opposed  to  the  Panama 
mission.  Mr.  Hayne,  especially,  made  a  very  popular 
speech,  the  entire  basis  of  which  was  taken  from  that 
article.  The  misfortune  was,  that  the  article  stopped  too 
short ;  it  merely  went  into  a  brief  detail  of  the  objects 
proposed  by  the  South  Americans  in  regard  to  their  own 
affairs,  without  reference  to  this  country ;  whereas,  to 
have  been  the  most  serviceable,  and  best  suited  to  the 
times,  it  should  have  proceeded  to  state  explicitly  the 
advantages  to  be  derived  to  the  United  States  from  a 
union  with  them  at  the  Congress  of  Panama.  In  short, 
when  I  wrote  the  article  I  did  not  suppose  there  would  be 
any  serious  opposition  to  the  mission,  but  that  every  per- 
son would  at  once  allow  that  no  harm  could  follow  from  it, 
and  that  much  good  might  result.  As  things  have  turned 
out,  the  article  was  rather  an  injury  than  a  benefit  to  the 
cause.  Mr.  Clay  spoke  freely,  and  without  the  least 
reserve,  concerning  the  policy  of  this  country  in  its  inter- 
course with  South  America,  and  dwelt  particularly  on  the 
immense  importance  of  establishing  commercial  relations 
on  the  principles  of  perfect  reciprocity.  This  he  has 
done,  he  said,  in  the  new  treaty  with  Guatemala,  just 
ratified  by  the  Senate.  He  gave  me  light  on  these  mat- 
ters, which  will  be  serviceable  to  me  hereafter.  On  other 
topics  he  also  touched,  and  intimated  that  an  article  on 
the  use  and  abuse  of  patronage,  in  reference  to  our  Con- 
stitution and  form  of  government,  would  at  this  time  be 
of  service  in  fixing  the  views  and  opinions  of  the  com- 
munity on  this  subject.  A  document,  he  said,  had  been 
communicated  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  contain- 
ing an  account  of  the  appointments  made  by  the  several 
Presidents,  which  might  serve  as  the  basis  of  the  review. 
His  notions  seemed  to  me  good,  but  the  plan  is  evidently 
intended  to  strengthen  the  administration,  and  it  is  not 


464  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

for  the  interest  of  the  "  North  American  Review  "  to  take 
up  any  of  these  topics  in  the  spirit  of  party,  or  with  the 
express  view  of  supporting  the  administration.  On  this 
point  it  behooves  me  to  be  cautious,  but  it  appears  to  me 
that  an  article  of  a  general  nature  on  the  above  subject 
will  do  good. 

Mr.  Clay  consented  at  once  to  my  request  to  examine 
the  Revolutionary  papers  in  the  Department,  at  any 
future  period  when  I  should  be  disposed  to  do  it. 

Governor  Dickerson  of  the  Senate  has  given  me  a  let- 
ter to  Daniel  Coleman,  Esq.,  secretary  of  the  State  of 
New  Jersey,  at  Trenton,  to  whom  I  shall  apply  for  access 
to  the  public  papers  in  that  State. 

Congress  is  in  a  good  deal  of  confusion  to-day.  The 
time  fixed  on  for  adjournment  was  Monday,  22d,  but  yes- 
terday the  Senate  voted  to  postpone  the  day  till  Thurs- 
day. To-day  the  proposition  came  before  the  House,  and 
was  rejected.  In  fact,  there  seems  a  strong  desire  on 
the  part  of  all  the  members  to  be  away  as  soon  as  possi- 
ble. They  have  had  a  very  long,  stormy,  and  unprofitable 
session,  and  at  this  stage  of  things  there  is  evidently  no 
spirit  of  conciliation  in  any  quarter. 

21st  May,  Sunday.  At  church  morning  and  evening, 
and  heard  Mr.  Little  preach.  President  Adams  was  pres- 
ent in  the  morning.  I  understand  he  attends  Mr.  Little's 
church  constantly.  He  is  a  man  of  method,  and  in 
nothing  more  than  in  his  attendance  on  public  worship. 
Such  is  the  report  of  the  people  of  Washington. 

RESEARCHES   IN   MARYLAND. 

22d  May,  Monday.  Stage  to  Annapolis,  forty-two 
miles.  Called  on  Chancellor  Bland,  but  he  is  absent  in 
Baltimore.  Gave  my  letter  of  introduction  to  Mr.  Cul- 
breth,  clerk  of  the  Council,  and  explained  to  him  my 
views  respecting  the  public  documents  and  records  under 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  465 

his  care.  He  very  kindly  offered  every  facility  in  his 
power  to  enable  ine  to  prosecute  my  inquiries,  and  to- 
morrow morning  is  appointed  to  commence  the  business. 
At  tea  with  Mrs.  Bland  ;  walked  with  her  in  the  evening 
to  the  fort,  —  a  beautiful  site  at  the  mouth  of  the  Severn 
River. 

23d  May,  Tuesday.  All  day  in  the  Council  Chamber 
reading  journals  and  manuscript  documents.  The  Revo- 
lutionary papers,  from  the  time  the  new  government  was 
organized  in  1776,  are  full,  and  well  preserved.  The  let- 
ters of  the  governor  and  Executive  Council  are  copied 
into  books,  three  volumes  of  which,  coming  down  to  1784, 
I  have  this  day  read,  and  have  selected  the  most  valuable 
to  be  copied.  Owing  to  the  circumstance  of  there  having 
been  no  great  military  operations  in  this  State  during  the 
Revolution,  these  letters  do  not  contain  so  much  interesting 
historical  matter  as  they  do  in  some  of  the  other  States. 
They  chiefly  relate  to  the  affairs  of  the  State,  militia,  re- 
cruits for  the  army,  clothing,  provisions.  The  correspon- 
dence with  Lafayette,  during  his  expedition  into  Virginia 
in  1781,  is  the  most  important  on  the  Revolutionary  records 
of  the  State.  It  is  observable  that  all  these  letters  were 
written  in  the  name  of  the  Council,  and  not  of  the  gov- 
ernor, and  they  are  thus  deprived  of  that  individuality 
which  gives  spirit  and  interest  to  written  communications. 
The  letters  seem  to  have  been  written  by  different  mem- 
bers of  the  Council,  whereas  in  Virginia  and  North  Caro- 
lina the  early  letters  were  evidently  written  by  Governors 
Jefferson  and  Caswell. 

The  journal  of  the  Council  is  entire,  and,  indeed,  it  is 
nearly  perfect  from  the  commencement  of  the  government 
under  the  Proprietary.  I  looked  over  the  volume  begin- 
ning 1636,  and  several  succeeding  ones,  well  preserved. 

24th  May,  Wednesday.  Reading  letters  on  file  in 
30 


466  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

Council  Chamber.  These  also  have  been  well  kept.  They 
consist  of  the  letters  sent  from  various  quarters  to  the 
executive  of  Maryland  during  the  Revolution,  and  are 
filed  in  alphabetical  order.  This  method  is  not  so  good  as 
according  to  dates,  yet  I  have  found  little  difficulty  in  re- 
curring to  any  letter  I  desired.  I  have  made  the  fullest 
use  of  the  letters  from  the  delegates  in  Congress  to  the 
governor,  and  also  of  Lafayette's  letters,  which  breathe  the 
author's  spirit  and  enthusiasm.  Almost  all  the  letters  on 
the  files  are  from  subordinate  officers  and  agents  in  the 
State,  and  of  little  importance  in  a  general  history.  A 
few  of  these  I  have  selected. 

Part  of  the  day  I  have  spent  in  turning  over  the  "  Mary- 
land Gazette,"  a  newspaper  published  here,  and  the  oldest 
paper  now  printed  in  the  United  States.  It  was  begun  in 
the  year  1745,  and  the  present  publisher,  Mr.  Green,  has 
an  entire  copy  of  the  whole  bound.  I  began  with  the 
year  1765,  and  marked  everything  which  I  discovered 
bearing  on  the  Revolution.  It  was  an  independent  paper, 
and  contains  many  materials.  It  was  begun  by  the  pres- 
ent proprietor's  grandfather,  continued  by  his  father,  and 
is  still  kept  up,  with  the  same  name,  by  himself.  The 
family  have  been  printers  from  early  times. 

Zhth  May,  Thursday.  Looked  at  the  documents  in 
the  office  of  the  clerk  of  Assembly,  and  the  Land  Office ; 
saw  records  dated  1633,  and  several  volumes  of  journals 
of  the  old  House  of  Assembly.  On  the  whole,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  materials  for  a  colonial  history  of  Mary- 
land are  full,  and  in  a  tolerable  state  of  preservation. 
They  are  much  scattered,  however,  in  the  different  offices, 
and  no  person  seems  to  be  acquainted  with  them,  and  to 
know  where  they  can  all  be  found.  Bozman  examined 
those  of  earliest  date  with  great  care  in  preparing  for  his 
history  of  Maryland.  They  might  easily  be  arranged. 
Those  connected  with  the  Land  Office  have  been  copied 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  467 

and  carefully  arranged,  as  was  necessary,  because  they  are 
constantly  referred  to  in  verifying  titles. 

From  among  the  Revolutionary  correspondence  I  se- 
lected several  letters,  written  by  distinguished  men,  which 
Mr.  Culbreth  offered  to  submit  to  the  governor  and  Coun- 
cil, with  a  view  to  gain  their  consent  to  allow  me  the 
originals  and  take  copies  in  their  room. 

Have  looked  the  "  Maryland  Gazette "  through  from 
1760  to  1776,  and  taken  minutes  of  its  political  contents. 

The  proceedings  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  from  the 
first  Assembly  under  the  Constitution  to  the  present  time, 
have  been  printed.  I  saw  a  set  in  Mr.  Green's  office,  but 
there  is  no  full  set  in  the  offices  of  the  State.  By  a  law 
passed  the  last  session,  the  executive  is  authorized  to  pro- 
cure a  set  of  these,  and  the  proceedings  of  the  Conven- 
tions which  governed  two  years  from  1774  to  1776.  The 
proceedings  of  the  conventions  were  printed  at  the  time. 

Left  Annapolis  at  three  o'clock  P.  m.,  and  arrived  in 
Baltimore  at  sunset.  Read  Chancellor  Bland's  memo- 
rial to  the  legislature  of  Maryland,  in  which  there  is 
much  learning  and  good  reasoning  on  the  judiciary  of 
the  State. 

26th  May,  Friday.  Long  conversation  with  Chancellor 
Bland  on  the  history  of  Maryland,  and  of  the  United 
States.  The  chancellor's  knowledge  of  these  subjects  is 
very  extensive  and  accurate.  He  tells  me  that  he  knows 
but  one  copy  of  the  journals  of  the  conventions  of  Mary- 
land, and  that  is  now  in  his  possession,  and  belongs  to 
Judge  Duvall,  who  was  secretary  to  some  of  the  conven- 
tions. The  chancellor  doubts  whether  an  entire  copy  can 
be  procured  in  the  State ;  promises  to  send  to  me  imme- 
diately the  above  copy  for  my  inspection.  The  mode  of 
government  in  Maryland  during  the  two  years  between 
the  old  system  and  the  new  is  a  curious  subject  of  in- 
quiry. 


468  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826. 

Mr.  Williams  has  furnished  me  with  Bacon's  Laws  of 
Maryland,  Kilty's  Eeport  respecting  the  English  Statutes 
in  force  in  the  State,  Kilty's  Guide  (valuable  preface), 
and  Mr.  Green,  of  Annapolis,  gave  me  a  copy  of  Han- 
son's Laws  of  Maryland.  These  materials  are  abundant 
concerning  the  legislative  and  judicial  history  of  Mary- 
land down  to  1790. 

21th  May,  Saturday.  Eode  out  to  the  Savage  Fac- 
tory, fifteen  miles  from  Baltimore,  with  Miss  S.  and  Miss 
N.  Williams,  and  Mr.  Young.  This  establishment  is 
under  the  charge  of  Mr.  A.  A.  Williams,  and  is  in  all 
respects  one  of  the  best  organized  in  the  United  States. 
I  have  seen  none  which  promises  better  to  the  proprietors, 
or  has  more  local  advantages. 

28**  May,  Sunday.  At  church  morning  and  evening, 
Mr.  Young  the  preacher.     Dine  with  my  friend,  Edward 

Hinkley. 

29th  May,  Monday.  Mr.  Hinkley  agrees  to  procure 
for  me,  as  far  as  it  shall  be  in  his  power,  the  following 

books :  — 

1.  "  Proceedings  of  the  Conventions  of  the  Province  of 
Maryland,  held  in  the  City  of  Annapolis  on  the  22d  of 
June,  1774  ;  on  the  21st  November,  1774  ;  on  the  8th  of 
December,  1774 ;  on  the  24th  of  April,  1775  ;  and  on  the 
26th  of  July,  1775.  Printed  by  Frederick  Green,  An- 
napolis."    Small  4to,  pp.  26. 

2.  The  same  for  7th  of  December,  1775.     4to,  pp.  62. 

3.  The  same  for  8th  of  May,  1776.     4to,  pp.  29. 

4.  The  same  for  21st  of  June,  1776.     4to,  pp.  33. 

5.  The  same  for  14th  of  August,  1776.     4to,  pp.  91. 
It  was  at  this  last  convention  that  the  Constitution  of 

Maryland  was   adopted.      The  journal  is  printed  in  an 
abridged  form  in  "  Hanson's  Laws." 

Mr.  Hinkley  will  also  endeavor  to  procure  a  copy  o# 
the  "  Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Delegates" 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  469 

from  1776  to  1790 ;  also  the  journals  of  the  Senate  for 
the  same  time. 

I  have  engaged  Peter  H.  Cruse  to  review  Wheaton's 
"  Life  of  Pinkney." 

The  person  with  whom  to  correspond  in  Annapolis  is 
Thomas  Culbreth,  clerk  of  the  Executive  Council  of 
Maryland. 

The  five  "  Proceedings  of  Conventions "  above  men- 
tioned, to  be  procured  by  Mr.  Hinkley,  constitute  the  vol- 
ume previously  mentioned  by  Chancellor  Bland.  He  sent 
me  the  volume,  and  I  took  from  it  the  titles  and  dates  as 
above. 

RESEARCHES   IN   PENNSYLVANIA. 

At  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  left  Baltimore  in  the 
steamboat  for  Philadelphia,  and  parted  from  many  kind 
friends.  General  Bernard,  and  Mr.  Kabello,  Brazilian 
minister  to  this  country,  were  on  board  the  boat,  to  both 
of  whom  I  was  introduced.  General  Bernard  is  a  man 
of  quick  parts  and  abundant  information,  talks  fluently, 
and  is  affable  and  plain  in  his  manners.  Mr.  Kabello  is 
grave  in  his  deportment,  somewhat  reserved,  and  of  few 
words,  —  not  unconciliating  in  his  manners,  however,  nor 
disinclined  to  take  a  proper  share  in  conversation  when 
he  is  engaged  in  it. 

30^  May,  Tuesday.  Arrived  in  Philadelphia  in  the 
morning ;  spent  the  day  in  the  library  of  the  Philosophi- 
cal Hall.  Looked  over  twelve  volumes  of  MSS.  pertain- 
ing to  the  Revolution,  which  formerly  belonged  to  Mr. 
Pettit,  commissary  in  the  army.  These  papers  are  chiefly 
valuable  as  containing  many  letters  written  by  General 
Greene  while  he  was  Quartermaster-General  in  1779. 
The  whole  relate  to  the  Commissary's  Department,  and  as 
such  have  not  much  permanent  historical  value,  although 
among  them  are  many  letters  from  Washington,  and  other 
distinguished  officers.  Dinner  with  Mr.  Vaughan  in  com- 
pany with  Mr.  Astley ;  tea  at  Mr.  Taylor's. 


470  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

31st  May,  Wednesday.  All  the  morning  (after  writing 
letters)  in  the  Athenaeum,  looking  over  a  series  of  pam- 
phlets which  belonged  to  Dr.  Franklin.  My  attention  was 
chiefly  given  to  volumes  thirty  and  sixty,  in  which  are  very 
copious  manuscript  notes  by  Dr.  Franklin.  These  notes 
were  written  in  England  about  the  year  1767  or  1768,  and 
are  on  the  margin  of  pamphlets  relating  to  the  Stamp  Act 
and  the  right  of  the  mother  country  to  tax  the  colonies. 
Many  of  them  are  pointed  and  characteristic,  and  show 
Franklin  not  only  to  have  understood  the  subject  fully, 
but  to  have  been  a  most  determined  patriot  even  at  this 
early  period.  He  is  particularly  full  in  his  remarks  on 
the  protest  of  the  Lords  against  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act.  These  notes  should  be  printed  in  connection  with 
such  portions  of  the  text  only  as  are  sufficient  to  explain 
them.  Afternoon  in  the  Philosophical  Hall,  reading  docu- 
ments relating  to  the  Revolution;  was  there  introduced 
to  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Lee,  who  has  recently  published  a 
very  creditable  memoir  of  his  grandfather.  Dined  at  Mr. 
Astley's,  in  company  with  Professor  Hodge,  of  the  Prince- 
ton Seminary,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  De  Witt,  of  Harrisburgh. 
In  the  evening  at  Professor  Patterson's,  Dr.  Mease's,  and 
Mr.  Yaux's.  Conversation  on  Owen's  establishment  at 
Harmony.  Mr.  Vaux  had  seen  gentlemen  recently  re- 
turned from  that  place,  whose  accounts  are  by  no  means 
flattering.  The  Duke  of  Saxe  Weimar,  who  is  now  in 
Philadelphia,  was  there  several  days.  One  of  the  head 
men  of  the  establishment  said  to  him,  "  Sir,  we  are  not 
Deists,  we  are  Atheists."  The  building  formerly  occupied 
as  a  church  by  the  Harmonists  is  now  converted  into  a 
dancing-room,  and  used  for  that  purpose  on  the  Sabbath 
days.  It  is  a  part  of  the  plan  to  have  everything  in  com- 
mon. There  is  professedly  no  religious  faith  or  prin- 
ciple. Under  such  a  system  it  is  in  vain  to  look  for 
morals.     In  short,  this;  establishment  must  evidently  be- 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  471 

come  the  resort  of  a  few  misguided  though  honest  enthu- 
siasts, and  of  a  great  many  vagabonds  whom  society  has 
cast  out.  The  union  is  unnatural,  and  the  fabric  must 
fall. 

1st  June,  Thursday.  Left  Philadelphia  at  four  o'clock 
A.  M.  in  the  stage,  and  arrived  at  Harrisburgh  at  twelve  at 
night,  having  traveled  nearly  one  hundred  miles.  The 
country  from  Philadelphia  to  Harrisburgh,  through  Lan- 
caster, as  an  agricultural  district,  is  the  best  I  have  seen 
in  the  United  States.  It  is  in  a  high  state  of  cultivation, 
and,  while  the  south  country  is  parching  with  drought,  all 
kinds  of  vegetation  here  flourish  with  luxuriance.  Mr.  E. 
H.  Lee  was  in  the  stage-coach  as  far  as  Lancaster.  He 
proposes  another  edition  of  the  memoir  of  his  grand- 
father, to  be  published  in  Boston.  He  says  there  is  yet 
in  his  possession  a  great  mass  of  unpublished  papers 
which  belonged  to  Kichard  Henry  Lee,  and  to  Arthur 
Lee.  The  former  he  proposes  depositing  in  the  Philosoph- 
ical Hall  at  Philadelphia,  and  the  latter  in  the  library  of 
Harvard  University.  His  example  is  an  excellent  one, 
and  should  be  followed.  In  this  way  papers  will  be  pre- 
served with  much  more  care,  and  will  be  always  accessi- 
ble for  historical  purposes.  Mr.  Lee  told  me  that  he  was 
preparing  to  remove  from  Virginia  to  Pennsylvania,  and 
that  his  principal  reason  was  to  escape  from  a  slavehold- 
ing  State.  He  wished  his  children  to  be  reared  in  a  free 
State,  believing  it  essential  to  their  future  prosperity  and 
happiness.  It  was  manifest  to  him,  he  said,  that  the  slave 
States  were  in  retrogression,  and  would  continue  so  ;  that 
slavery  was  not  more  revolting  in  itself  than  mischievous 
in  its  effects  on  the  condition  of  the  free  population.  He 
was  convinced  that  it  is  the  part  of  every  wise  man,  who 
can  do  it,  to  escape  in  time  from  the  evil. 

These   Pennsylvania   stage-coaches  I  can   compare  to 
nothing  but  Noah's  ark ;  they  are  receptacles  of  all  liv- 


472  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

ing  things.  To-day  we  had  fourteen  passengers,  nine  of 
whom  were  females.  It  was  a  merry  party  ;  such  a  chat- 
tering was  seldom  heard.  There  was  talk  about  wed- 
dings, engagements,  bonnets,  ribbons,  shopping  prices, 
and  various  other  matters.  There  was  laughing  at  the 
gentlemen  who  were  so  ungallant  as  to  go  to  sleep,  and 
nod  in  a  lady's  face,  much  to  the  discomfiture  of  her  head- 
dress ;  then  such  an  array  of  bandboxes  was  never  seen, 
stowed  away  in  every  corner,  and  hanging  like  bird's- 
nests  from  the  protruding  points  of  the  coach.  The  gay 
bevy  of  ladies  all  left  us  at  Lancaster,  and  from  that 
place  to  Harrisburgh  I  had  no  other  companion  than  a 
dark,  sullen  son  of  the  West,  who  spoke  only  in  growling 
monosyllables,  and  seemed  wholly  unaware  that  nature  or 
life  had  any  charms  for  the  heart  of  man.  Night  closed 
over  us  at  length,  and  it  was  no  unpleasing  sensation  to 
hear  the  wheels  at  twelve  o'clock  rattling  over  the  pave- 
ments of  the  capital  of  Pennsylvania,  and  to  see  the  stars 
twinkle  in  the  dim  waters  of  the  Susquehanna. 

2d  June,  Friday.  Walked  over  the  town  in  the  morn- 
ing, delivered  my  letters,  and  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Shunk 
to  the  office  of  the  Executive  Department.  Mr.  Trimble, 
the  Deputy  Secretary  of  State,  is  an  old  gentleman  who 
has  many  years  occupied  his  post,  and  under  whose  imme- 
diate charge  the  executive  papers  are  kept.  I  explained 
to  him  my  views,  but  he  was  slow  to  comprehend  ;  talked 
of  hurry  in  the  office  at  this  time,  and  other  things,  till  I 
began  to  be  a  little  discouraged.  He  seemed  to  shrink 
from  the  images  of  large  bundles  of  letters  on  file  which 
danced  before  his  mind,  and  huge  folio  journals,  and  to 
say  inwardly,  "  I  wish  you  would  not  trouble  me  with 
these  matters."  I  was  not  in  a  relenting  mood,  however, 
and  went  on  to  talk  and  explain,  till  the  venerable  deputy 
secretary,  apparently  to  get  rid  of  my  importunity,  pro- 
fessed to  comprehend  my  meaning,  and  said,  if  I  would 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  473 

content  myself  for  a  time  to  read  manuscript  journals, 
he  should  be  at  leisure  to  open  the  files. 

I  took  him  at  his  word,  and  he  produced  three  volumes 
of  the  original  minutes  of  the  Committee  (or  Council)  of 
Safety  for  Pennsylvania,  beginning  with  June,  1775. 
Upon  these  I  have  been  employed  the  whole  day. 

A  very  good  library  is  collected  here  belonging  to  the 
State,  many  volumes  of  which  were  presented  by  William 
Penn.  It  is  under  singular  regulations,  being  almost  en- 
tirely shut  out  from  the  world  by  its  rules.  The  legisla- 
ture consider  it  the  peculiar  property  of  its  own  body, 
and  restrict  its  use  to  themselves  alone,  and  some  of  the 
principal  officers  of  the  government.  By  what  right  do 
the  legislature  employ  the  people's  money  to  buy  books, 
and  shut  them  up  from  public  use  ?  The  same  question 
may  be  asked  in  regard  to  the  Congress  library.  It 
should  be  the  first  principle  of  all  libraries  to  diffuse 
knowledge  by  as  extensive  a  circulation  of  books  as  pos- 
sible. The  library  here  is  never  open  at  any  regular 
hours  except  during  the  session  of  the  legislature.  I 
spent  an  hour  to-day  in  a  negotiation  with  the  librarian 
and  others  to  devise  means  for  taking  a  volume  from  the 
library  and  carrying  it  ten  yards,  into  the  secretary's 
office.  The  librarian  said  he  had  no  power  to  suffer  a 
book  to  be  taken  from  the  rooms,  except  by  persons  duly 
authorized,  but  suggested  that  it  might  be  done  by  an 
order  from  the  deputy  secretary.  I  propounded  the  mat- 
ter to  this  officer,  who  turned  upon  me  such  a  look  of 
amazement  as  to  freeze  up  instantly  the  very  fountain- 
heads  of  hope.  "  An  order,  sir !  Such  a  thing  was  never 
done  in  this  office."  "  Sir,"  said  I,  "  you  do  not  perhaps 
understand  me.  By  virtue  of  your  office  you  have  power 
to  take  books  from  the  library ;  it  is  very  important  for 
me  to  have  a  volume  of  the  printed  journals  to  compare 
with  the  manuscripts ;  and  the  librarian  says  you  have 


474  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

only  to  write  a  line  to  him  and  the  volume  can  be  ob- 
tained." "  Such  a  thing  was  never  done,  sir,"  he  retorted 
again.  I  might  have  replied,  "  And  for  a  very  good  rea- 
son, I  suppose  :  such  a  case  never  before  occurred."  But 
this  would  have  been  too  deep  for  the  deputy  secretary, 
and  I  was  quiet.  I  said  no  more,  but  betook  myself 
seriously  to  pondering  how  I  could  remove  the  tremen- 
dous obstacles,  and  get  the  book  from  the  library  rooms, 
in  the  centre  of  the  State  House,  into  the  secretary's 
office  in  one  of  the  wings.  Half  despairing,  I  at  length 
accosted  the  deputy  secretary  again.  He  opened  his  eyes, 
but  listened.  He  would  not  hear  a  word  as  to  the  order, 
but  reiterated,  "  Such  a  thing,  sir,  was  never  done."  As 
if  a  thing  which  had  never  been  done  could  never  be 
done !  It  was  in  vain  to  expostulate,  and  the  affair 
ended  in  his  agreeing  to  call  at  the  library  to-morrow 
morning,  and  endeavor  to  procure  the  book.  So  much  for 
absurd  library  rules  and  narrow  views. 

The  laws  of  the  State  are  printed,  and  also  the  jour- 
nals of  Assembly,  and  sent  in  due  proportion  to  each 
county  from  the  secretary's  office.  The  printed  volumes 
are  just  completed,  and  they  are  now  in  the  operation  of 
being  put  into  boxes,  to  be  sent  to  each  county.  Three 
thousand  copies  of  the  laws  and  five  hundred  of  the 
journal  are  circulated.  They  are  sent  in  wagons  to 
each  county.  The  journal  (but  not  the  laws)  is  printed 
in  German  as  well  as  English.  Few  of  the  laws  are 
printed  in  newspapers.  This  mode  of  circulating  is  a 
tardy  business,  and  not  very  effectual. 

3d  June,  Saturday.  In  the  secretary's  office  all  the 
morning  reading  the  journals  of  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
and  of  the  Executive  Council,  which  succeeded  that  com- 
mittee. The  afternoon  I  passed  in  the  state  library, 
looking  over  the  printed  journals,  and  works  relating  to 
the  political  history  of  Pennsylvania. 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  475 

4:th  June,  Sunday.  Attended  meeting  in  the  morning, 
and  heard  Mr.  De  Witt  preach,  who  is  a  Presbyterian 
minister  of  this  place.  I  saw  him  while  attending  the 
General  Assembly  of  the  Presbyterian  Church,  and  he 
has  been  very  civil  to  me  since  his  return  to  this  place.  In 
the  afternoon  and  evening  I  was  not  well.  .  .  . 

6  th  June,  Tuesday.  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Have  been  all  day  employed  in  looking  through  a 
bundle  of  letters,  principally  written  by  General  Wash- 
ington and  General  Wayne  to  the  executive  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. Among  these  is  one  of  ten  folio  pages  in  General 
Washington's  own  hand.  This  is  remarkable,  as  almost 
all  his  official  letters  were  copied  by  his  secretaries. 
Wayne's  letters  are  strikingly  characteristic,  abrupt, 
pointed,  and  good-humored. 

Mr.  Trimble  was  secretary  to  the  Council  not  long 
after  the  formation  of  the  new  government,  which  was  in 
1777.  He  held  this  station  three  years,  while  Dr.  Frank- 
lin was  president.  He  says  it  was  Dr.  Franklin's  custom 
to  come  into  the  Council  Chamber  at  ten  o'clock  and  stay 
till  twelve.  He  was  then  infirm,  and  was  commonly 
brought  in  a  sedan  chair.  The  two  hours  of  his  attend- 
ance were  never  regarded  as  a  time  of  business,  but  were 
generally  taken  up  in  story-telling.  Dr.  Franklin  was 
full  of  his  anecdotes ;  his  manner  was  to  be  exceedingly 
grave  to  the  very  end  of  his  story,  and  then  to  join  most 
heartily  in  the  laugh.  Mr.  Muhlenberg,  the  vice-presi- 
dent, a  gentleman  of  much  good  nature  and  pleasantry, 
used  to  say,  after  Franklin  had  retired,  "  Come,  gentle- 
men, let  us  come  to  order  ;  it  is  time  to  proceed  to  business 
now  the  president  is  gone." 

It  is  reported  of  Franklin  that,  when  the  Pennsylvania 
Convention  were  about  instituting  a  new  form  of  govern- 
ment, he  objected  to  the  plan  of  a  legislature  with  two 
branches,  and  carried  his  point  chiefly  by  saying  that  it 


476  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

was  like  a  wagon  with  a  team  at  each  end  pulling  in  con- 
trary directions.  I  inquired  of  Mr.  Trimble  respecting 
this  point.  He  said  it  was  true,  that  Franklin  was  mainly 
instrumental  in  establishing  the  first  form  of  government 
in  Pennsylvania  after  the  Revolution  commenced,  and  that 
this  consisted  of  one  branch  only.  His  views  had  been 
strongly  impressed  on  this  subject  by  the  practice  of  the 
old  Proprietary  government  in  Pennsylvania,  where  a  law 
must  be  approved  by  a  second  branch  before  it  could  go 
into  effect,  and  where  also  there  was  a  negative  of  this 
branch.  He  had  seen  such  delays  and  evils  growing  out 
of  this  system  that  he  had  made  up  his  mind  that  it  could 
not  be  so  modified  as  to  be  made  beneficial.  Experience, 
however,  has  proved  his  mistake.  Pennsylvania  herself 
went  along  very  clumsily  in  the  business  of  government 
while  the  first  scheme  continued  in  operation,  and  was  in 
a  few  years  induced  to  alter  the  constitution  for  a  more 
liberal  form. 

I  must  not  forget  to  mention  that  I  have  this  day  seen 
the  chair  in  which  the  presidents  of  the  old  Congress  sat, 
and  which  bore  the  weight  of  Hancock  when  he  signed  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  It  looks  like  other  venerable 
old  chairs.  It  is  now  used  by  the  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  Pennsylvania.  I  sat  down  in  it, 
but  was  not  aware  of  being  inspired  by  any  uncommon 
measure  of  political  wisdom.  When  I  am  in  Philadel- 
phia I  spend  much  of  my  time  in  the  library  of  the  Philo- 
sophical Hall.  I  there  sit  in  Dr.  Franklin's  chair,  which  is 
bequeathed  to  the  society  of  which  he  was  the  first  presi- 
dent. The  difference  between  the  two  is  that  the  former 
is  the  chair  of  a  statesman,  and  the  latter  of  a  philoso- 
pher. The  congressional  chair  is  of  mahogany,  but  little 
carved,  plain  in  its  structure,  with  a  tall  back  rising  some 
twelve  inches  above  the  head,  and  having  a  slight  gilt 
ornament  near  the  top.    Franklin's  chair  is  more  massive, 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  477 

more  antique  in  appearance,  and  supplied  with  various 
appurtenances  which  show  that  its  image  was  first  created 
in  the  head  of  a  philosopher.  These  two  chairs,  and  the 
presidential  chair  in  Harvard  College,  I  take  to  be  the 
most  remarkable  specimens  of  this  kind  of  furniture  in 
America.  If  age  gives  precedence,  the  Harvard  chair 
will  doubtless  put  in  the  strongest  claims ;  as  to  other 
qualities  I  will  not  decide. 

Passed  the  evening  very  agreeably  in  conversation  with 
Mr.  Strickland,  the  celebrated  architect,  who  is  my  fellow- 
boarder.  He  is  now  engaged  as  engineer  in  surveying 
the  route  of  a  canal  which  passes  near  this  place,  and  is 
a  project  of  considerable  magnitude  lately  undertaken  by 
the  State.  He  has  recently  returned  from  Europe,  where 
he  has  been  expressly  to  perfect  himself  in  the  arts,  or 
sciences,  for  which  he  seems  to  have  an  enthusiastic  at- 
tachment. He  was  the  architect  of  the  United  States 
Bank  in  Philadelphia,  the  finest  specimen  of  Grecian 
architecture  in  America.  He  is  now  commencing  a  work 
in  numbers,  with  elegant  drawings,  to  illustrate  the  vari- 
ous departments  of  civil  engineering. 

1th  June,  Wednesday,  Employed  all  day  in  reading 
the  letters  on  file  in  the  secretary's  office,  and  in  the  office 
of  the  clerk  of  the  Assembly.  Mr.  William  Grimshaw 
called  in  the  morning.  I  had  a  letter  to  him  ;  he  is  a 
lawyer  in  this  place,  and  the  author  of  a  small  history  of 
England,  and  of  the  United  States,  designed  for  schools. 

The  "Minutes  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,"  contained 
in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  are  bound  in  three 
volumes,  beginning  July  3,  1775,  and  ending  March 
13,  1777.  Dr.  Franklin  was  the  first  president  of  this 
Committee,  or  Council,  and  constantly  attended  when  the 
Continental  Congress  was  not  in  session.  Eobert  Morris 
was  the  next  president.  Eittenhouse  was  a  member  of 
the  board  during  the  second  year  of  its  existence,  and 


478  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

was  rarely  absent  from  his  post.  He  was  Engineer  to 
the  Council.  The  Committee  of  Safety  was  appointed  by 
the  Assembly,  with  very  extensive  powers,  embracing  all 
the  authority  usually  given  to  executive  officers,  and  ap- 
parently all  other  powers  but  those  of  making  laws  and 
raising  money.  They  ordered  new  levies,  made  appoint- 
ments, built  vessels,  issued  regulations  for  army  and 
navy,  arrested  suspicious  persons,  seized  on  papers,  and 
imprisoned. 

A  Council  of  Safety  was  instituted  immediately  after 
its  removal  to  Lancaster,  when  driven  from  Philadelphia 
by  the  British.  The  act  authorizing  this  Council  was 
passed  October  13,  1777,  at  Lancaster ;  the  Council  con- 
vened October  17th,  issuing  a  .proclamation  on  that  day, 
in  which  its  powers  and  purposes  are  set  forth.  The  last 
record  of  its  proceedings  is  dated  December  6th.  It  was 
composed  of  all  the  members  of  the  Executive  Council, 
and  certain  other  persons  named  by  the  Assembly.  It 
was  to  be  dissolved  at  any  time  by  the  Executive  Council ; 
and  it  was  thus  dissolved  by  proclamation  December  6, 
1777.  It  was  a  useless  body,  as  all  its  duties  were  easily 
discharged  by  the  Executive  Council. 

Sth  June,  Thursday,  Reading  letters  on  file  received 
by  the  executive,  and  also  letters  sent  by  the  executive. 
Two  or  three  curious  particulars  came  up  in  a  historical 
point  of  view,  one  of  which  is  the  account  of  differences 
between  General  Washington  and  the  Council  of  Penn- 
sylvania. I  have  directed  copies  of  the  whole  correspon- 
dence to  be  taken. 

To-day  has  been  the  fair  in  Harrisburgh.  The  rabble 
from  the  neighboring  country  has  been  gathered  into  the 
town,  and  shows,  dancing,  piping,  and  various  testimonies 
of  rude  hilarity  have  been  exhibited.     These  are  demor- 


SOUTHERN   TOUR  IN  1826.  479 

alizing  assemblages,  and  the  legislature  has  passed  laws 
prohibiting  fairs ;  but  the  laws  could  not  at  once  break 
down  a  confirmed  habit.  The  fairs  are  now  called  mar- 
ket-days by  those  who  lead  in  them,  and  thus  the  law 
is  evaded.  The  people  claim  a  right  to  assemble,  in  a 
peaceable  and  orderly  manner,  when  they  choose.  The 
law  against  fairs  is  dormant. 

9th  June,  Friday.  Finished  my  researches  in  the  of- 
fices of  state,  and  left  my  memoranda  in  charge  of  Mr. 
Trimble.  I  have  engaged  Mr.  William  Grimshaw  to  at- 
tend to  the  copying  of  the  whole,  and  to  send  the  manu- 
script to  the  care  of  Mr.  Small,  Philadelphia. 

The  materials  for  a  colonial  history  of  Pennsylvania 
are  full.  In  the  secretary's  office  there  is,  in  manuscript, 
the  journal  of  the  Council  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, and  the  territories  thereunto  belonging,  commonly 
called  the  "  Provincial  Kecord,"  in  nineteen  volumes. 
The  first  record  is  dated  Philadelphia,  January  10, 168 §, 
William  Penn  himself  president  of  the  Council  in  session. 
This  journal  comes  down  to  1775,  when  the  old  Council 
ceased  to  exist.  From  that  period  the  "  Minutes  of  the 
Council  of  Safety,"  and  then  the  "  Minutes  of  the  Execu- 
tive Council,"  make  the  series  complete  to  the  present 
time. 

"  The  Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives "  have  also  been  published  from  the  beginning. 
Three  volumes,  printed  by  Franklin  &  Hall  in  1752,  com- 
prise the  period  between  the  first  record,  December  4, 
1682,  and  1742.  From  that  time  the  journal  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  has  been  printed  in  full.  The 
first  two  volumes  under  the  new  government,  and  the  last 
under  the  old,  are  very  important  in  connection  with  the 
history  of  the  Revolution. 

The  volume  of  Pennsylvania  laws,  called  "  Galloway's 
Laws,"   contains   such  acts   as   have  been  printed  from 


480  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

1682  to  1775,  in  which  latter  year  the  work  was  printed. 
Then  comes  "  McKean's  Laws,"  in  two  volumes,  begin- 
ning where  Galloway's  closes,  and  ending  with  1781. 
"  Dallas's  Laws "  come  down  to  1801,  in  four  volumes. 
This  work  embraces  none  of  the  early  laws,  except  such 
as  were  then  in  force,  but  apparently  contains  all  the  acts 
that  were  passed  from  1781  to  1801.  Galloway's  and 
McKean's  Laws  are  essential  in  writing  a  history  of  the 
Revolution. 

As  I  was  desirous  of  inquiring  into  the  condition  of  the 
papers  left  by  General  Wayne,  Governor  Findlay  politely 
offered  me  a  letter  to  his  son,  who  resides  in  Chester 
County,  near  Paoli. 

General  Bernard,  the  former  Secretary  of  State,  showed 
me  the  original  charter  granted  by  King  Charles  to 
William  Penn.  It  is  composed  of  four  large  sheets  of 
parchment,  with  highly  ornamented  borders,  and  stitched 
together  in  form  of  a  book.  He  also  showed  me  several 
Indian  treaties,  with  the  uncouth  signatures  of  the  chiefs, 
and  the  wampum  given  by  Cornplanter  to  the  governor 
when  he  ceded  his  territory.  Here  are  deposited,  also, 
the  colors  taken  from  the  Hessians  at  Trenton.  There 
are  six  or  seven  stand,  much  tattered,  and  they  will  soon 
fall  to  pieces,  unless  preserved  with  more  care.  They 
were  rolled  up  in  a  wallet,  and  thrust  into  a  corner. 
They  were  given  to  Pennsylvania  on  account  of  the  brav- 
ery of  her  troops  in  the  engagement. 

Left  Harrisburgh  in  the  stage  at  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  and  arrived  at  Lancaster  the  same  evening. 

10th  June,  Saturday.  From  Lancaster  to  Paoli. 
General  Evans,  to  whom  I  had  a  letter  from  Governor 
Findlay,  supplied  me  with  a  horse,  and  I  rode  to  Mr. 
Wayne's,  only  one  mile  distant.  Mr.  Wayne  said  his 
father  left  a  large  mass  of  papers,  which  he  had  carefully 
preserved,  but  that  he  had  recently  put  them  into  the 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  481 

hands  of  a  person  who  was  preparing  a  biography  of 
General  Wayne,  which  would  be  somewhat  extensive,  and 
doubtless  embrace  the  most  important  materials.  Mr. 
Wayne  thinks  these  papers  very  valuable,  as  throwing 
light  on  the  Revolution,  —  that  General  Wayne  was  in 
constant  correspondence  with  many  persons,  and  pre- 
served all  his  papers.  He  supposes  the  work  will  be 
ready  in  a  few  mouths. 

Returned  to  Paoli,  and  then  rode  to  Valley  Forge, 
about  five  miles.  .  Here  the  American  army  was  encamped 
under  Washington  while  the  British  had  possession  of 
Philadelphia,  that  is,  from  December,  1777,  to  June,  1778, 
about  six  months.  The  scenery  of  this  spot  is  beautiful. 
Its  local  advantages  for  protecting  an  army  are  very 
great.  A  small  creek  here  empties  into  the  Schuylkill, 
on  the  margin  of  which  arise  hills  with  an  abrupt  ascent. 
On  the  sides  of  these  hills  the  army  was  encamped,  pro- 
tected by  the  Schuylkill  on  one  side,  and  the  ridges 
of  the  hills,  which  are  covered  with  wood,  on  the  other. 
The  house  in  which  General  Washington  resided  is  still 
standing,  at  the  bottom  of  the  valley,  near  the  site  of  the 
old  Forge,  from  which  the  place  took  its  name.  The 
Hon.  Isaac  Anderson,  formerly  member  of  Congress, 
was  present,  and  explained  to  me  the  grounds  and  sta- 
tions held  by  the  different  branches  of  the  army.  He 
was  a  young  man  at  the  time,  but  had  a  distinct  recollec- 
tion of  all  particulars. 

White  Marsh,  where  the  army  was  encamped  for  a 
time,  is  ten  or  twelve  miles  below  Valley  Forge,  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Schuylkill. 

11th  June,  Sunday.  Rode  out  this  morning  to  see  the  ' 
"  Paoli  Monument,''  about  two  miles  from  Paoli.  General 
Evans  accompanied  me.  This  monument  was  raised  in 
1817,  to  commemorate  the  event  of  what  has  been  called 
"  the  Massacre  of  the  Troops  under  General  Wayne."  On 
31 


482  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

the  night  of  the  20th  of  September,  1777,  General  Wayne 
was  ordered  to  hang  on  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  who  was 
then  in  this  neighborhood,  in  the  valley  between  Paoli  and 
Valley  Forge.  A  party  under  General  Grey  surprised 
Wayne  in  his  camp,  and  killed  fifty-three  men,  as  recorded 
on  the  monument.  These  men  were  buried  together, 
and  the  monument  is  erected  over  their  remains.  General 
Wayne  was  censured  at  the  time  for  allowing  himself  to 
be  thus  surprised,  but  a  court  of  inquiry  cleared  him 
from  all  censure.  Mr.  Wayne  (Hon.  Isaac  Wayne)  yes- 
terday told  me  that  the  thing  had  never  been  properly 
represented ;  that  there  was  no  surprise  or  massacre,  but 
that  General  Wayne's  men  were  prepared  to  receive  the 
enemy,  and  resisted.  The  common  belief  is,  however, 
that  Grey's  party  approached  the  picket,  who  fired  and 
was  killed ;  that  they  took  the  flints  from  their  guns  to 
prevent  any  possible  alarm,  and  then  marched  directly 
into  Wayne's  camp,  and  butchered  the  men  with  the  bay- 
onet, while  many  of  them  were  asleep.  Wayne  was  in 
a  log-house  at  a  short  distance,  and  barely  escaped.  The 
men  had  been  on  hard  duty,  and  were  excessively  fatigued. 
Left  Paoli  in  the  stage  at  two  o'clock  P.  M.,  and  ar- 
rived in  Philadelphia  in  the  evening. 

12th  June,  Monday.  In  the  Athenaeum  ;  called  on 
friends ;  writing  and  reading.  Walk  and  talk  with  Mr. 
Vaughan,  who  pointed  out  to  me  the  place  of  Franklin's 
residence,  now  built  over  with  small  houses  and  crossed 
with  a  lane.  Mr.  Vaughan  was  intimately  acquainted 
with  Dickinson,  the  author  of  the  "Farmer's  Letters," 
and  resided  much  at  Wilmington  while  Dickinson  lived 
there.  This  was  the  time  in  which  discussions  on  the 
Federal  Constitution  ran  high.  Mr.  Vaughan  urged 
Dickinson  to  write  on  the  subject,  and  he  at  length  con- 
sented. He  produced  a  series  of  articles  with  the  signa- 
ture of  Fabius.     The  condition  was,  that  no  person  but 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  483 

Mr.  Vaughan  should  know  the  author,  and  nearly  all  the 
essays  were  taken  by  him  from  Dickinson  at  Wilmington, 
and  were  first  published  in  an  obscure  paper  in  Philadel- 
phia to  insure  secrecy.  The  editor  supposed  them  to 
come  from  Lancaster.  They  were  immediately  copied 
into  other  papers  and  circulated  widely.  Dickinson  after- 
wards published  a  second  series  of  the  letters  of  Fabius, 
in  which  he  inclined  more  to  the  French  politics  than 
suited  the  old  party. 

Mr.  Small,  the  bookseller,  told  me  to-day  that  Judge 
Washington,  some  months  ago,  offered  him  the  copyright 
of  three  or  five  volumes  of  "  General  Washington's  Let- 
ters," and  asked  him  110,000. 

Passed  the  evening  with  Mr.  Walsh,  who  is  always 
agreeable  in  conversation,  quick  in  thought,  fluent  in  lan- 
guage, and  fertile  in  anecdote.  Mr.  Hopkinson  and  Dr. 
Chapman  were  also  present  part  of  the  evening.  There 
are  few  brighter  and  livelier  minds  than  that  of  Mr.  Hop- 
kinson. He  is  a  stanch  defender  of  Hunter  against  the 
article  in  the  50th  No.  of  the  "  North  American  Ke- 
view,'\  and  believes  Hunter  will  reply.  Dr.  Chapman 
doubted  not  that  Hunter  was  an  impostor;  Mr.  Walsh 
thought  the  evidence  against  him  strong,  but  was  willing 
to  suspend  his  opinion.  There  is  no  tracing  the  root  of 
prejudice.  I  find  persons  here  who  suppose  Governor 
Cass,  in  the  article  above  mentioned,  remarked  freely  on 
Long's  expedition  to  gratify  an  old  pique ;  and  Mr. 
Walsh  repeated  what  he  had  before  written  to  me,  that  it 
was  a  settled  thing  for  Cass,  Clinton,  and  Schoolcraft  to 
puff  each  other,  and  decry  everybody  else  that  writes  on 
Indians,  or  anything  else  which  comes  in  contact  with 
them.  In  this  matter  I  doubt  not  that  Mr.  Walsh's  ima- 
gination has  led  him  astray.     But  whose  does  not  ? 


484  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

RESEARCHES   IN   DELAWARE. 

13^  June,  Tuesday.  One  hour  in  the  morning  in  the 
library  of  the  Philosophical  Society.  Left  Philadelphia 
in  the  stage  at  eight  o'clock  for  Wilmington,  and  arrived 
there  at  half  past  one.  Visited  Mr.  Victor  Du  Pont,  to 
whom  I  had  a  letter  from  Mr.  Vaughan.  The  establish- 
ment of  the  brothers  Du  Pont  is  four  miles  up  the  Bran- 
dy wine  from  Wilmington.  The  situation  is  on  the  bank 
of  the  river  and  romantic.  Victor  Du  Pont  has  been 
known  as  a  politician  of  some  note  in  France.  In  this 
retreat  he  lives  in  a  style  of  considerable  elegance.  He 
gave  me  a  letter  to  Henry  M.  Ridgely,  Secretary  of  the 
State  of  Delaware.  He  is  himself  a  member  of  the 
Senate  of  the  State.  Keturned  to  Wilmington  in  the 
evening,  and  lodged  there. 

14^  June,  Wednesday.  Agreed  with  Messrs.  Henry 
and  Albert  Wilson,  editors  of  the  "  Delaware  Watchman," 
to  be  agents  for  the  "  North  American  Keview."  Took 
the  stage  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  arrived  in 
Dover  at  sunset,  having  traveled  fifty  miles  over  a  very 
level  road.  In  Newcastle  I  inquired  about  the  Swedes 
who  first  settled  there,  before  Penn's  landing  in  this  coun- 
try. None  remain;  they  are  dispersed  in  the  country, 
a  few  only  in  the  neighborhood.  Presented  my  letter  to 
Mr.  Ridgely,  and  am  sorry  to  find  my  prospects  of  pro- 
curing materials  here  are  very  slender.  Almost  no  papers 
of  historical  interest  remain  in  the  secretary's  office. 
But  more  of  this  to-morrow. 

lbth  June,  Thursday.  Mr.  Eidgely  introduced  me 
into  the  secretary's  office,  and  convinced  me  by  ocular 
demonstration  that  it  contains  no  manuscript  papers  of 
early  date.  I  found  nothing  but  the  journal  of  the  Privy 
Council  under  the  old  Constitution,  —  meagre  beyond 
description,  —  and  the  muster-rolls   and  pay-rolls  of  the 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  485 

several  companies  belonging  to  the  Delaware  regiment 
during  the  Revolution.  From  these  I  have  collected  a 
tolerable  history  of  that  regiment. 

Dined  with  Mr.  Ridgely  in  company  with  his  brother, 
Chancellor  Ridgely,  who  was  a  member  of  the  Conven- 
tion of  1792  which  formed  the  present  Constitution  of 
Delaware.  John  Dickinson  was  also  member  of  that  con- 
vention, and  was  chosen  to  be  president,  but  declined 
on  the  ground,  doubtless,  that  he  wished  to  take  a  more 
active  part  than  he  could  do  as  president.  Mr.  Mont- 
gomery was  president.  Dickinson  had  drafted  a  consti- 
tution, which  was  reported,  and,  in  those  parts  relating  to 
the  modes  of  election,  executive  and  legislative  powers, 
adopted  without  much  alteration ;  but  the  judiciary  sys- 
tem was  essentially  changed  from  his  plan.  Mr.  Ridgely 
represents  him  as  a  timid  politician.  He  was  always  sub- 
ject to  alarms  and  apprehensions  of  evil.  Mr.  R.  says 
that  Grayson,  in  his  letters  from  Pennsylvania,  draws  a 
very  exact  picture  of  Dickinson.  He  wanted  decision  and 
firmness  in  action,  as  much  as  he  appeared  to  possess 
them  in  his  writings.  He  is  believed  to  have  been  born 
on  the  borders  of  Maryland,  but  his  father  early  pur- 
chased an  estate  near  Dover  in  Delaware,  between  the 
town  and  the  bay,  and  in  this  county  Dickinson  received 
his  early  education.  He  afterwards  spent  three  or  four 
years  in  Europe,  then  returned  and  resided  in  Philadel- 
phia, where  he  soon  after  wrote  the  "  Farmer's  Letters." 
When  Dr.  Franklin  proposed  to  abolish  the  Proprietary 
government  in  Pennsylvania,  Dickinson  opposed  the  mea- 
sure. He  also  voted  against  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, and,  when  attacked  for  it  by  a  strong  writer  under 
the  signature  of  Valerius,  he  defended  himself  by  saying 
he  thought  the  time  was  not  yet  arrived  for  such  a  step. 
He  was  chosen  president  of  the  State  of  Delaware  while 
he  yet  resided  in  Pennsylvania,  and  attended  to  the  duties 


486  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

of  that  office,  though  he  did  not  permanently  change  his 
place  of  residence.  While  president  of  Delaware  he  was 
chosen  president  of  Pennsylvania,  which  office  he  ac- 
cepted, still  retaining  the  other.  Nor  did  he  seem 
inclined  to  resign  either  of  them,  till  some  uneasiness 
expressed  by  the  legislature  of  Delaware  induced  him 
to  resign  the  presidency  of  that  State.  Under  the  old 
government  the  three  counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and 
Sussex,  which  now  constitute  the  State  of  Delaware, 
enjoyed  a  separate  legislature,  under  the  governor  of 
Pennsylvania.  It  was  the  governor's  custom  to  meet 
the  legislature  at  Newcastle;  and  perhaps  Mr.  Dickin- 
son thought  the  new  system  of  things  would  go  on  in  a 
similar  manner.  Some  of  the  members  of  the  early  Con- 
gresses, chosen  to  represent  the  State  of  Delaware,  did 
not  reside  in  the  State.  Thomas  McKean  was  a  delegate 
for  Delaware  while  he  was  chief  justice  of  Pennsylva- 
nia.    Such  is  Chancellor  Ridgely's  account. 

One  reason  why  the  secretary's  office  contains  no 
papers  is  that  this  office  has  had  no  fixed  place  till  re- 
cently. The  secretary  has  lived  in  different  parts  of  the 
State,  and  the  office  has  been  at  his  own  residence.  All 
the  papers  have  thus  been  scattered  and  lost.  The  early 
presidents  probably  kept  the  papers  they  received.  This 
opinion  is  confirmed  from  the  fact  that  Caesar  Rodney's 
papers  have  been  printed  in  part  in  Mr.  Niles'  selection 
of  papers  on  the  Revolution,  and  among  these  are  General 
Washington's  letters  to  him  as  president  of  the  State  of 
Delaware. 

Chancellor  Ridgely  told  the  following  story.  In  the 
old  Congress,  on  a  certain  occasion,  Nelson  of  Virginia 
proposed  to  have  a  body  of  Continental  troops  sent  into 
that  State  to  quell  internal  commotions.  Rodney  of  Del- 
aware opposed  the  motion,  stating  that  Delaware  had 
internal  troubles,  but  managed  to  quiet  them  without  call- 


SOUTHERN   TOUR  IN  1826.  487 

ing  in  the  aid  of  Continental  troops,  and  he  doubted  not 
that  Virginia  could  do  the  same.  Nelson  rose,  and  ex- 
pressed himself  with  a  good  deal  of  contempt  of  little 
Delaware,  and  professed  to  be  much  astonished  that  the 
gentleman  should  presume  to  compare  that  State  with  the 
wide  dominion  of  Virginia,  and  intimated  that  there  was 
not  any  parallel  between  them.  Rodney,  who  was  natu- 
rally shrewd,  with  a  good  share  of  humor,  rose  very 
gravely,  and  acknowledged  himself  to  have  spoken  unad- 
visedly, agreed  that  Virginia  was  a  great  State,  justly 
deserving  the  protection  of  her  neighbors,  and  propos- 
ing that  the  Delaware  regiment  should  be  sent  to  take 
her  under  its  special  charge  and  protection.  The  effect 
of  this  proposition  on  the  house  was  such  that  Nelson 
was  glad  to  drop  the  subject  without  further  discussion. 
The  story  used  to  be  told  afterwards  at  dinner-tables, 
much  to  the  annoyance  of  Nelson. 

Engaged  in  the  afternoon  and  evening  reading  the 
journals  of  the  Assembly  of  Delaware,  otherwise  called 
the  "Votes  and  Proceedings  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  Delaware." 

16th  June,  Friday.  Occupied  till  dinner  examining 
the  journals  of  Assembly,  and  copying  from  them  a  few 
extracts.  The  first  printed  journals  which  I  have  seen 
began  in  the  year  1762.  From  that  period  they  appear 
to  have  been  regularly  printed  to  the  present  time,  though 
not  annually ;  for,  in  one  case,  four  or  five  years  were 
printed  together.  The  journal  for  1762  is  said  on  the 
title-page  to  have  been  "  published  by  Thomas  McKean 
and  Caesar  Rodney,  members  of  the  Assembly."  For 
many  years  the  journal  was  published  under  the  direction 
of  McKean,  Rodney,  or  George  Read.  Sometimes  only 
one  hundred  copies  were  printed,  as  appears  by  the  re- 
solves of  the  Assembly  to  that  effect.  It  is  extremely 
difficult  now  to  find  a  copy.     I  can  hear  of  but  one,  and 


488  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

that  is  the  copy  I  have  been  consulting,  which  belongs  to 
Chancellor  Ridgely. 

The  "Laws  of  Delaware"  have  been  printed  in  five 
volumes.  A  sixth  is  nearly  ready,  embracing  the  last 
acts.  These  volumes  contain  all  the  printed  acts,  and, 
indeed,  all  the  acts  which  have  been  passed,  except  a  few 
of  a  private  nature.  Henry  M.  Ridgely,  Esq.,  Secretary 
of  State,  says  he  will  procure  from  the  legislature  a  copy 
of  these  laws  and  send  me. 

Dined  in  company  with  Judge  Davis  and  Mr.  George 
Read,  grandson  of  the  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence of  that  name.  Mr.  Read  said  his  grandfather 
left  many  papers,  and  that  his  brother,  William  Read, 
has  recently  collected  and  written  from  a  life  of  George 
Read,  for  the  work  entitled  a  "  Biography  of  the  Sign- 
ers of  the  Declaration."  To  these  papers  he  says  I  can 
without  difficulty  obtain  access. 

When  the  subject  of  independence  was  discussed  in 
Congress,  McKean  and  Read  were  the  only  delegates 
present  from  Delaware,  and  the  latter  was  opposed  to  the 
Declaration.  In  this  state  of  things  McKean  saw  that 
the  vote  of  Delaware  would  be  lost,  and  he  sent  an  ex- 
press with  all  possible  dispatch  for  Rodney.  He  arrived 
in  the  morning  but  a  short  time  before  the  assembling  of 
Congress  on  the  4th  of  July,  and  thereby  secured  the  vote 
of  Delaware. 

It  was  the  understanding  that,  if  the  "  Declaration  " 
was  carried,  it  should  be  signed  by  all  the  members.  On 
this  ground  Read  signed,  although  he  voted  against  the 
measure.  Dickinson,  who  took  an  active  part  in  the 
opposition,  did  not  sign.  Mr.  Read  says  there  is  a  tradi- 
tion in  the  family  that  his  grandfather  had  a  long  inter- 
view with  Dickinson  on  the  morning  before  the  signatures 
were  to  be  affixed,  and  endeavored  to  persuade  him  to 
sign,  but  without  success.     Dickinson's  timidity  completely 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  489 

overcame  him ;  and  perhaps  he  thought,  also,  there  would 
be  too  great  an  appearance  of  inconsistency  in  putting  his 
name  to  an  instrument  which  he  had  so  warmly  opposed. 
There  was  no  just  occasion,  however,  for  this  delicacy, 
and  his  reluctance  must  be  ascribed  chiefly  to  the  timid- 
ity of  his  character.  McKean  was  necessarily  absent  at 
the  time  the  signatures  were  affixed,  and  he  signed  after- 
wards. 

Mr.  Read  mentioned  one  fact  very  much  to  the  credit 
of  Dickinson.  He  had  early  contracted  a  warm  friend- 
ship for  George  Read,  which  was  never  diminished.  A 
short  time  after  Read's  death,  Dickinson  called  to  see  his 
widow,  and  said  he  was  aware  that  his  friend's  pecuniary 
circumstances  were  not  very  prosperous  during  the  latter 
years  of  his  life,  and  was  fearful  she  might  find  herself 
under  some  embarrassments  in  these  respects.  But,  he 
added,  it  was  a  pleasure  to  him  to  be  able  to  assist  her, 
and  took  from  his  pocket  the  deed  of  an  estate  worth 
86,000,  which  he  presented  her.  Mr.  Read  did  not  say 
whether  she  accepted  it  or  not.  Dickinson  studied  law  at 
the  Temple  in  London. 

The  grand  Court  of  Appeals,  at  which  the  chancellor 
presides,  is  now  holding  its  session  here.  I  attended  two 
or  three  hours  this  afternoon.  Heard  an  argument  on  a 
law  point  by  Mr.  Rodgers,  the  attorney-general,  and  a 
reply  by  Mr.  Clayton,  senator  in  Congress  from  Dela- 
ware. There  is  no  end  to  the  quibbles  and  refinements  of 
law.  It  is  happy  for  Delaware  that  the  people  have  but 
few  laws,  and  that  they  have  latterly  repealed  old  laws 
nearly  as  fast  as  they  have  made  new  ones. 

Judge  Davis,  of  this  State,  tells  me  that  he  knew  Dick- 
inson well ;  that  he  was  timid,  but  was  always  noted  for 
his  amiable  temper,  affable  deportment,  great  kindness, 
and  practical  benevolence.  Dickinson,  Mr.  Clayton,  — 
father  of  the  present  senator  in  Congress  from  Delaware, 


490  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826. 

—  and  Chancellor  Ridgely  were  the  principal  agents  in 
forming  the  constitution  of  the  State,  and  carrying  it 
through  the  convention. 

11th  June,  Saturday.  Mr.  George  Read,  Jr.,  gave  me 
a  letter  of  introduction  to  his  brother,  William  T.  Read, 
who  wrote  the  Life  of  his  grandfather  which  is  inserted 
in  the  "  Biography  of  the  Signers  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence."  He  has  in  his  possession  all  the  remain- 
ing papers  of  George  Read.  I  arrived  in  Newcastle  at 
five  o'clock  this  afternoon,  and  immediately  presented  my 
letter  to  Mr.  William  T.  Read,  and  he  voluntarily  offered 
me  the  papers  for  examination.  I  have  spent  four  hours 
in  looking  through  the  parcels,  and  selecting  papers  to  be 
copied.  Many  of  the  most  important  have  been  published 
in  the  biographical  sketch  above  mentioned.  The  letters 
to  Rodney,  McKean,  and  Dickinson,  and  theirs  in  reply, 
are  particularly  valuable.  I  have  examined  the  whole, 
and  engaged  Mr.  Read  to  procure  copies  to  be  taken  of 
such  parts  as  I  have  designated,  and  to  write  me  by  mail  at 
the  same  time.  George  Read  was  an  active  man  through 
the  whole  Revolution,  and  in  connection  with  Dickinson, 
Rodney,  and  McKean,  contributed  much  to  aid  the  prog- 
ress of  events. 

George  Read,  the  signer  of  the  Declaration,  resided  in 
Newcastle.  George  Read,  the  son,  now  lives  here.  George 
Read,  the  grandson,  also  lives  here,  and  is  a  lawyer. 

PHILADELPHIA. 

l&th  June,  Sunday.  Arrived  in  Philadelphia  at  nine 
o'clock.  Mr.  Vaughan  had  insisted  on  my  taking  lodg- 
ings with  him  in  the  Philosophical  Hall ;  and  here  I  am 
now,  sitting  in  Franklin's  chair,  surrounded  by  divers  phi- 
losophical instruments,  books,  antique  and  modern  busts, 
implements  of  agriculture,  cases  of  minerals,  shells,  in- 
sects, and  other  insignia  of  the  high  order  of  philosophy. 
In  the  evening  at  church,  and  heard  Mr.  Furness. 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  491 

19th  June,  Monday.  In  the  library  of  the  Philosophi- 
cal Society  all  day.  Dr.  Mease  told  me  the  following 
anecdote.  A  week  before  the  battle  of  Guilford,  when 
the  troops  were  very  destitute  of  clothes,  particularly  of 
shoes,  Colonel  Henry  Lee  hit  upon  an  expedient  for  sup- 
plying a  part  of  his  men.  He  came  to  a  Quaker  meeting- 
house during  the  time  of  service,  and  ordered  his  ser- 
geants to  go  in  and  take  the  boots  and  shoes  from  the  feet 
of  the  assembled  worshipers.  The  order  was  executed, 
and  the  scene  was  not  a  little  ludicrous,  for  some  did  not 
part  with  their  boots  without  reluctance ;  and  the  sturdy 
sergeants  were  seen  dragging  the  resisting  Quakers  in  va- 
rious directions  across  the  floor  by  the  heels  of  their  boots. 
The  work  was  at  length  finished,  and  a  good  stock  of 
boots  secured.  The  anecdote  was  related  to  Dr.  Mease 
by  Captain  Piquett,  of  the  Delaware  line,  who  stood  at 
the  door  by  the  side  of  Lee  and  witnessed  the  scene. 
Piquett  served  as  captain  through  the  whole  Revolution, 
and  is  now  living  in  Wilmington,  Del. 

Passed  an  hour  with  Mr.  De  Wallenstein  in  the  even- 
ing. He  is  engaged  in  writing  an  article  for  me  on  the 
works  of  Commodore  Kruzenstern,  who  is  noted  for  his 
maritime  expeditions  under  the  Russian  government. 
Also  at  Mr.  Furness's. 

20th  June,  Tuesday.  Morning  in  the  library  of  the 
Philosophical  Society.  Call  on  friends.  List  of  historical 
books  to  be  procured  for  me  by  Mr.  Small.  .  .  .  Accom- 
plished many  little  matters  too  numerous  to  mention. 
Sent  two  last  numbers  of  u  North  American  Review  "  to 
General  Evans.  Wrote  Wilson  about  the  agency,  and 
told  him  that  many  subscribers  might  be  obtained  in 
Delaware  with  a  little  pains.  Walked  and  talked  with 
Mr.  Hurlbut.  Left  Philadelphia  at  twelve  o'clock,  and 
reached  Trenton  at  half  past  four.  Stop  at  Vancleve's, 
and   call   immediately  on    Mr.  Daniel   Coleman,  Secre- 


492  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

tary  of  State,  to  whom  I  had  a  letter  from  Governor 
Dickerson.  With  marked  affability,  and  disposition  to 
lend  me  every  aid,  Mr.  Coleman  showed  me  all  the  rec- 
ords in  the  different  offices  of  the  State.  Those  relating 
to  the  Revolution  are  scanty.  To-morrow  I  am  to  engage 
in  active  operations. 

Read  Wallenstein's  paper  on  Observatories,  which  he 
wrote  for  the  committee  of  Congress.  It  is  good,  —  bet- 
ter than  either  of  the  others  sent  to  the  same  committee. 
The  "  New  York  Review  "  has  been  too  hard  upon  it,  — 
unjust,  indiscriminating. 

TRENTON. 

21st  June,  Wednesday.  Mr.  Coleman  took  me  into 
the  New  Jersey  state  library,  which  is  kept  in  a  room  in 
the  State  House,  and  in  which  are  deposited  all  the  origi- 
nal journals  and  acts  of  the  old  colony  and  the  State.  I 
here  found  also  a  fuller  collection  of  the  laws  of  the  dif- 
ferent States  than  I  have  anywhere  else  found. 

The  Revolutionary  correspondence  in  the  secretary's 
office  is  very  scanty.  All  the  letters  of  importance  have 
been  taken  out,  or  were  never  deposited.  Those  which 
remain  relate  chiefly  to  the  settlement  of  accounts  at  the 
close  of  the  Revolution,  both  with  the  United  States  and 
individuals  in  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  In  his  office,  also, 
are  all  the  old  records  of  wills,  deeds,  and  papers  relating 
to  lands. 

In  the  library  I  found  a  large  folio  volume  of  manu- 
script letters  (originals),  chiefly  written  to  Governor  Liv- 
ingston during  the  Revolution.  Many  of  these  were  from 
General  Washington.  The  whole  collection  is  highly 
valuable,  and  I  have  spent  the  greater  part  of  the  day  in 
looking  it  over,  and  selecting  such  as  I  wish  copied. 
From  the  secretary's  office  I  have  also  procured  a  few 
letters. 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826.  493 

Among  Governor  Livingston's  papers,  which  I  under- 
stand are  in  the  possession  of  his  descendants  in  New 
York,  there  must  be  many  valuable  papers. 

There  are  abundant  materials  for  a  history  of  New  Jer- 
sey, not  only  in  manuscript,  but  in  print :  1.  Journals  of 
the  Assembly  in  print,  from  1710  to  this  time.  2.  Jour- 
nals of  Council  in  print,  from  1776  to  this  time.  3.  Learn- 
ing and  Spicer's  Laws,  1  vol.  folio.  4.  Nevill's  Laws, 
2  vols,  folio.  5.  Allinson's  Laws,  1  vol.  folio.  6.  Wil- 
son's Laws,  1  vol..  folio.  7.  Paterson's  Laws,  1  vol.  folio 
and  large  8vo. 

The  legislature  of  New  Jersey  appointed  a  Council  of 
Safety  to  act  in  certain  defined  cases.  This  Council  had 
several  sessions,  and  in  the  state  library  is  a  manuscript 
volume  containing  the  minutes  of  the  whole.  The  begin- 
ning of  the  first  session  was  March  18, 1777,  and  the  last 
record  is  dated  October  8,  1778. 

The  only  written  history  of  New  Jersey  is  Smith's. 
It  is  a  very  imperfect  book.  I  compared  in  some  parts 
with  the  journals  of  Assembly,  and  found  that  Smith  had 
passed  over  the  most  important  incidents.  Smith  does 
not  pretend  to  make  his  history  complete  later  than  the 
year  1721,  although  he  brings  down  a  sketch  to  the  year 
1765.  In  the  parts  I  examined  he  does  not  appear  to 
have  read  the  journals.  The  year  1738  is  particularly 
interesting.  The  Assembly  was  convened  for  the  first 
time  under  a  distinct  government  after  a  separation  from 
New  York.  The  governor  required  certain  appropria- 
tions for  the  support  of  the  new  government.  The  As- 
sembly hesitated,  and  finally  refused  to  comply  with  all 
his  request.  The  governor  abused  the  members  in  round 
terms  in  a  message  at  the  close  of  the  session.  The  As- 
sembly appears  not  to  have  been  very  accommodating. 
In  short,  the  same  spirit  will  be  seen  to  have  actuated 


494  SOUTHERN   TOUR  IN  1826. 

this  Assembly  that  stirred  up  and  carried  through  the 
Revolution  thirty  years  afterward,  —  a  determination  to 
have  an  entire  control  over  the  money  they  granted. 

The  more  we  look  into  the  history  of  the  colonies,  the 
more  clearly  we  shall  see  that  the  Revolution  was  not  the 
work  of  a  few  years  only,  but  began  with  the  first  settle- 
ment of  the  country:  the  seeds  of  liberty,  when  first 
planted  here,  were  the  seeds  of  the  Revolution  ;  they 
sprang  forth  by  degrees ;  they  came  to  maturity  gradu- 
ally; and  when  the  great  crisis  took  place,  the  whole 
nation  were  prepared  to  govern  themselves,  because  they 
always  had  in  reality  governed  themselves. 

22c#  June,  Thursday.  Finished  my  examination  in  the 
state  library  and  secretary's  office.  Mr.  Coleman  has 
agreed  to  procure  a  copy  of  all  the  papers  I  have  selected, 
and  to  forward  the  same  to  Mr.  Small,  Philadelphia.  He 
will  also  procure  for  me,  if  he  can,  autographs  of  Abra- 
ham Clark  and  John  Hart,  two  of  the  signers  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  from  New  Jersey.  Mr.  D. 
Fenton  will  purchase  the  books  which  I  want,  and  give 
me  notice. 

With  Mr.  Coleman  I  examined  the  battle-ground  in 
Trenton,  where  the  Hessians  were  attacked  and  surren- 
dered; General  Washington's  headquarters  and  move- 
ments ;  and  the  grounds  on  which  the  fires  were  kindled 
to  deceive  the  British,  while  the  American  army  retreated 
and  attacked  the  enemy  at  Princeton.  This  has  always 
been  considered  a  cunning  piece  of  generalship.  The 
credit  of  it  is  due  to  St.  Clair,  as  he  says  in  his  narrative, 
and  as  I  believe  is  true.  The  town  of  Trenton  is  now  so 
much  extended  over  the  battle-ground  that  but  an  imper- 
fect idea  can  be  formed  of  the  various  movements.  The 
principal  fortification  stood  on  an  eminence  near  the 
south  margin  of  the  creek  that  empties  into  the  Delaware 
a  little  above  Trenton  bridge.      The  spot  is  now  con- 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826.  495 

verted  into  a  gentleman's  garden.  The  owner  politely 
accompanied  us  to  examine  the  place,  and  pointed  out 
some  particulars.  He  says  there  is  an  old  man  living  in 
town  who  was  in  the  fortification  during  the  engagement. 
The  old  man's  story  is  that  General  Washington  rode  up 
while  they  were  firing,  surveyed  the  posture  of  affairs 
around  for  a  minute,  when  he  said,  "  Ply  them  well  with 
grape,  boys,"  and  rode  away.  The  Hessians  surrendered 
in  two  parties,  one  on  the  plain  back  of  the  town,  and  the 
other  on  the  bank  of  the  creek.  Rahl  was  shot  on  the 
skirt  of  the  town,  while  riding  at  the  head  of  his  troops. 
He  was  picked  off  by  a  musket  fired  from  the  corner  of  a 
house,  as  the  tradition  goes.  The  man  who  shot  the  mus- 
ket was  living  many  years,  and  told  the  story.  Rahl  was 
carried  into  a  meeting-house,  where  he  died. 

Left  Trenton  at  seven  o'clock,  and  lodged  in  Princeton. 

PRINCETON. 

23d  June,  Friday.  Made  an  arrangement  with  Mr. 
Borrenstein  to  be  agent  for  the  "  Review."  Called  on 
Professor  Hodge,  of  the  Theological  Seminary,  with  whom 
I  was  acquainted.  He  is  a  fine  scholar  and  amiable  man, 
zealous  in  his  professional  studies,  and  active  in  the  cause 
of  general  improvement  in  theology  and  literature.  He 
reads  the  German  writers,  and  thinks  they  have  been 
much  overrated,  —  the  theological  critics,  I  mean.  Mr. 
Hodge  is  now  engaged  in  a  periodical  work  consisting  of 
essays  on  theology,  chiefly  translated  from  the  German  or 
Latin  by  different  hands.  He  complains  that  some  of 
the  articles  in  the  first  volume  are  much  less  perfect  than 
he  could  desire,  owing  to  the  unskillfulness  of  the  transla- 
tors. But  he  is  now  more  cautious  to  intrust  this  work 
to  abler  hands.  Among  other  contributors  he  mentioned 
Professor  Patton,  Professor  Marsh,  and  Mr.  Gibbs,  of 
New  Haven. 


496  SOUTHERN   TOUR  IN  1826. 

Professor  Patton  and  Mr.  McLane  called  on  me.  Pro- 
fessor P.  gave  an  interesting  account  of  a  course  of  lec- 
tures lie  is  preparing  on  the  Greek  classics.  The  students 
have  printed  a  tragedy  of  iEschylus  to  aid  in  illustrating 
these  lectures.  Professor  P.  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the 
very  first  classical  scholars  in  this  country.  I  arrived  in 
New  York  at  half  past  six,  and  stopped  at  the  City  Hotel. 

NEW   YORK. 

"  24th  June,  Saturday.  Visiting  friends.  Dine  at  Mr. 
Sedgwick's  ;  tea  at  Professor  More's.  At  the  opera  in 
the  evening ;  liked  it  much  better  than  I  expected  ;  highly 
pleased  with  some  things ;  wonderful  powers  of  music. 
The  opera  is  ludicrous  when  regarded  as  an  exhibition  of 
acting  disconnected  with  the  music ;  but  when  regarded 
as  an  exhibition  got  up  to  show  what  effect  can  be  pro- 
duced by  music,  it  has  meaning  and  force.  I  should  soon 
be  an  admirer  of  the  opera.  Miss  More  is  a  lively,  intel- 
ligent, and  amiable  girl. 

23th  June,  Sunday.  At  Mr.  Ware's  church  morning 
and  evening ;  Mr.  Ingersol  preached.  Dine  with  Mr. 
Pearson  ;  tea  at  Mr.  Ware's,  where  I  met  Mr.  Henry 
Ware  and  Professor  Deane. 

Dr.  Hosack  presented  me  with  his  works ;  that  is, 
two  volumes  of  essays  and  several  pamphlets.  He  com- 
plained much  that  the  former  editor  of  the  "  North  Amer- 
ican Review"  treated  him  rudely  in  speaking  of  these 
essays,  especially  in  regard  to  Dr.  Hugh  Williamson. 
Dr.  Hosack  said  that  the  editor  wrote  to  him  with  much 
complaisance  when  his  essays  came  out,  professed  a  wish 
to  see  them,  and  an  intention  to  bring  them  favorably 
before  the  public;  and  at  length  criticised  them  in  a 
very  offensive  style.  So  says  Dr.  Hosack.  He  thinks 
very  highly  of  Mr.  Williamson,  —  says  he  was  learned, 
amiable,  and  ardent.     He  has  a  very  beautiful  portrait 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  497 

of  him  by  Trumbull.  Williamson's  "  History  of  North 
Carolina"  is  certainly  a  very  poor  book.  Dr.  Hosack 
has  all  his  papers. 

26th  June,  Monday.  Business  with  Mr.  Sewall  in  the 
morning.  Called  with  Mr.  Bleecker  on  Dr.  Hosack,  who 
is  president  of  the  Historical  Society,  and  obtained  per- 
mission to  visit  the  society's  collections  at  all  times.  Mr. 
Bleecker  and  Dr.  Francis  accompanied  me  to  the  rooms. 
These  contain  a  well-selected  library  of  about  five  thou- 
sand volumes,  now  in  a  good  deal  of  disorder,  and  ap- 
parently never  arranged  with  much  method.  Injudicious 
steps  were  taken  by  the  purchasing  committee  at  first.  A 
lottery  was  granted  by  the  legislature,  which  was  in- 
tended to  produce  for  the  society  about  112,000,  and,  on 
the  anticipated  strength  of  this  sum,  the  committee  were 
somewhat  extravagant  in  their  purchases.  Debts  were 
accumulated ;  the  scheme  of  the  lottery  was  sold  for 
18,000,  instead  of  $12,000  ;  so  that  in  the  end,  what  with 
the  first  expenditure  and  the  interest,  there  is  now  a  debt 
remaining  against  the  society  of  about  $6,000,  without  any 
other  means  to  discharge  it  than  the  books  themselves. 
It  has  been  proposed  to  sell  the  books.  To  this  proposal 
strong  objections  have  been  made.  Another  scheme  is, 
to  sell  all  the  books  except  such  as  pertain  in  some  way 
to  American  history  or  literature.  This  is  probably  the 
wisest  plan.  In  the  infancy  of  the  institution,  it  would 
seem  unnecessary  to  collect  any  other  works  than  such  as 
pertain  directly  to  the  illustration  of  its  objects.  Books 
of  a  general  character  can  be  found  anywhere.  The  soci- 
ety seems  at  present  to  be  under  embarrassments,  and  its 
operations  a  good  deal  retarded.  The  president  says, 
however,  that  all  troubles  will  at  length  be  removed,  and 
that  the  society  will  prosper.  They  are  now  printing  a 
continuation  of  Smith's  "  History  of  New  York,"  which 
was  left  in  manuscript  by  the  author. 
32 


498  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

There  are  some  valuable  manuscripts  in  this  library. 
The  papers  of  General  Gates  and  of  Lord  Stirling  are 
there,  and  others  relating  to  the  Revolution.  I  passed 
the  afternoon  in  examining  Lord  Stirling's  papers.  They 
are  chiefly  letters  written  during  the  Revolution,  and  the 
ten  years  preceding. 

Called  at  Mr.  Rembrandt  Peale's  painting  room.  He 
is  full  of  enthusiasm  as  usual,  and  wrapped  up  in  his  art, 
—  an  amiable,  worthy  man,  and  an  artist  of  no  ordinary 
pretension.  His  portrait  of  Washington  seems  to  have 
gained  universal  approbation,  and  to  be  considered,  by 
those  who  recollect  Washington,  as  giving  a  much  more 
perfect  representation  of  him  than  any  that  has  been 
drawn.  In  the  year  1795,  Washington  sat  to  Rembrandt 
Peale,  three  sittings.  The  father,  Charles  Peale,  also 
painted  Washington  at  the  same  sittings.  The  upper 
part  of  the  father's  portrait  was  better  finished  than  the 
lower,  and  the  contrary  in  the  son's.  From  this  original 
picture,  together  with  such  improvements  as  he  has 
thought  proper  to  introduce  from  his  father's  portrait 
painted  as  above  mentioned,  Rembrandt  Peale  has  fin- 
ished his  picture.  He  intends  publishing  a  large  litho- 
graphic copy,  drawn  by  himself,  after  the  model  of  Dog- 
get's  lithographic  drawings  of  the  Presidents  of  the  United 
States. 

The  evening  at  Mrs.  Schuyler's  with  a  party.  Halleck, 
the  poet,  was  there,  and  Chancellor  Jones,  and  Mr. 
Wheaton,  and  several  Boston  people.  Passed  half  an 
hour  in  the  afternoon  with  Mr.  Bryant,  who  is  now 
making  arrangements  to  commence  the  new  review,  being 
the  "  New  York  Review  "  and  the  u  United  States  Lit- 
erary Gazette"  combined.  The  prospects  are  tolerably 
promising,  but  I  fear  not  sufficiently  so  to  insure  that 
encouragement  which  a  man  of  Bryant's  powers  and 
worth  deserves. 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826.  499 

21th  June,  Tuesday.  Morning  in  the  library  of  the 
Historical  Society.  Lord  Stirling's  papers  deposited 
there  are  valuable.  A  trunkful  of  William  Duer's 
papers  contains  a  few  letters  that  will  be  to  the  purpose. 
Allen  McLane's  papers  are  there.  He  was  an  officer  in 
the  Delaware  regiment,  and  afterwards  collector  of  the 
port  of  Wilmington.  From  a  letter  which  I  found 
signed  by  Mrs.  Barlow,  it  appears  that  she  deposited  all 
General  Gates's  papers  in  the  New  York  Historical  Soci- 
ety. Her  husband  (Joel  Barlow)  was  preparing  to  write 
a  history  of  the  Revolution,  and  General  Gates  had  given 
him  all  his  papers  for  this  purpose.  They  are  not  now  to 
be  found.  I  was  told  that  they  were  loaned  to  Wilkin- 
son when  he  was  preparing  his  Memoir  of  himself.  This 
report  I  could  not  verify,  as  I  had  no  opportunity  of 
again  seeing  Dr.  Hosack.  The  report  is  more  than  prob- 
able, since  the  papers  are  not  in  the  library.  I  shall 
again  visit  New  York  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  copies 
of  such  of  the  above  papers  as  I  want. 


RETURN    THROUGH   CONNECTICUT. 

28th  June,  Wednesday.  Took  the  steamboat  for  New 
Haven  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  arrived  at 
five  in  the  afternoon.  Called  on  Mr.  Gibbs,  librarian 
and  lecturer,  who  walked  with  me  to  the  new  burial 
ground,  which,  with  its  numerous  tasteful  monuments,  and 
the  manner  in  which  it  is  planned,  is  highly  ornamental 
to  the  town.  The  gravestones  in  the  old  burial  ground 
have  been  removed  and  are  placed  here,  and  their  former 
site  has  been  converted  into  a  common.  The  prejudices 
of  the  people  withstood  this  removal  for  some  time,  but 
they  at  length  yielded.  In  a  few  instances  the  remains 
were  removed,  but  for  the  most  part  the  graves  were 
left  undisturbed,  and  the  stones  only  removed.     In  the 


500  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826. 

new  burial  ground  are  the  remains  of  President  Stiles, 
Roger  Sherman,  President  D  wight,  and  General  Hum- 
phreys. 

Passed  the  evening  very  agreeably  with  Professor  Silli- 
man.  As  he  married  into  the  Trumbull  family,  he  gave 
me  a  clue  to  papers  which  may  prove  useful.  He  told  me 
the  following  story  of  Roger  Sherman,  which  he  believed 
to  be  in  print,  but  could  not  tell  where  :  When  Sherman 
was  in  the  old  Congress  during  the  Revolution,  he  was  on 
a  certain  occasion  chairman  of  a  committee  for  making 
provision  for  clothing  the  army.  Among  other  things,  he 
made  a  very  minute  report  respecting  the  supply  of  shoes, 
showing,  from  the  cost  of  leather,  and  of  the  manufacture, 
that  much  deception  had  been  practiced,  and  that  the  gov- 
ernment had  been  defrauded  in  this  article.  In  closing  his 
remarks  on  his  report,  he  said  :  "  Mr.  Speaker,  that  you 
may  not  be  surprised  at  the  minuteness  of  my  knowledge 
on  this  subject,  I  may  tell  you  that  it  is  one  upon  which  I 
have  some  claims  to  speak  with  confidence,  as  I  was  my- 
self bred  a  shoemaker."  Sherman  was  a  self-taught  man, 
but  has  rarely  been  excelled  in  native  good  sense,  sound- 
ness of  judgment,  singleness  of  heart,  and  uprightness  of 
character. 

29th  June,  Thursday.  At  breakfast  in  the  hotel,  met 
accidentally  my  old  friend  Hurd,  whom  I  have  not  seen 
for  eleven  years.  I  was  much  pleased  with  the  fortunate 
interview,  and  promised  to  visit  him  at  his  residence  in 
Farmington  on  Saturday. 

Mr.  Gibbs  showed  me  the  college  library,  which  is  not 
large,  nor  does  it  seem  to  have  received  recent  additions. 
The  collection  is  good,  however,  aril  probably  supplies  all 
the  wants  of  the  students.  Called  with  Mr.  Gibbs  on  the 
celebrated  Noah  Webster,  and  passed  three  quarters  of  an 
hour  in  his  study.  He  is  now  absorbed  in  the  project  of 
publishing  his  great  Dictionary,  —  showed  me  his  manu- 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  501 

script,  and  explained  his  plan.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of 
Mr.  Webster's  very  profound  researches  into  the  origin 
and  structure  of  the  English  language,  and  particularly  in 
tracing  the  analogy  of  languages.  He  is  an  enthusiast,  and 
so  must  any  man  be,  who  will  make  progress  in  any  pur- 
suit. It  must  not  be  forgotten,  however,  that  this  quality 
leads  to  different  results  in  different  persons  and  in  dif- 
ferent pursuits.  For  instance,  enthusiasm  in  mathematics, 
or  any  of  the  exact  sciences,  will  do  no  harm,  as  it  is  re- 
strained all  along  by  rigid  demonstration.  But  enthu- 
siasm on  other  subjects,  where  facts  are  more  obscure, 
and  certainly  less  obvious,  will  necessarily  carry  the  mind 
astray  in  some  particulars.  The  imagination  will  assume 
a  control  to  which  it  has  no  claims,  and  error  and  truth 
will  be  mingled.  Such  is  in  some  degree  the  character 
of  Mr.  Webster's  studies.  They  open  a  wide  field  for 
the  play  of  the  imagination,  for  conjecture  and  doubtful 
analogies.  Hence  he  will  come  to  innumerable  results 
which  may  or  may  not  be  true ;  which  another  man  will 
question,  because  he  can  come  to  other  results  just  as  prob- 
able, if  not  more  so.  For  the  learned  I  am  fully  convinced 
that  Mr.  Webster's  Dictionary  will  have  great  value,  al- 
though it  may  contain  objectionable  points,  and  peculiari- 
ties which  a  mind  of  another  cast  would  not  have  admit- 
ted. The  preface  will  be  the  most  difficult  part  for  him 
to  execute.  In  all  his  publications  he  has  manifested  a 
singular  want  of  judgment  in  estimating  the  comparative 
value  of  his  own  attainments,  and  in  setting  forth  what 
he  deems  the  most  important  discoveries  which  he  has 
made.  His  friends  in  New  Haven  are  aware  of  this 
foible,  and  they  are  resolved  to  counteract  it  in  the  pres- 
ent instance  as  far  as  the  nature  of  the  case  will  admit. 
He  showed  me  his  synopsis,  in  which  words  of  various  lan- 
guages are  referred  to  their  roots ;  and  to  one  so  little 
skilled  in  these  matters  as  I  am,  it  is  perfectly  astonish- 


502  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

ing  to  find  what  an  immense  number  of  words  in  numer- 
ous languages  may  be  referred  to  the  same  origin.  There 
is  unquestionably  much  ingenious  conjecture  in  this  pro- 
cess, but  still  there  is  much  of:  reality,  and  the  synopsis, 
if  published,  would  be  not  only  a  curious  but  a  valuable 
work.  It  would  make  a  quarto  volume  of  moderate  size. 
The  author  does  not  contemplate  publishing  it  at  present, 
—  perhaps  never,  as  he  says  he  was  assured  in  Europe 
that  such  a  work  would  not  pay  for  the  printing.  I  am 
glad  to  have  seen  Noah  Webster,  for  I  respect  him  for  his 
great  attainments,  and  for  the  noble,  untiring  zeal  with 
which  he  has  devoted  a  whole  life  to  the  investigation  of 
an  important  though  neglected  subject.  The  example  is 
worthy  of  all  praise.  Let  these  who  condemn,  first  do  as 
much,  and  do  it  better. 

Professor  Silliman  showed  me  through  the  establish- 
ment for  the  College  Commons,  which  is  commodiously 
and  economically  arranged.  He  then  took  me  through 
the  cabinet  of  minerals,  which  is  truly  a  magnificent  exhi- 
bition, altogether  superior  to  anything  else  of  the  kind  in 
this  country.  Hours  might  be  spent  here  in  merely  grati- 
fying the  eye.  Visited  the  gallery  of  portraits  in  com- 
pany with  Mr.  Gibbs  and  Professor  Kingsley.  Excellent 
portraits  of  Bishop  Berkeley,  Dr.  D  wight,  Governor  Trum- 
bull, and  some  others.  Berkeley  was  a  large  patron  to 
the  college  in  presenting  to  it  his  library  when  he  left 
America.  Sat  with  President  Day  half  an  hour.  His 
study  is  within  the  college  walls.  Such  a  thing  would  be 
odd  at  Harvard.  Each  professor  at  Yale  has  a  study 
in  some  one  of  the  colleges.  The  effect  in  the  way  of 
discipline  is  unquestionably  good.  It  may,  perhaps,  be 
owing  to  this  circumstance  that  Yale  College  is  governed, 
and  well  governed,  at  an  immense  economy  of  time  and 
trouble,  compared  with  Harvard.  Government  meetings 
are  not  the  eternal  torment  of  professors  and  tutors  from 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN   1826.  503 

one  month's  end  to  another,  till  the  soul  of  the  poor  suf- 
ferer is  weary  of  its  existence  ;  and  disturbances  among 
the  students  are  rare  at  Yale. 

Thus  passed  the  morning.  After  dinner,  sat  an  hour 
with  Professor  Kingsley,  and  examined  a  volume  of  Pres- 
ident Stiles's  manuscript  journal,  which  was  in  his  posses- 
sion. There  are  ten  or  twelve  volumes  in  the  whole,  em- 
bracing a  large  portion  of  the  author's  life.  Dr.  Holmes 
often  quotes  this  journal  in  his  Annals.  The  volume 
which  I  examined  has  very  little  value.  It  chiefly  con- 
tains record  of  the  most  insignificant  events,  such  as  the 
text  from  which  he  or  somebody  else  preached,  and  the 
news  of  the  day  abridged  from  newspapers.  Professor 
Kingsley  said  the  other  volumes  were  of  the  same  char- 
acter. The  author's  mind  rarely  appears.  In  some  cases 
he  draws  characters,  and  they  are  well  done,  but  occa- 
sionally with  too  much  asperity.  These  volumes  were  left 
by  will  to  the  president  of  Yale  College  for  the  time 
being,  with  directions  that  they  should  be  retained  in  his 
possession. 

At  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  I  left  New  Haven,  hav- 
ing been  favored  by  Professor  Silliman  with  letters  of 
introduction  to  Mr.  Day,  Secretary  of  State ;  Mr.  Pitkin, 
of  Farmington,  author  of  "  Statistics  of  the  United  States," 
and  to  Mrs.  Wadsworth,  of  Hartford,  daughter  of  the  late 
Governor  Trumbull,  and  sister  to  Mrs.  Silliman.  Arrived 
in  Hartford  at  twelve  o'clock  at  night  in  the  midst  of  a 
heavy  rain ;  stage-house  full ;  put  down  at  a  neighboring 
tavern,  a  dingy,  repulsive  -  looking  place.  But  nothing 
could  be  done,  and  he  is  a. weak  man  that  will  complain  at 
a  lot  which  cannot  be  avoided.  I  acted  the  philosopher, 
threw  myself  on  a  bed,  and  it  was  soon  the  same  to  me  as 
if  I  had  been  in  a  palace.  The  morning  toilet  and  break- 
fast were  matters  soon  dispatched,  and  I  sallied  out  to 
look  for  better  quarters,  and  soon  found  them  at  Bennet's 


504  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

Hotel,  one  of  the  best  public  houses  I' have  seen  in  the 
United  States.  Travelers  love  to  talk  of  taverns  and 
stage-coaches ;  and  it  is  natural  they  should,  for  they  live 
in  them,  and  their  immediate  happiness  or  misery  depends 
on  them.   ... 

30th  June.  ...  At  nine  I  ascended  the  steps  of  the 
State  House,  and  entered  the  secretary's  office.  Mr.  Day 
is  absent,  but  the  clerk  offered  all  facilities  when  he  read 
my  letter.  Not  a  single  paper  is  to  be  found  in  the  office 
relating  to  the  executive  correspondence  during  the  Revo- 
lution. Governor  Trumbull  was  at  the  head  of  the  gov- 
ernment during  that  whole  period,  and  it  is  supposed  he 
retained  all  the  correspondence,  and  that  it  is  now  among 
the  Trumbull  papers  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  So- 
ciety. 

Mr.  Pitkin  called  on  me  while  in  the  secretary's  office, 
having  learnt  in  town  that  I  was  there.  I  gave  him  the 
letter  from  Mr.  Silliman,  and  we  immediately  entered  into 
conversation  on  his  historical  projects.  It  seems  he  is  en- 
gaged in  writing  a  history  of  the  United  States,  with 
particular  reference  to  the  political  and  civil  progress  of 
the  colonies,  and  the  foreign  and  commercial  relations  en- 
tered into  during  the  Revolution  and  since.  He  has  not 
■  advanced  far,  but  is  gathering  materials.  Concerning  the 
Trumbull  papers  he  spoke  as  follows  :  They  were  offered 
to  Yale  College  by  Mr.  David  Trumbull,  son  of  the  gov- 
ernor, but  for  some  reason  the  offer  did  not  meet  with  that 
ready  acknowledgment  which  the  son  thought  it  deserved, 
and  no  measures  were  adopted  for  obtaining  the  papers. 
Meantime  they  were  offered  to  the  Historical  Society  of 
Massachusetts,  and  Dr.  Belknap  was  employed  for  several 
days  in  selecting  such  as  were  valuable,  and  they  were 
transferred  to  the  society's  library  in  Boston.  It  has 
been  hinted  that  President  Stiles  was  somewhat  deficient 
in  this  business,  by  neglecting  to  procure  the  papers,  and 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  505 

that  this  neglect  is  to  be  ascribed  to  a  disposition  not  very 
friendly  towards  Governor  Trumbull. 

Roger  Sherman's  papers  were  also  examined  by  his  son, 
who  selected  the  best,  and  deposited  them  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society  when  he  lived  in  Boston.  He 
is  now  dead.  A  very  interesting  correspondence  between 
John  Adams  and  Roger  Sherman,  on  the  American  Con- 
stitution, is  now  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Ebenezer  Baldwin, 
of  Albany. 

Professor  Silliman  told  me  of  a  private  correspondence 
between  General  Washington  and  the  second  Governor 
Trumbull,  which  is  now  in  the  hands  of  Mrs.  Wads- 
worth.  Mr.  Pitkin  tells  me  that  the  letters  are  now  in 
his  possession.  Delivered  my  letter  to  Mrs.  Wadsworth. 
She  is  quite  willing  I  should  inspect  the  letters,  and  that 
they  should  be  copied  for  publication  as  far  as  Mr.  Wads- 
worth  and  Professor  Silliman  may  judge  expedient.  Her 
father  was  secretary  to  Washington,  and  he  wrote  to  him 
in  a  private  and  confidential  way.  I  shall  see  the  letters 
to-morrow  at  Farmington. 

There  are  preserved  four  manuscript  volumes  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety  of  Connecticut.  This  committee 
was  in  active  operation  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of 
the  Revolution.  The  first  record  is  dated  June  7,  1775, 
and  the  last,  October  28,  1783,  embracing  a  period  of 
more  than  eight  years  and  four  months.  The  council  sat 
at  irregular  periods,  and  at  short  intervals,  sometimes 
several  days  in  succession,  and  then  one  or  two  only,  as 
the  case  might  require.  The  place  of  session  was  gen- 
erally at  Lebanon,  where  the  governor  resided  ;  but  it  was 
frequently  at  New  Haven  and  Hartford.  The  governor 
was  almost  always  president.  The  journal  of  the  council 
is  meagre,  containing  little  more  than  the  record  of  votes 
relating  chiefly  to  the  care  of  the  militia  and  the  Conti- 
nental regiments  of  Connecticut.     The  powers  and  duties 


506  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

of  the  council  were  much  the  same  as  in  other  States. 
Tories  and  prisoners  of  war  seem  to  have  come  particu- 
larly under  the  jurisdiction  of  Councils  of  Safety.  Gov- 
ernor Franklin,  of  New  Jersey,  was  sent  to  Connecticut 
by  the  Continental  Congress,  and  put  in  charge  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety.  The  reason  why  the  powers  and 
organization  continued  so  much  longer  in  Connecticut 
than  in  the  other  States  is  probably  that  no  constitution, 
or  new  form  of  government,  was  here  established.  In  the 
other  States,  wherever  the  new  constitutions  were  adopted, 
the  Committees  of  Safety  were  no  longer  ^required,  and 
they  ceased  of  course. 

Visited  the  Washington  College  in  this  place,  and  was 
shown  through  the  room  by  Professors  Hall  and  Doane. 
Considering  the  recent  establishment  of  this  institution,  it 
puts  on  a  very  flourishing  aspect.  Professor  Hall  has  a 
good  cabinet  of  minerals.  The  site  of  the  building  is  ex- 
ceedingly favorable,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  back  of  the 
town.  The  view  from  the  tower  of  the  chapel  is  one  of 
the  finest  in  the  country,  and  vies  with  that  at  Round  Hill 
in  Northampton.  Had  half  an  hour's  very  interesting 
conversation  with  Mr.  Thomas  H.  Gallaudet  in  the  even- 
ing. He  is  Principal  of  the  Asylum  for  the  Deaf  and 
Dumb  in  this  place,  the  success  of  which  has  excited  the 
admiration  of  all  visitors.  He  related  some  remarkable 
facts,  which  his  experience  has  brought  to  light,  in  regard 
to  the  development  of  the  human  mind  without  the  use  of 
language.  It  is  a  subject  full  of  deep  interest  and  sound 
philosophy.  I  have  agreed  to  visit  the  institution  on 
Monday. 

1st  July,  Saturday.  Rode  out  to  Farmington,  nine 
miles  west  of  Hartford,  and  passed  the  day  with  Mr.  Pit- 
kin and  Mr.  Hurd.  Conversed  again  more  fully  with  Mr. 
Pitkin  on  his  historical  projects.  He  has  taken  up  the 
subject  with  a  good  deal  of  zeal,  and  already  investigated 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826.  507 

it  deeply.  In  fact  his  work  on  statistics  bears  on  the  point 
as  far  as  relates  to  the  Revolution.  He  has  had  access  to 
materials  which  will  throw  much  new  light  on  the  diplo- 
macy of  the  country. 

He  showed  me  the  file  of  correspondence  between 
Washington  and  the  second  Governor  Trumbull,  above 
mentioned.  It  is  wholly  of  a  private  character,  and  some 
free  remarks  are  contained  in  Washington's  letters.  Gov- 
ernor Trumbull,  it  seems,  had  urged  him  to  stand  again 
for  the7  Presidency.  In  alluding  to  this  subject,  Washing- 
ton speaks  of  the  state  of  parties  with  some  warmth,  — 
that  if  a  "  broomstick  were  set  up,  the  Sons  of  Liberty 
would  vote  for  it  and  make  it  President,  to  gratify  the 
wishes  of  a  party."  These  are  not  his  exact  words,  but 
the  sentiment  is  the  same. 

Zd  July,  Monday.  Visited  the  Asylum  for  the  Deaf 
and  Dumb  in  company  with  Mr.  Doane,  and  was  shown 
over  the  establishment  by  Mr.  Gallaudet.  I  have  sel- 
dom witnessed  so  interesting  an  exhibition.  The  success 
with  which  the  attempt  is  attended  of  communicating 
ideas  to  the  deaf  and  dumb  is  wonderful.  It  is  done  by 
two  general  methods,  —  first,  by  signs  expressing  general 
ideas  of  objects  or  things  ;  and,  secondly,  by  spelling  each 
word  by  signs  expressive  of  alphabetical  characters.  Both 
these  modes  are  used  together,  as  the  nature  of  the  case 
may  require.  Three  classes  were  under  the  tuition  of  deaf 
and  dumb  teachers,  of  whom  Mr.  Clerc  was  one.  It  re- 
quires about  six  years  for  a  pupil  of  ordinary  capacity  to 
learn  to  write  with  facility.  This  institution  deserves  the 
patronage  of  the  benevolent  everywhere. 

Passed  an  hour  or  two  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of 
State  looking  over  colonial  papers.  These  seem  to  have 
been  tolerably  well  preserved.  The  records  have  been  kept 
in  manuscript  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  separate  colo- 


508  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

nial  government.  I  saw  a  volume  beginning  with  1636. 
There  are  still  preserved  letters  of  value  written  mostly 
between  the  years  1696  and  1710.  These  are  from  the 
Commissioners  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  from  the  Lords 
Justices,  and  from  the  King  in  Council ;  also  letters  from 
the  agents  of  the  State  who  resided  in  London,  and  the 
governor's  replies,  —  particularly  two  very  long  letters 
from  Governor  Saltonstall,  —  the  whole  written  between 
1697  and  1731.  There  is  also  a  correspondence  with  Sir 
Edmund  Andros,  between  the  years  1675  and  1696,  con- 
sisting of  fifty-six  letters.  It  is  remarkable  that  no  parts 
of  the  journals  of  the  Senate,  Assembly,  or  Council  of  Con- 
necticut have  ever  been  printed  to  this  day.  In  no  other 
State  has  there  been  so  much  negligence  in  this  respect. 
The  laws  have  been  printed  imperfectly,  and  it  is  hardly 
possible  now  to  find  a  copy  of  the  statutes.  Engaged  H. 
Huntington  to  procure  for  me  a  copy  of  the  statutes,  and 
a  file  of  a  newspaper  printed  in  Connecticut  during  the 
Revolution.     Left  Hartford  at  two  o'clock,  and  lodged  at 

Ashford. 

Wh  July,  Tuesday,     Walked  to  the  residence  of  my 

mother,  sister,  and  brothers,  eight  miles. 

bth  July,  Wednesday.     Passed  a  part  of  the  day  with 

the  Rev.  Mr.  Loomis,  my  early  teacher  and  friend. 

6th  July,  Thursday.     In  the  afternoon  rode  with  Mr. 

Loomis  to  Mansfield,  where  I  took  the  stage  and  lodged 

in  Ashford. 

1th  July,  Friday.     In  the  stage  at  four  o'clock  in  the 

morning,  and  arrived  in  Boston  at  five  in  the  afternoon. 

The  shops  were  shut,  as  on  the  Sabbath,  on  account  of 

the  funeral  of  the  late  President  John  Adams,  which  was 

then  taking  place  at  his  former  residence  in  Quincy,  and 

which  a   large   number   of  the   citizens  attended.      The 

streets  were  almost  deserted. 

Thus  ends  my  tour.     I  have  been  absent  three  months 


SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  182G.  509 

and  a  half  from  Boston,  and  in  that  time  have  passed 
over  a  distance  of  about  three  thousand  five  hundred 
miles.  My  body  and  mind  have  been  greatly  benefited  by 
the  journey.  In  no  period  of  my  life  have  I  in  the  same 
time  acquired  so  much  knowledge,  or  made  so  many  valu- 
able acquaintances. 

SUMMARY   OF   RESEARCHES. 

In  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  A.  H.  Everett,  dated  Boston, 
September  12,  -1826,  Mr.  Sparks  gives  the  following  in- 
teresting summary  of  his  researches  up  to  that  date  :  "  I 
have  made  a  long  tour  of  four  months  the  present  season, 
no  less  than  a  trip  to  Georgia  and  back  by  land.  I  had 
various  ends  to  answer,  and  accomplished  the  most  of 
them,  —  health,  interests  of  the  'Review,'  historical  re- 
searches, and  knowledge  of  men  and  things.  I  have  got 
a  passion  for  Revolutionary  history,  and  the  more  I  look 
into  it  the  more  I  am  convinced  that  no  complete  history 
of  the  American  Ee volution  has  been  written.  The  ma- 
terials have  never  been  collected;  they  are  still  in  the 
archives  of  the  States,  and  in  the  hands  of  individuals. 
During  my  tour  I  have  examined  the  public  offices  of 
every  State  south  of  New  York,  looked  over  all  the  files 
of  Revolutionary  correspondence  and  the  journals  of  that 
period,  and  have  procured  copies  of  everything  most  valu- 
able. I  am  shortly  to  set  out  on  an  expedition  through 
all  the  New  England  States  for  the  same  purpose ;  and 
also  to  collect  many  similar  papers,  to  be  found  in  differ- 
ent parts,  which  belonged  to  major-generals  and  other 
public  men." 

The  above  journal  of  Mr.  Sparks'  Southern  tour  and 
return  to  Boston  in  1826  is  of  particular  interest  to 
students  of  Southern  history,  who  are  now  increasing  in 
number  at  our  university  centres.  Mr.  Sparks'  notes  on 
Southern  archives  and  manuscript  collections  will  enable 
33 


510  SOUTHERN  TOUR  IN  1826. 

scholars  to  compare  the  present  available  material  with 
that  which  existed  sixty-seven  years  ago.  The  same  jour- 
nal is,  moreover,  full  of  interesting  comments  on  Southern 
life  and  manners  in  ante-bellum  days.  Although  hastily 
written  at  odd  moments,  and  never  intended  for  publi- 
cation, Mr.  Sparks'  notes  of  travel  and  observation  con- 
tain little  that  is  purely  personal  or  ephemeral.  He  had 
a  useful  public  purpose  in  mind  when  he  recorded  the 
results  of  each  day's  experience.  Many  of  the  points 
noted  will  be  helpful  and  suggestive  even  now. 


APPENDIX 


I. 

RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  YORK  AND  NEW  ENGLAND. 

In  the  autumn  of  1826,  Mr.  Sparks  made  a  tour  through 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Vermont,  and  New 
Hampshire  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the  materials 
for  American  history  that  were  then  preserved  in  state 
archives,  in  the  libraries  of  historical  societies,  and  in 
private  hands.  The  journal  of  this  pilgrimage  through 
eastern  New  York  and  parts  of  New  England  is  of  decided 
interest  to  historical  students,  and  not  without  value  as  a 
picture  of  travel  and  society  at  the  beginning  of  the  sec- 
ond quarter  of  this  century.  At  Albany  he  met  Mr.  Van 
Rensselaer,  the  Patroon,  and  had  an  amusing  interview 
with  "  Citizen  "  Genet,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of 
Governor  George  Clinton.  At  Bennington,  Vermont, 
Mr.  Sparks  made  a  special  study  of  the  field  where  one 
of  the  decisive  battles  of  the  Revolution  was  fought, 
August  16,  1777.  He  collected  from  surviving  veterans 
all  known  facts  and  traditions,  and  wrote  out  in  his  jour- 
nal a  detailed  sketch  of  the  fight  between  Stark  and  the 
Hessians. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  certain  specialists  in  American 
history  that  copious  selections  from  Mr.  Sparks'  journals 
of  historical  exploration  in  this  country,  Canada,  and 
Europe  ought  to  be  published.  The  foregoing  journal  of 
his  Southern  tour  is  a  fair  specimen,  in  extenso,  of  his 


512  RESEARCHES  IN  RHODE  ISLAND. 

notes  of  travel.  They  were  continued,  from  time  to  time, 
from  1826  to  1857.  There  are  in  the  Sparks  collections 
six  original  manuscript  volumes,  or  journals,  of  the  above 
character:  (1)  1826-28;  (2)  1828-29;  (3)  1829-31; 
(4)  1831-39  ;  (5)  1840-56 ;  (6)  1857. 

It  has  been  found  possible  to  add,  in  appendices  to  this 
first  volume,  a  few  topical  selections  from  the  earlier  jour- 
nals. The  following  extracts  are  taken  from  memoranda 
of  travel  in  New  England  and  New  York  in  the  fall  of 
1826. 


September  18£A,  Monday.  —  I  have  been  at  home  from 
my  Southern  journey  two  months  and  a  half,  and  having 
submitted  to  that  worst  of  all  evils,  a  removal  of  my 
effects  and  residence  from  one  house  to  another,  having 
set  up  a  plan  for  living  somewhat  improved  and  more 
independent  than  formerly,  and  having  put  into  the  hands 
of  the  printer  all  the  copy  for  the  October  number  of  the 
"  North  American  Keview,"  I  am  now  at  leisure  to  under- 
take another  tour  in  prosecution  of  my  historical  inquiries. 
My  design  is  to  examine  the  archives  in  Khode  Island, 
New  York,  and  New  Hampshire,  and  to  make  such  selec- 
tions as  I  can  obtain  from  private  papers,  with  a  partic- 
ular reference  to  facts  illustrative  of  the  history  of  the 
Revolution.  At  six  o'clock  the  stage  drove  up  to  the 
door,  and  breakfast  being  already  dispatched,  and  all 
matters  arranged,  I  stepped  into  the  coach,  and  in  seven 
hours  found  myself  in  Providence.  .  .  . 

RESEARCHES   IN   RHODE  ISLAND. 

This  evening  I  have  called  on  Mr.  Samuel  Eddy  (or, 
as  they  call  him  here,  "i?dy,"  author  of  the  celebrated 
"  Eddy's  Reasons  "),  with  whom  I  had  much  friendly  inter- 
course in  Washington,  and  with  whom  I  have  since  corre- 


RESEARCHES  IN  RHODE  ISLAND.  513 

sponded  on  the  subject  of  my  present  inquiries.  He 
offers  to  introduce  me  in  the  morning  to  Mr.  Bowen,  Sec- 
retary of  State,  who  will  give  access  to  the  files  of  Revo- 
lutionary  correspondence  in  his  office.  Mr.  Eddy  thinks 
there  are  no  private  papers  in  Rhode  Island  that  will  be 
of  any  value  to  me.  He  was  formerly  Secretary  of  State ; 
and  when  he  took  that  office  all  the  papers  were  in  confu- 
sion. He  filed  them  according  to  their  dates,  and  they 
now  may  be  easily  consulted.  Spent  the  evening  in  read- 
ing Botta's  "  History  of  the  American  Revolution." 

September  Vdth,  Tuesday.  —  Went  to  the  secretary's 
office  at  eight  o'clock,  and  Mr.  Bowen  very  politely  prof- 
fered me  every  facility  and  aid  for  examining  the  papers 
on  file.  I  began  with  the  year  1774,  being  the  earliest 
date.  There  is  almost  nothing,  however,  till  the  middle 
of  1776,  from  which  time  the  correspondence  is  full 
through  the  whole  Revolution.  Governor  Wanton,  who 
held  the  office  at  the  breaking  out  of  troubles,  was  de- 
voted to  the  royal  interests,  although  chosen  by  the  peo- 
ple. .  .  . 

September  20th,  Wednesday.  —  Passed  the  whole  day 
in  the  secretary's  office,  and  completed  the  examination 
of  the  files  of  Revolutionary  correspondence.  Mr.  Eddy 
will  procure  copies  to  be  taken  of  all  the  letters  I  have 
selected.  Among  the  number  are  more  than  fifty  from 
General  Washington,  and  several  curious  ones  from  Gen- 
eral Greene,  and  from  other  officers. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  statutes  of  Rhode  Island 
have  never  been  published  in  a  separate  form.  At  the 
end  of  each  session  of  the  legislature  a  brief  journal  of 
proceedings,  called  a  "  Schedule,"  is  published,  which  con- 
tains the  resolves,  and  the  acts  at  large,  but  without  any 
dates  except  the  months.  The  acts  thus  published  hold 
good  till  they  are  repealed  or  modified  ;  and  from  time  to 
time  there  is  a  revision,  when  all  the  laws  undergo  a  com- 


514  RESEARCHES  IN  RHODE  ISLAND. 

plete  examination,  and  such  changes  as  a  committee  may 
think  proper  to  make.  When  the  body  of  revised  laws  is 
thus  prepared,  the  whole  code  is  reenacted  by  the  legisla- 
ture, law  by  law,  and  section  by  section ;  so  that  all  that 
precedes  this  code  is  null,  and  no  longer  to  be  consulted. 
Such  a  system  may  be  practicable  in  a  small  State,  yet 
it  is  full  of  evils.  Much  of  the  value  of  a  good  law  de- 
pends on  its  permanency.  This  practice  of  modifying 
and  changing  gives  an  uncertainty  to  the  laws,  which  must 
prove  very  pernicious.  The  judges  are  chosen  annually 
by  the  legislature,  six  in  each  county,  making  thirty  in 
the  whole ;  and  five  more  to  constitute  a  supreme  court. 
It  is  the  custom  never  to  choose  a  lawyer  for  a  judge. 

It  is  stated  by  Judge  Johnson,  and  has  been  repeated 
by  Mr.  Hunter  in  his  late  oration,  that  Khode  Island 
declared  itself  independent  of  the  British  crown  before  it 
was  done  by  the  United  Colonies.     This  is  not  strictly 
correct.     There  was  an  act  passed  in  May,  1776,  repeal- 
ing an  act  for  promoting  allegiance  to  the  king,  and  pro- 
viding for  all  legal  instruments  to  be  made  out,  not  in  the 
name  of  the  king,  but  of  the  governor  and  company  of 
Ehode  Island  and  the  Providence  Plantations,  and  also 
constructing  the  forms  of  the  oath  of  office  accordingly. 
This  was   a  virtual   declaration  of  independence,  to  be 
sure,  but  no  more  than  had  been  done  in  effect  by  all  the 
States  which  had  set  up  governments  for  themselves;  and 
I  am  inclined  to  think  there  is  no  propriety  in  calling  it 
a  declaration  of  independence  by  way  of  distinction  from 
the  other  States. 

When  Mr.  Eddy  was  Secretary  of  State,  he  collected  a 
full  set  of  the  "  Schedules  "  from  1774  onward.  It  is  the 
only  complete  set  which  he  knows  of,  and  was  procured 
with  much  difficulty  from  the  different  clerks*  offices  in 
the  State.  I  must  hereafter  consult  this  file  more  in  ex- 
tenso  during  the  period  of  the  Eevolution ;  and  also  the 


RESEARCHES  IN  CONNECTICUT.  515 

"  Providence  Gazette,"  which  was  begun  before  the  year 
1770,  and  has  been  continued  without  interruption  till  the 
present  time.  It  has  recently  been  united  with  another 
paper,  and  is  now  called  the  "  Providence  American  and 
Gazette." 

There  is  no  history  of  Ehode  Island,  although  materials 
are  not  deficient.  Mr.  Foster,  of  Providence,  has  spent 
many  years  in  collecting  materials.  He  is  old,  and  will 
never  write  a  history.  Mr.  Eddy  says  it  will  be  difficult 
to  make  a  history  which  will  not  give  offense  to  some  per- 
sons, owing  to  old  feuds  which  prevailed  in  families  and 
parties,  the  remnants  of  which  remain.  .  .  . 

RESEARCHES   IN   CONNECTICUT. 

September  21st,  Thursday.  ...  — At  two  o'clock  I 
arrived  in  Windham,  and  took  a  private  conveyance  to 
Lebanon,  six  miles  distant.  Mr.  Williams,  son  of  the 
signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  from  Connec- 
ticut, and  to  whom  I  had  a  letter  from  Professor  Silliman, 
received  me  very  politely,  and  promised  me  all  the  intelli- 
gence in  his  possession.  I  spent  the  evening  in  looking 
over  his  papers,  part  of  which  he  had  received  from  his 
father  and  part  from  the  papers  of  Governor  Trumbull. 
I  selected  several  letters,  copies  of  which  Mr.  Williams 
offers  to  have  taken  for  me. 

September  22d,  Friday.  —  Passed  the  night  at  Mr. 
Williams',  and  resumed  the  examination  of  the  papers 
this  morning.  Governor  Trumbull  lived  in  Lebanon 
during  the  Revolution,  and  his  house  is  now  standing. 
General  Washington  and  the  French  officers  used  to  visit 
him  here.  .  .  . 

In  Mr.  Williams'  possession  is  a  curious  paper,  enti- 
tled "  Account  of  the  Pequot  War,"  by  Lion  Gardiner,  in 
fourteen  manuscript  folio  pages,  in  small  hand,  and  in  the 
handwriting  of  the  author.     There  is  another  copy,  in  the 


516  RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  YORK. 

handwriting  of  Governor  Trumbull,  which  is  made  more 
plain,  as  the  original  is  in  the  ancient  character.    A  letter 
accompanies  it,  written  by  Lion  Gardiner,  and  dated  East 
Hampton,  1660,  in  which  year  the  memoir  was  perhaps 
written.     Mr.  Williams  has  also  the  original  commission 
of  Henry  Vane  and  John  Winthrop  to  John'Winthrop, 
Jr.,  to  treat  with  the  Pequot  Indians,  and  also  the  origi- 
nal instructions  ;  the  first  a  half  page  folio,  the  second  1| 
page  folio.     They  are  dated  1635,  and  have  the  original 
signatures.     Connecticut  is  written  in  these  instruments 
Quencticut.     The  fact  that  Governor  Trumbull  and  the 
council  were  the  same  officers  during  the  Kevolution  as 
before  was  of  great  importance  to  the  efficiency  of  Con- 
necticut in  carrying  on  the  war.     There  was  no  change  in 
the  government,  and  no  derangements  on  that  score.     It 
is  said  that  Connecticut  did  more  than  any  other  State 
in  proportion  to  its  numbers.     Passed  half  an  hour  with 
Mr.  Bull,  minister  of  Lebanon,  and  left  there  at  twelve 
o'clock  for  Windham.     I  am  much  indebted  for  Mr.  Wil- 
liams' hospitality  and  communications.     At  seven  in  the 
evening  I  found  myself  at  Bennet's  Hotel,  in  Hartford. 

September  22>d,  Saturday.  —  Conversed  for  a  time 
with  Professor  Doane  in  the  morning,  and  with  Pro- 
fessor Humphreys,  both  of  Washington  College.  The 
officers  of  this  college  possess  great  zeal,  and  apply 
themselves  to  its  interests  unremittingly.  A  new  system 
of  laws  has  just  been  formed,  which  in  many  respects  is 
more  liberal  and  judicious  than  any  I  have  seen  in  the 
other  colleges.  Professor  Doane  promises  to  write  me  an 
article  on  the  Institution  for  the  Deaf  and  Dumb  in 
Hartford.  In  the  steamboat  at  eleven  o'clock  for  New 
York.  .  .  . 

RESEARCHES   IN   NEW   YORK. 

September  2±th,  Sunday.  —  Found  myself  in  the 
morning  at  the  wharf  in  New  York,  after  a  rainy,  dull, 


RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  YORK.  517 

disagreeable  passage,  which  I  had  spent  in  reading 
Botta,  meditating,  and  sleeping.  Took  tip  quarters  at 
the  National  Hotel,  a  crowded,  confused  place  ;  but  where 
is  the  place  in  New  York  that  is  not  crowded  and  con- 
fused? .  .  . 

September  25th,  Monday,  —  Found  letters  for  me  at 
Mr.  Sewall's  counting-room.  Passed  half  an  hour  with 
Mr.  Wheaton.  Called  on  Dr.  Hosack  and  others.  1 
wish  to  procure  access  to  Governor  Livingston's  papers, 
a  most  active  governor  of  New  Jersey  during  the  Revo- 
lution.  Mrs.  Ledyard,  of  this  city,  is  a  daughter  of  the 
late  Judge  Livingston,  who  was  the  son  of  Governor 
Livingston.  To  her  I  was  desirous  of  being  introduced, 
that  I  might  inquire  respecting  these  papers.  Mrs.  Rus- 
sell, an  intimate  acquaintance  of  hers,  accompanied  me 
to  her  house,  and  she  informed  me  that  the  papers  went 
into  the  hands  of  her  father's  elder  brother,  whose  widow 
now  lives  at  Jamaica,  Long  Island,  and  who  holds  the 
papers.  It  is  doubtful  whether  they  can  be  examined, 
for  this  lady  has  always  refused  to  let  any  part  of  them 
leave  her  possession,  and  even  Judge  Livingston  could 
never  obtain  any  of  them.  Mrs.  Ledyard,  however,  will 
make  inquiry,  and  offers  to  lend  me  any  assistance  in  her 
power.  She  talks  on  the  subject  with  much  good  sense 
and  enlargement  of  mind. 

Eead  the  Report  of  the  Commissioners  for  revising  the 
Laws  of  New  York,  and  the  specimen  of  their  labors 
which  they  have  published.  Wrote  to  Judge  Story  re- 
questing him  to  give  some  account  of  this  work  for  the 
"North  American  Review."  Passed  the  afternoon  in 
the  library  of  the  Historical  Society,  selecting  parts  of 
Lord  Stirling's  papers  to  be  copied.  These  papers  are 
numerous,  beginning  as  early  as  1755,  and  relating  much 
to  the  French  War  of  that  day  in  America,  also  to  a  long 
investigation  in  England  respecting  Lord  Stirling's  title. 


518  RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  YORK. 

I  begin  the  selection  with  those  which  first  bear  on  the 
American  Revolution.  .  .  . 

September  26th,  Tuesday.  —  Among  the  papers  in  the 
Historical  Society.  Called  on  Mr.  John  Pintard,  secre- 
tary of  the  society,  who  has  all  General  Gates'  papers  in 
his  possession.  These  are  not  in  a  condition  now  to  be 
examined,  but  in  a  few  weeks  Mr.  Pintard  will  have  them 
arranged  for  the  purpose.  .  .  . 

September  21th,  Wednesday.  —  Conversed  with  Dr. 
Hosack  on  the  Gates  papers  and  other  matters.  He  has 
uniformly  shown  a  strong  disposition  to  aid  my  purpose, 
and,  as  president  of  the  Historical  Society,  has  procured 
me  the  freest  access  to  everything  in  the  library  of  the 
society.  Examining  and  selecting  papers  through  the 
day. 

September  2%th,  Thursday. —  Selecting  papers;  some 
curious  letters  have  fallen  in  my  way  to-day,  particularly 
one  from  Burke  relating  to  the  Quebec  Bill,  while  he  was 
agent  for  the  Colony  of  New  York  in  London.  It  is 
long,  and  contains  pointed  remarks  on  the  views  and 
doings  of  the  ministerial  party  at  that  time.  I  also  found 
the  original  sketch  by  Franklin  of  a  plan  of  a  union  of 
the  colonies  in  1754,  which  was  agreed  to  by  the  Conven- 
tion at  Albany,  with  remarks  on  it  by  Governor  Cadwalla- 
der,  Colden,  and  James  Alexander.  These  remarks  were 
made  at  the  request  of  Dr.  Franklin.  The  original  min- 
utes of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  the  city  of 
New  York  for  1774  are  in  the  Historical  Society.  This 
is  a  thin  manuscript  volume,  and  is  very  curious  from  its 
containing  a  full  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
New  York  delegates  to  the  First  Congress  were  chosen. 
There  was  a  good  deal  of  debating  about  it  in  the  com- 
mittee, but  at  length  it  was  agreed  that  ^ve  candidates 
should  be  nominated  to  represent  the  city  and  county  of 
New  York,  and  their  names  proposed  to  the  people,  and 


RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  YORK.  519 

that  polls  for  the  election  should  be  opened  in  the  various 
wards.  The  persons  thus  nominated  were  unanimously 
chosen.  Circulars  were  then  written  to  all  the  counties, 
stating  what  was  done,  and  requesting  each  to  send  dele- 
gates, or  give  notice  whether  it  would  confide  its  interests 
in  the  five  chosen  in  the  city.  All  but  one  county  sent 
word  that  they  were  satisfied  with  the  candidates  elected. 
Suffolk  chose  an  additional  member. 

Mrs.  Ledyard  has  heard  from  the  lady  at  Jamaica. 
She  says  Governor  Livingston's  papers  are  not  now  in  her 
hands,  but  are  held  by  Mr.  William  Jay,  of  Bedford, 
West  Chester.    Mrs.  Ledyard  will  write  to  Mr.  Jay.  .  .  . 

September  29^A,  Friday.  —  Selecting  papers,  particu- 
larly from  the  letters  of  General  Stuart,  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania lines,  which  are  deposited  in  the  library  of 
the  Historical  Society,  and  those  of  Allan  McLane,  of 
Wilmington,  who  was  first  a  captain  in  the  Delaware 
regiments,  and  afterwards  in  Lee's  Legion.  Read  a 
manuscript  pamphlet  on  the  affair  at  Danbury,  which 
is  good,  and  most  of  which  I  have  marked  to  be  copied. 

September  30^,  Saturday.  —  In  the  library  in  the 
morning ;  conversed  half  an  hour  with  Mr.  Sampson  on 
the  article  which  he  is  preparing  for  the  "  Review  "  con- 
cerning Ireland.  .  .  . 

October  2d,  Monday.  —  In  the  library  in  the  morning ; 
found  journals  of  New  York  Senate  and  Assembly  during 
the  whole  Revolution,  and  also  the  statutes  at  large  of  the 
same  period,  all  much  to  my  purpose,  and  must  be  bor- 
rowed hereafter ;  also  journals  of  the  New  Jersey  Coun- 
cil and  Assembly  for  the  same  period.  A  full  set  of  New 
York  newspapers  may  be  had  in  the  library,  such  as  the 
"New  York  Mercury,"  "New  York  Journal,"  Rivington's 
"  Gazetteer,"  and  some  others.  The  "  Mercury  "  was  be- 
gun as  early  as  1730.  The  file  in  the  library  seems  not 
complete,  yet  it  is  nearly  so.  .  .  . 


520  RESEARCHES  IN  ALBANY. 

Employed  Benjamin  F.  Stevens  to  copy  for  me  such 
papers  as  I  have  selected.  His  charge  is  four  cents  a 
copy  sheet  (ninety  words).  In  Georgia  I  paid  nine 
cents ;  in  North  Carolina  was  charged  twenty ;  paid  about 
twelve.  In  some  places  they  charge  as  much  as  they  can 
get ;  in  others  they  have  a  rule,  but  this  varies  in  differ- 
ent places. 

Made  as  many  calls  as  I  could  find  time  for.  One  of 
the  evils  of  putting  one's  head  into  a  city  is  that  you 
must  spend  half  of  your  time  in  calling  and  being  called 
on,  i.  e.  if  you  would  .  .  .  escape  the  censure  of  a  want 
of  politeness  and  common  civility.  It  is  an  exercise  of 
mind  and  character,  however,  which  is  not  unprofitable. 

Mrs.  Ledyard  has  not  yet  heard  from  Mr.  Jay  con- 
cerning Governor  Livingston's  papers.  When  she  hears 
she  will  inform  me.  Mr.  Duer  has  seen  papers  relating 
to  a  correspondence  with  Washington  and  Lord  Stirling  ; 
alluding,  he  thinks,  to  the  difficulties  in  the  army.  He 
will  search  for  them.  A  man  here  is  preparing  for  the 
press  an  edition  of  Chastellux's  Travels  in  this  country, 
with  many  notes  illustrative  of  the  events  and  characters 
of  the  Revolution.  He  has  copies  of  all  the  letters  sent 
from  Washington  to  Chastellux,  obtained,  as  he  says,  in 
Charleston  by  Mr.  Brevoort.  He  tells  me  that  General 
Armstrong  showed  him  a  list  of  the  names  of  the  officers 
who  approved  the  Newburgh  letters  at  the  time  they  were 
written.  He  says,  moreover,  that  he  has  in  his  posses- 
sion numerous  papers  relating  to  the  Revolution.  His 
name  is  Brennan,  or  something  like  it.  How  far  his  work 
will  be  popular  at  this  day  may  be  doubted. 

RESEARCHES   IN   ALBANY. 

October  3c?,  Tuesday.  — In  the  steamboat  at  six  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  and  arrived  in  Albany  at  seven  in  the 
evening,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  thir- 


RESEARCHES  IN  ALBANY.  521 

teen  hours.  The  day  was  beautiful,  and  Nature  appeared 
in  all  her  majesty.  The  scenery  of  the  Highlands  has 
no  parallel  of  the  kind  in  this  country.  Harper's  Ferry 
resembles  it,  but  it  is  on  a  less  scale,  and  as  a  whole  is 
much  less  imposing.  Indeed,  Harper's  Ferry  would  never 
have  been  so  much  thought  of,  if  Mr.  Jefferson  had  not 
indulged  his  imagination  so  freely  in  describing  it.  .  .  . 

October  4th,  Wednesday.  —  Gave  my  letter  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Flagg,  who  immediately  offered 
me  every  facility  for  looking  through  the  papers  in  his 
office.  These  are  all  put  up  with  remarkable  care  and  in 
perfect  order,  and  bound  in  volumes.  I  have  been  all  day 
occupied  on  the  volumes  containing  the  public  correspon- 
dence for  1775.  The  most  prominent  letters  are  those 
of  General  Washington,  Schuyler,  Montgomery,  Ethan 
Allen,  Wooster,  and  others  engaged  in  the  Northern  cam- 
paign of  1775  ;  also  several  letters  from  Guy  Johnson 
and  talks  with  the  Indians. 

In  the  evening  called  with  Dr.  James  on  Mr.  Van 
Rensselaer,  or  the  Patroon.  His  lady  is  an  intelligent, 
agreeable  woman,  much  younger  than  himself.  My  con- 
versation, however,  was  principally  with  the  Patroon  on 
Revolutionary  matters,  for  I  can  think  of  nothing  else 
now.  I  reproached  myself  after  coming  out  for  not 
talking  more  with  the  lady,  and  on  things  of  a  more  mod- 
ern date ;  but  it  was  too  late  to  correct  my  error.  I  must 
do  better  another  time.  At  this  moment  I  am  full  of 
anxiety  to  procure  a  copy  of  Burke's  correspondence 
while  he  was  agent  for  the  colony  of  New  York.  A 
single  letter  in  the  Historical  Society  is  all  I  can  hear  of. 
Mr.  Van  Rensselaer  does  not  know  where  the  papers  are 
to  be  found,  and  fears  they  are  lost.  They  were  written 
to  a  committee  of  the  Assembly,  who  were  negligent. 
He  will  inquire,  and  let  me  know  the  result.  .  .  . 

Saw  Mr.  Davison,  publisher  of  a  newspaper  and  book- 


522  RESEARCHES  IN  ALBANY/ 

seller  at  Saratoga  Springs,  who  tells  me  that  he  has  in  his 
possession  a  manuscript  journal  written  during  the  Kevo- 
lution  by  Allan  McLane,  who  was  an  officer  in  the  Dela- 
ware line.  .  .  . 

October  bth,  Thursday.  — AW  day  employed  on  the 
"  Minutes  of  the  Conventions  in  New  York  "  in  the  year 
1775.     The  first   convention   under   the   new  forms   as- 
sembled in  New  York  city  in  April,  and  did  no  other 
business  than  to  elect  delegates  to  the  Continental  Con- 
gress.    It  sat  three  days.     In  May  another   convention 
assembled,  under  the  name  of  the  "  Provincial  Congress," 
which   continued   its   sessions   through  the   year,  except 
occasional  adjournments  of  two  weeks,  and  during  these 
recesses   business   was    carried   on   by   a   Committee   of 
Safety,  consisting  of  a  certain  number  of   persons  ap- 
pointed by  the  Congress  from  their  own  body.     The  elec- 
tions of  the  first  convention  and  of  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress were  made  in  consequence  of  the  recommendation 
of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  communicated  in  circulars  to  the   committees,  or 
some  leading  persons  in  each  county.     The  number  of 
delegates  was  not  limited,  as  such  a  step  was  not  neces- 
sary, considering  the  mode  adopted  for  voting;   which 
was,  that  the  city  and  county  of  New  York  should  have 
four  votes,  Albany  three,  and  every  other  county  two. 
The  same  rule  was  followed  by  the  Committee  of  Safety, 
although  from  most  of  the  counties  there  was  only  one 
member.     This  was  an  excellent  arrangement,  inasmuch 
as  it  obviated  all  the  differences  that  might   otherwise 
have  arisen  respecting  the  proportional  number  of  mem- 
bers that  should  be  sent  from  the  several  counties.     The 
present    system   aUowed   each   to   send   as   many   as   it 
pleased.     The  principal  business  of  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress at  this  period  was  to  carry  into  effect  the  resolves 
of  the  Continental  Congress,  to  organize  the  provincial 


RESEARCHES  IN  ALBANY.  523 

forces,  supply  them  with  provisions  and  other  requisites, 
and  to  stimulate  the  counties  to  do  their  share.  The 
taking  of  Ticonderoga  by  Ethan  Allen  and  Arnold  made 
work  for  the  Congress,  and  also  the  forces  forming  under 
General  Schuyler  on  the  northern  frontier.  The  Con- 
gress also  drew  up  a  plan  of  accommodation  with  the 
English  government,  which  was  recommended  to  their 
delegates  in  the  General  Congress,  and  took  into  consid- 
eration the  subject  of  issuing  paper  money.  A  report  on 
this  subject  by  a  committee  is  very  valuable.  But  my 
extracts  from  the  minutes  will  explain  all  these  matters, 
and  enable  me  to  draw  out  a  perfect  thread  of  history 
in  all  things  of  importance. 

Passed  half  an  hour  with  Governor  Clinton,  who  is  just 
returned  from  the  interior  of  the  State,  where  he  has  been 
making  examinations  for  a  canal.  He  is  very  much  taken 
up  with  things  of  this  sort  at  the  present  moment.  Mr. 
Palmer  is  here,  and  concerting  a  scheme  with  Governor 
Clinton  in  regard  to  the  mammoth  canal  of  Central 
America.  The  plan  of  an  active  company  is  forming, 
of  which  Governor  Clinton  is  to  be  the  president.  I  am 
beset  to  take  the  matter  up  in  the  "  North  American  Ke- 
view."  It  is  a  great  work,  and  cannot  but  excite  a  deep 
interest  in  the  community.  The  "  Eeview  "  shall  do  what 
it  can  to  help  it  onward.  Governor  Clinton  could  tell  me 
nothing  about  Burke's  letters.  He  gave  me  a  volume 
containing  all  the  speeches  of  the  governors  of  New  York 
since  the  formation  of  the  government;  and  offered  to 
procure  for  me,  if  possible,  a  copy  of  the  journals  of  the 
State.     I  am  to  see  him  further. 

Mr.  Baldwin  showed  me  the  correspondence  between 
John  Adams  and  Koger  Sherman  on  a  point  in  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  particularly  that  relating 
to  the  President's  negative.  It  is  a  rencounter  of  deep, 
keen  minds,  and  I  shall  take  a  copy.     Mr.  Baldwin  has 


524  RESEARCHES  IN  ALBANY. 

the  originals,  being  the  grandson  of  Sherman.  The  argu- 
ment is  well  sustained  on  both  sides,  and  in  a  manner 
peculiarly  characteristic  of  the  two  men.  Adams  had  the 
wrong  side,  and  experience  has  shown  his  objections  to 
be  imaginary. 

Mr.  Baldwin  has  also  an  original  letter  from  General 
Wooster  to  Koger  Sherman,  in  which  he  speaks  of  return- 
ing his  commission  of  brigadier-general,  sent  him  by 
Congress,  and  desires  Sherman  to  give  it  back  to  Mr. 
Hancock.  It  is  a  feeling  letter,  as  Wooster  thought  him- 
self slighted  by  the  Congress  in  their  not  making  him  a 
major-general.  He  says  he  had  been  thirty  years  a  sol- 
dier without  ever  having  any  complaint  of  his  conduct ; 
and  as  he  now  held  a  commission  under  the  State  of  Con- 
necticut, he  could  dispense  with  his  Continental  commis- 
sion, which  he  remarked  was  given  to  him  by  General 
Washington  without  a  date. 

In  the  north  part  of  this  State  Mr.  Baldwin  recently 
saw  the  man,  Nathan  Beman,  who  served  as  Ethan  Allen's 
guide  when  he  took  Ticonderoga.  He  was  then  a  boy, 
and  lived  on  the  side  of  the  lake  opposite  to  the  fort.  He 
often  went  over  for  his  amusement,  and  had  that  very 
day  been  in  the  fort,  and  knew  all  the  pathways  to  it. 
Allen  first  desired  the  boy's  father  to  accompany  him ; 
but  he  declined,  and  the  boy  volunteered,  and  the  project 
proved  completely  successful. 

General  Wooster  was  appointed  higher  in  rank  by  the 
Congress  than  Montgomery.  Was  not  the  circumstance 
of  his  giving  up  his  Continental  commission  the  reason 
why  Montgomery  had  command  over  him  in  the  Canada 
expedition  ?     This  point  to  be  investigated. 

October  6th,  Friday.  —  I  have  this  day  examined  the 
minutes  of  the  Provincial  Congress  through  the  year 
1775,  and  a  series  of  letters  for  the  year  following.  The 
State  of  New  York  was  very  backward  in  the  spirit  of 


RESEARCHES  IN  ALBANY.  525 

independence.     On  the  files  is  a  letter  from  the  delegates 
in  Congress,  dated  July  2,  1776,  stating  to  the  Provincial 
Congress  that  independence  would  certainly  be  declared 
very  shortly,  and  desiring  to  know  what  course  they  should 
pursue   in   consequence.      They   say  that   all   the   other 
States  had  either  instructed  their  delegates  directly  to 
vote  for  such  a  declaration,   or  had  withdrawn  former 
instructions  and  left  the  delegates  at  liberty  to  act  for 
themselves.     New  York  was  the  only  State  which  still 
imposed  on  its  delegates  the  requisition  to  oppose  such  a 
measure.     In  the  letter  above  alluded  to,  the  delegates 
explain  fully  the  embarrassments  to  which  they  will  be 
subjected  by  taking  the  ground  of  opposition.     A  new 
order  of  things  would  arise  in  consequence  of  the  declara- 
tion, and  they  would  be  required  to  vote  on  many  mea- 
sures growing  out  of  it,  which  they  could  not  consistently 
do  if  they  proclaimed  themselves  in  the  opposition.     In 
the  midst  of  this  dilemma  they  solicit  speedy  instructions. 
Such  was  the  hesitancy  of  New  York  in  regard  to  the 
great  question  of  an  entire  separation  of  the  colonies  from 
the    mother    country    that,   when    General   Washington 
ordered  General  Lee  to  march  to  New  York  with  a  view 
of  defending  the  city  against  a  menaced  attack  from  the 
enemy,  the  Congress  was  greatly  alarmed,  and  was  highly 
displeased  with  the  step.     Almost  the  only  gentle  and 
conciliatory  letter  that  Lee  ever  wrote  was  written  on  this 
occasion  to  the  Congress  while  he  was  on  his  march  in 
Connecticut.     The  Congress  feared  that  it  would  appear 
to  the  British  as  if  they  were  taking  a  too  active  part, 
and  that  to  bring  an  army  into  the  city  was  only  tempting 
the  enemy  to  fire  upon  it  from  their  ships.     Governor 
Tryon  had  done  much  mischief  in  this  colony,  and  the 
exposed  state  of  the  colony,  by  being  in  a  central  position, 
was  doubtless  one  reason  why  the   public  spirit  was  so 
long  reluctant  to  engage  in  earnest  in  the  contest. 
34 


526  RESEARCHES  IN  ALBANY. 

October  1th,  Saturday.  —  Engaged  on  the  correspon- 
dence and  minutes  of  the  Provincial  Congress  and  Com- 
mittee of  Safety  for  the  year  1776.  This  was  an  impor- 
tant period  in  New  York  ;  for  it  was  in  this  year  that  the 
seat  of  the  war  was  transferred  from  Boston  to  that  city, 
—  battle  of  Long  Island,  evacuation  of  the  city,  battle  of 
White  Plains,  loss  of  Fort  Washington,  and  retreat  into 
the  Jerseys.  General  Lee  had  command  in  the  city  in 
February,  after  which  Lord  Stirling  had  command  for 
a  short  time,  and  then  General  Thompson  till  General 
Washington  arrived  in  April.  Governor  Tryon  still  con- 
tinued on  board  the  Duchess  of  Gordon  in  the  harbor, 
and  even  at  this  time  sent  abroad  his  proclamations,  call- 
ing on  the  people  to  adhere  to  their  king,  and  offering 
pardon  to  repentant  rebels.  Till  after  General  Washing- 
ton arrived,  the  Colonial  Congress  not  only  submitted  to 
this  insult,  but  permitted  supplies  to  be  constantly  sent 
off  to  the  vessel.  Nor  was  it  till  General  Washington 
remonstrated  earnestly  against  this  conduct  that  the  Con- 
gress prohibited  all  intercourse,  having  been  actuated 
probably  by  two  motives,  —  first,  a  secret  Tory  hope  of 
conciliation  ;  and,  secondly,  a  fear  that,  if  supplies  were  re- 
fused, the  British  vessels  would  fire  the  city.  And  when 
the  resolve  for  stopping  supplies  was  passed  in  conformity 
with  General  Washington's  request,  it  was  accompanied 
with  a  long  preamble,  enumerating  with  much  formality 
the  injuries  inflicted  on  the  colonies  by  the  British  king 
and  Parliament,  and  showing  that  they  are  justified  in 
considering  his  majesty's  subjects  so  far  enemies  as  to 
withhold  supplies  from  them  while  in  hostile  array.  Gen- 
eral Lee  had  been  so  much  out  of  patience  with  the  Con- 
gress that  he  took  the  business  into  his  own  hands,  and 
prohibited  intercourse ;  but  this  caused  an  excitement,  a 
cry  that  the  military  was  usurping  the  powers  of  the  civil 
authority,  and  he  desisted.     Washington  proceeded  with 


RESEARCHES  IN  ALBANY.  527 

caution,  and  was  successful,  but  not  without  drawing  out 
the  suspicions  of  the  Congress.  They  complained ;  but 
Washington  returned  a  soothing  answer,  which  kept  mat- 
ters quiet. 

Governor  Clinton  told  me  to-day  that  he  has  several  of 
Washington's  letters  to  George  Clinton  and  to  his  father, 
copies  of  which  he  will  give  me.  He  says,  also,  that  he 
has  in  his  possession  Baron  Steuben's  papers,  unless  they 
have  been  sent  to  the  New  York  Historical  Society.  He 
will  look ;  and  if  they  are  still  in  his  charge,  I  shall  have 
free  access  to  them.  He  gave  me  a  little  volume,  called 
"Hibernicus'  Letters,"  written  by  himself  about  seven 
years  ago.  While  traveling  to  the  West  two  or  three 
summers  past,  I  met  with  this  book,  and  read  it  with 
much  interest.  It  exhibits  much  varied  knowledge,  and 
contains  the  best  account  I  have  seen  of  the  canal,  and 
of  the  western  parts  of  the  State  of  New  York.  The 
governor  said  to  me,  "  These  were  hasty  letters,  written 
to  make  the  canal  palatable."  I  replied,  "  It  requires  no 
such  aids  now  to  make  it  go  down."  "No,"  said  he, 
"  times  and  things  have  changed ;  but  at  that  time  it 
labored  hard,  I  assure  you."  The  truth  is,  the  merit  of 
this  great  work  is  exclusively  due  to  DeWitt  Clinton. 
He  risked  his  reputation  upon  it  at  a  time  when  the  voices 
of  a  great  portion  of  the  wise  men  of  the  country  were 
against  it ;  he  made  himself  unpopular  in  his  own  State 
for  pressing •  forward  what  was  called  a  visionary  project; 
but  he  persevered,  and  was  successful,  and  accomplished 
a  work  which  is  now  the  admiration  of  the  world,  the 
glory  of  this  country,  and  of  an  immense  importance  to 
the  State  of  New  York. 

I  spent  the  evening  in  reading  the  volume  of  Hum- 
boldt's "  Personal  Narrative "  (vol.  vi.),  just  published, 
particularly  that  part  relating  to  the  canals  of  the  Isth- 
mus.     Along  with  much   solid   learning   and   profound 


528  RESEARCHES  IN  ALBANY. 

remark,  there  is  a  great  deal  of  pedantry  in  Humboldt ; 
many  loose  statements,  and  a  parade  of  knowledge  on  all 
sorts  of  things,  of  which  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  be 
well-informed.  He  has  much  in  his  notes  and  appendix 
about  this  country,  where  his  chief  authorities  are  Warden 
and  Morse's  Geography.  Time  will  show  that  a  great 
many  of  Humboldt's  statements  are  loose,  and  not  to  be 
depended  on.     He  attempts  too  much.  .  .  . 

October  9£A,  Monday.  —  Governor  Clinton  lent  me  to- 
day fourteen  original  letters  from  General  Washington  to 
-George  Clinton,  of  which  I  am  to  take  copies.  He  has 
also  in  his  possession  more  than  fifty  letters  from  Wash- 
ington to  his  father,  James  Clinton,  which  he  says  his  sec- 
retary shall  copy  for  me.  He  has,  moreover,  put  into  my 
liands  a  box  containing  all  the  papers  of  Baron  Steuben, 
—  a  very  choice  treasure,  —  which  he  says  I  may  take 
with  me  to  Boston,  and  select  at  my  leisure  such  as  will 
!be  to  my  purpose.  They  have  been  left  with  him  for  the 
Historical  Society  in  New  York.  These  papers  are  ar- 
ranged and  put  up  with  care,  and  are  of  peculiar  value 
because,  Steuben  being  inspector-general  of  the  army, 
returns  were  made  to  him,  and  his  correspondence  was 
extensive  with  all  the  principal  officers,  and  among  no 
other  records  probably  can  the  state  of  the  army  at  differ- 
ent periods  be  so  well  ascertained.  Employed  all  day  in 
the  secretary's  office  examining  the  records  for  1776  and 
1777.  ... 

Passed  an  hour  with  Mr.  Yates,  former  Secretary  of 
State,  who  is  supposed  to  be  better  acquainted  with  the 
materials  for  the  history  of  New  York  than  any  other.  A 
volume  recently  appeared,  called  "  A  History  of  New 
York,"  by  Yates  and  Moreton.  It  is  said  Yates  disclaims 
having  any  part  in  that  work.  It  is  chiefly  to  him  that 
the  State  is  indebted  for  excellent  arrangement  of  the 
secretary's  office,  and  for  the  copious  indexes  affixed  to 
the  volumes  of  manuscripts. 


CITIZEN  GENET.  529 

October  10th,  Tuesdaij.  —  .  .  .  Mr.  Simeon  DeWitt, 
Surveyor-General  of  New  York,  has  held  that  office  nearly 
forty  years,  and  he  was  the  person  who  gave  the  names  of 
classical  heroes  and  authors  to  the  towns  in  the  western 
part  of  the  State,  from  Homer  down  to  Ovid  and  Virgil. 
He  must  be  a  man  of  feeble  invention.  It  was  a  poor 
scheme.  If  he  had  collected  his  names  from  the  Six 
Nations,  who  once  inhabited  the  country,  it  would  have 
been  far  preferable.  It  is  one  of  the  perfections  of  lan- 
guage, and  a  matter  of  great  importance  in  human  inter- 
course, that  the  same  name  should  apply  to  as  few  things 
as  possible. 

CITIZEN   GENET. 

Had  an  interview  of  half  an  hour  with  Mr.  Genet,  the 
famous  diplomatist  in  the  days  of  high  democracy,  and 
a  brother  of  Madam  Campan.  He  married  Governor 
George  Clinton's  daughter,  and  has  lived  for  many  years 
on  the  North  River,  between  this  place  and  Newburgh. 
His  conversation  is  highly  amusing.  He  has  lately  pub- 
lished a  strange  book,  in  which  he  professes  to  have  dis- 
covered the  principles  of  "  aerostatic  navigation,"  or  a 
mode  of  sailing  or  swimming  through  the  air,  as  a  fish 
swims  in  water.  He  was  extremely  eloquent  on  this  sub- 
ject, and  severe  in  his  remarks  on  some  Boston  critics 
who  had  dealt  somewhat  harshly  with  his  project.  He 
said  all  in  good  nature,  however,  and  closed  his  remarks 
by  ascribing  the  ill-fortune  of  his  scientific  discoveries  in 
that  quarter  to  the  ancient  leaven  of  federalism,  and  a 
recollection  of  his  democratical  diplomacy.  "  Ah,  they 
forget  nothing;  they  pursue  me  yet;  they  rake  up  old 
things,  and  my  poor  fish  in  the  air  must  fall  and  perish 
because  I  was  au  arrant  Democrat  thirty  years  ago  ;  and, 
to  tell  you  the  truth,  I  am  an  arrant  Democrat  still.  I 
love  liberty  even  better  than  my  aerostatic  fish ;  but,  after 
all,  it  is  hard  that  my  fish  should  suffer  for  my  political 


530  CITIZEN  GENET. 

sins  thirty  years  ago,  if  sins  they  were."  And  so  he  went 
on  in  a  very  jocose  way  about  the  Boston  critics ;  said  he 
meant  to  answer  them,  and  publish  in  "  Silliman's  Jour- 
nal; "  for  Silliman  had  been  more  indulgent  to  him  than 
that  Dr.  Webster  of  Boston.  "  Ah,  Webster  is  an  omi- 
nous name:  it  reminds  one  of  federalism;  and  Genet 
was,  is,  and  ever  will  be,  a  Democrat.  The  critics  shall 
be  answered."  I  inquired  of  Mr.  Genet  about  Governor 
George  Clinton's  papers,  as  this  was  a  thing  of  more 
importance  to  me  than  federalism  or  the  fish  in  the  air. 
He  said  the  papers  of  Governor  Clinton  were  left  in  the 
hands  of  his  executors,  that  they  were  numerous,  and  care- 
fully arranged.  The  last  he  heard  of  them,  they  were  in 
possession  of  the  present  lieutenant-governor,  General 
Tallmage.     Of  this  I  must  inquire  further.  .  .  . 

October  11th,  Wednesday.  —  Examined  the  office  of 
the  Clerk  of  Assembly  for  Burke's  correspondence ;  but 
could  find  no  papers  whatever  anterior  to  the  new  govern- 
ment. I  now  despair  of  recovering  the  said  correspon- 
dence. In  the  State  House  is  contained  a  state  library, 
which  contains  a  good  selection  of  books,  particularly  on 
the  law.  At  present  the  legislature  makes  an  annual 
appropriation  of  five  hundred  dollars  for  the  increase  of 
this  library. 

At  Mrs.  Clinton's  ...  tea  party  in  the  evening.  It 
was  much  like  other  tea  parties,  —  not  very  animated  nor 
inspiring,  —  yet  Mrs.  Clinton  managed  things  with  dig- 
nity and  great  propriety,  conversing  freely  and  sensibly. 
The  governor  not  at  home.  I  talked  the  most  of  the 
evening  with  Chancellor  Jones  and  Judge  Spencer,  two  of 
the  judicial  luminaries  of  the  State.  The  chancellor  gave 
me  a  full  account  of  the  papers  which  Hamilton's  family 
are  attempting  to  get  out  of  Mr.  King's  hands  by  a  pro- 
cess of  chancery.  He  says  General  Hamilton,  a  short 
time  before  his  death,  told  his  executors,  Mr.  Pendleton 


WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ADDRESS.         531 

and  Mr.  Fish,  that  they  would  find  his  papers  in  a  certain 
condition,  and  must  do  with  them  what  they  thought 
proper.  After  the  death  of  Hamilton  the  papers  in  ques- 
tion went  into  possession  of  Mr.  Pendleton,  and  from 
him  —  at  what  time  is  not  stated  —  into  the  hands  of  Mr. 
King.  For  many  years  Hamilton's  family  were  not  aware 
of  these  facts,  till  Mr.  King  told  one  of  the  sons  that  he 
had  these  papers,  and  showed  them  to  him. 

As  to  the  nature  of  the  papers,  Chancellor  Jones  says 
that,  as  far  as  he  can  learn,  they  consist  of  a  correspon- 
dence between  Washington  and  Hamilton  on  the  subject 
of  Washington's  Farewell  Address,  and  a  copy  of  that 
address  in  Hamilton's  handwriting.  The  impression  has 
therefore  gone  abroad  that  Hamilton  wrote  that  address ; 
but  a  letter  just  published,  written  by  Mr.  Jay  in  1811, 
makes  it  certain  that  Washington  sent  a  draft  of  the 
address  to  Hamilton  and  Jay,  requesting  them  to  examine 
it,  and  suggest  such  alterations  as  they  thought  proper. 
That  General  Washington's  copy  should  not  be  marred, 
Mr.  Jay  says  Hamilton  copied  the  whole  with  his  own 
hand,  and  that  the  corrections  were  made  in  Hamilton's 
copy.  From  this  statement,  as  well  a^  from  other  things, 
the  chancellor  has  no  doubt  that  Washington  wrote  the 
first  draft  of  the  Farewell  Address.  He  believes,  how- 
ever, that  the  correspondence  will  show  that  Hamilton 
suggested  many  of  the  ideas,  and  thinks  it  more  than 
probable  that  he  first  hinted  to  Washington  the  expedi- 
ency of  such  an  address  on  his  leaving  office.  His  im- 
pression is,  on  the  whole,  that  the  address  may  be  consid- 
ered as  the  joint  production  of  the  two  minds,  but  that 
Washington's  share  was  such  as  to  make  it  emphatically 
his  own,  and  that  he  relied  no  more  on  Hamilton  than 
any  friend  would  do  on  another,  in  a  similar  case,  in 
whose  judgment  and  wisdom  he  had  great  confidence. 

The  whirl  of  party  politics  is  in  full  motion  here.     Mr. 


532  MATERIALS  FOR  HISTORY. 

» 
Rochester,  the  new  candidate  for  governor,  put  up  in 
opposition  to  Mr.  Clinton,  dined  with  us  to-day.  Knots 
of  his  friends  are  gathering  around  him,  and  concerting 
plans  for  prosecuting  the  electioneering  campaign  with 
spirit  and  efficiency.  The  politics  of  New  York  are  a 
labyrinth  to  which  I  have  found  no  clue,  although  I  have 
searched  with  no  lack  of  inquisitiveness.  Few  among  the 
people  themselves  know  what  wheels  are  in  motion,  or 
how  they  are  moved  ;  and  the  busy  agents  cannot  predict 
the  results,  or  even  lay  the  dust  which  they  raise  with 
their  own  machinations. 

October  12th,  Thursday.  —  Finished  all  my  investiga- 
tions in  the  secretary's  office,  and  prepared  everything 
for  the  copyist,  —  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven  letters 
and  one  hundred  and  fifty-five  extracts  from  the  minutes. 
Employed  Mr.  Luce  to  copy  the  whole  at  six  cents  a  folio 
of  seventy-two  words.  The  materials  for  history  in  the 
secretary's  office  are  as  follows :  Dutch  records  translated 
by  Francis  Adrian  Vanderkemp,  in  twenty-four  manu- 
script folio  volumes,  embracing  the  period  between  the 
years  1638  and  1674  ;  also  M  Council  Minutes,"  in  twenty- 
five  folio  manuscript  volumes,  from  the  years  1683  to 
1775,  with  a  few  broken  records  during  the  time  the 
British  held  possession  of  the  city  of  New  York  up  to  the 
year  1783.  In  these  minutes  is  contained  the  correspon- 
dence between  Governor  Tryon  and  mayor  and  council  of 
the  city  in  1775,  when  Tryon  left  the  city  and  went  on 
board  the  vessel  in  the  harbor,  under  pretense  that  his 
person  was  not  safe  on  shore.  He  held  his  council,  and 
pretended  to  govern  the  province,  on  board  the  vessel. 

The  other  materials  for  colonial  history  are  the  journals 
of  the  Assembly,  printed  by  Hugh  Gaine,  in  two  large 
folio  volumes,  the  first  volume  printed  in  1764,  and  the 
other  in  1776.  This  work  was  reprinted  from  the  old 
journals  by  a  vote  of  the  legislature.     It  is  called  "  Gaine's 


ELKANAH  WATSON.  533 

Edition."  The  two  volumes  take  in  the  period  from  1691 
to  1775,  the  end  of  the  Colonial  government. 

The  Revolutionary  papers  are  very  full  till  the  end  of 
the  year  1777.  After  the  new  government  was  formed, 
near  the  close  of  this  year,  George  Clinton  was  chosen 
governor,  and  all  the  executive  papers  from  that  time  are 
among  his  papers.  The  minutes  of  the  proceedings  of 
the  first  Committee  of  Safety  in  New  York,  and  of  the 
subsequent  conventions,  Provincial  Congress,  intermediate 
committees  of  safety,  and  the  convention  that  formed  the 
Constitution  in  1777,  are  carefully  copied  out  and  bound 
in  ten  folio  volumes.  None  of  these  materials  have  ever 
been  printed.  When  the  new  government  went  into 
operation,  the  journals  of  Assembly  and  Senate  were 
printed,  and  have  thus  continued  ever  since.  A  valuable 
selection  for  printing  might  be  made  from  the  early  min- 
utes, particularly  those  parts  pertaining  to  the  time  of 
debating  the  points  of  the  Constitution,  and  adopting 
that  instrument. 

After  dinner  I  walked  home  with  Elkanah  Watson, 
famous  in  the  annals  of  agricultural  societies,  canals,  and 
various  other  things.  He  had  a  contest  with  Mr.  Clinton 
as  to  the  origin  of  the  grand  New  York  canal.  Elkanah 
Watson  claims  to  have  been  the  originator,  and  quotes 
memoranda  from  his  journal  which  he  made  in  the  West 
thirty  years  ago.  He  has  given  me  two  books,  which, 
when  I  read  them,  are  to  explain  the  whole  matter  to  me. 
He  showed  me  a  great  many  letters  from  distinguished 
men.  He  has  two  or  three  of  an  extraordinary  character 
from  John  Adams.  He  promises  to  send  me  copies.  In 
a  large  book  he  has  pasted  a  copy  of  all  the  newspaper 
articles  he  has  written  in  forty  years,  on  all  sorts  of 
topics,  political,  civil,  agricultural,  physical. 


534  RESEARCHES  IN  VERMONT. 


•RESEARCHES   IN   VERMONT. 

October  13^,  Friday.  —  Left  Albany  last  night  at 
eleven  o'clock  in  the  stage,  rode  through  a  rainy  night, 
and  arrived  at  Bennington  this  morning.  My  object  was 
to  visit  the  ground  on  which  Stark  fought  the  Hessians 
on  the  16th  of  August,  1777,  one  of  the  best  fought  and 
most  decisive  battles  of  the  Revolution,  and  one  of  the 
most  important  in  its  consequences.  Mr.  Baldwin  had 
given  me  a  letter  to  Mr.  Hiland  Hall,  a  lawyer  of  Ben- 
nington, which  I  delivered;  and  Mr.  Hall  immediately 
offered  to  accompany  me  to  the  battle-ground,  about  six 
miles  from  the  town  of  Bennington.  We  called  on  Judge 
Henry,  who  lives  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  spot,  and 
who  visited  the  scene  the  day  after  the  battle,  being  then 
fifteen  years  old.  His  recollections  were  very  strong  on 
the  subject,  as  he  had  often  been  on  the  ground,  and  con- 
versed with  a  great  many  persons  who  were  in  the  battle. 
On  returning  to  Judge  Henry's  we  found  there  Governor 
Galusha,  of  Shaftsbury,  who  was  himself  in  the  battle 
and  commanded  a  company  of  militia  from  Shaftsbury, 
six  miles  distant.  The  following  is  the  result  of  my 
examination  and  inquiries  in  regard  to  the  immediate 
events  of  the  battle. 

BATTLE   OF   BENNINGTON. 

When  it  was  known  that  Baum  was  approaching, 
Stark  marched  from  Bennington  to  meet  him,  sending 
Colonel  Gregg  with  a  small  party  in  advance  to  reconnoi- 
tre. Gregg  first  encountered  the  enemy  at  a  place  called 
Sancoick,  or  Rensselaer's  Mills,  on  the  Walloomsac  Creek, 
near  its  junction  with  the  Hoosac  River,  and  immediately 
retreated,  and  met  Stark  three  miles  in  the  rear.  The 
army  being  then  in  a  valley,  on  the  right  margin  of  the 
creek,  Stark  drew  back  about  a  mile  to  the  summit  of  a 


BATTLE  OF  BENNINGTON.  535 

hill,  and  formed  his  men  in  a  line  extending  across  the 
road,  his  left  wing  reaching  nearly  to  the  creek,  being 
thus  posted  in  a  very  advantageous  position  to  meet  the 
enemy.  He  had  one  iron  field -piece,  badly  mounted, 
which  was  placed  in  the  road,  but  no  use  was  at  any  time 
made  of  it.  This  was  on  the  evening  of  the  14th.  The 
Hessians  in  the  mean  time  had  advanced  about  two  miles 
from  Sancoick,  where  they  halted. 

An  engagement  was  expected  by  the  Americans  on  the 
next  day,  but  as  it  was  rainy,  and  the  Hessians  remained 
at  their  post,  nothing  more  occurred  than  a  few  slight 
skirmishes  between  small  advanced  parties.  It  was  evi- 
dent, however,  that  Baum  did  not  intend  to  make  an 
attack  until  he  should  receive  the  reinforcements  for 
which  he  had  sent,  for  he  employed  himself  all  the  15th 
in  throwing  up  a  redoubt,  and  fortifying  himself  as  well 
as  he  could.  The  ground  he  had  chosen  for  that  pur- 
pose was  selected  with  great  judgment,  and  was  the  best 
in  the  vicinity.  It  was  at  the  top  of  a  hill,  very  steep 
on  all  sides  but  the  northwest,  covered  with  woods,  and 
washed  by  the  creek  on  its  eastern  base.  This  encamp- 
ment was  on  the  highest  point,  and  the  fortification  he 
threw  up  covered  but  a  small  area,  and  was  composed 
wholly  of  the  trunks  and  branches  of  trees,  which  were 
cut  on  the  spot  and  rudely  put  together.  He  had  two 
field-pieces  of  brass,  one  of  which  was  retained  within 
this  fortification,  and  the  other  was  stationed  more  than 
four  hundred  yards  distant,  on  an  elevated  and  command- 
ing point  near  the  foot  of  the  hill,  where  it  could  act  upon 
the  bridge  below,  and  up  the  valley  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  creek. 

The  Tories  and  British,  under  the  command  of  Colonel 
Pfister,  were  posted  more  than  half  a  mile  to  the  south- 
east of  Baum  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  creek. 
Here  they  threw  up  a  wooden  breastwork  on  a  portion  of 


536  BATTLE  OF  BENNINGTON. 

land  somewhat  elevated  above  the  level  of  the  creek,  but 
much  less  so  thau  the  Hessian  encampment,  precipitous 
in  their  rear,  but  a  little  ascending  in  their  front  and 
right  flank.  The  Indians  were  encamped  in  the  woods 
on  the  hills  to  the  rear  of  the  Hessians. 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  on  the  morning  of  the 
16th  of  August.  Stark  perceived  the  design  of  the  Hes- 
sian commander  to  wait  for  reinforcements,  and  resolved 
to  attack  him  immediately.  The  two  armies  were  about 
two  miles  apart.  The  American  general  divided  his 
forces  into  three  parties.  One  on  the  right,  under  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Nichols,  was  ordered  to  march  in  a 
circuitous  route,  sheltering  himself  behind  the  high  hills, 
that  he  might  be  concealed  from  the  view  of  the  enemy- 
till  he  should  come  upon  the  rear  of  the  encampment. 
Colonel  Herrick,  who  commanded  the  party  on  the  left, 
had  the  same  orders,  and  the  distance  to  be  marched  over 
by  each  was  so  arranged  that  they  should  arrive  as  nearly 
as  possible  at  the  same  time.  Stark  commanded  the 
middle  division  in  person,  and  it  was  planned  that  the 
attack  should  begin  at  the  Tory  battery  by  him  when  it 
should  be  known  by  the  firing  that  it  had  commenced  on 
the  Hessians  by  the  two  divisions  from  the  right  and  left. 

This  scheme  was  carried  completely  into  execution. 
Herrick's  division  had  to  march  from  four  to  six  miles 
and  ford  the  river  twice,  and  Nichols'  nearly  the  same 
distance.  They  met  as  had  been  preconcerted,  and  com- 
menced the  attack  together  on  the  rear  of  the  Hessian 
redoubt.  Stark  had  arrived  near  the  Tory  battery  some 
minutes  before,  but  he  halted  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
muskets,  and  a  scattered  fire  only  was  carried  on  by  ad- 
vanced parties.  But  when  the  signal  of  attack  was  heard 
from  the  hill,  he  rushed  with  great  impetuosity  upon  the 
Tories,  and,  after  a  short  but  severe  conflict,  he  drove 
them  from  their  breastwork  and  pursued  them  across  the 


BATTLE  OF  BENNINGTON.  537 

creek  to  an  open  plain,  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which 
Baum  had  encamped.  Almost  at  the  same  moment  the 
Hessians  appeared  running  in  all  directions  through  the 
woods  above,  and  hotly  pursued  by  the  Americans,  who 
at  the  first  onset  had  forced  them  from  their  fortification. 
The  greatest  number  was  killed  during  this  flight  in  the 
woods.  The  greater  portion  of  them  at  length  found 
their  way  to  the  plain,  where  Stark  was  pursuing  the 
Tories,  and  where  the  prisoners  were  chiefly  taken. 

The  action,  however,  did  not  cease.  Stragglers  were 
escaping  through  the  woods,  and  such  Americans  as  were 
not  wanted  to  guard  the  prisoners  pursued  them,  killing 
some  and  taking  others,  till  nearly  sunset.  At  this  time 
the  advanced  party  in  the  pursuit,  at  the  head  of  which 
was  Colonel  Herrick,  had  proceeded  as  far  as  Sancoick, 
when  Breyman's  reinforcements  were  descried  rapidly  ad- 
vancing. Herrick  and  his  men  fell  back  till  a  sufficient 
number  of  those  in  the  rear  had  collected  together  to 
make  a  stand.  They  then  formed  in  front  of  Breyman's 
line  on  the  margin  of  a  wood,  and  began  firing.  The 
superior  force  of  the  enemy  compelled  them  again  to 
retreat,  which  was  done  in  good  order  and  with  a  constant 
firing.  At  this  moment  Colonel  Warner  came  up  with 
his  detachment  of  Continental  troops,  just  arrived  from 
Manchester.  The  enemy's  line  was  then  drawn  out  from 
the  creek  on  his  right  across  the  road  to  a  wood  on  his 
left.  Warner  with  his  fresh  troops  attacked  the  left,  and 
Stark,  with  those  who  had  been  fighting  Baum  and  the 
Tories,  and  a  few  others  of  the  militia  who  had  come  in 
near  the  close  of  the  action,  maintained  the  contest  on  the 
enemy's  right.  The  American  forces  were  continually 
increased  by  the  coming  in  of  those  who  had  been  scat- 
tered in  pursuing  the  enemy.  The  action  continued 
warmly  till  it  was  quite  dark,  when  the  enemy  retreated, 
and  the  Americans  remained  on  the  ground.     Breyman 


538  BATTLE  OF  BENNINGTON. 

had  two  brass  field-pieces,  which  were  both  taken,  as  well 
as  the  two  mentioned  above.  There  was  perhaps  as  much 
hard  fighting  in  this  engagement  as  in  the  other.  Many 
of  the  enemy  and  some  Americans  were  killed,  but  it  was 
not  known  what  proportion  of  the  whole  number.  That 
the  enemy  retreated  before  the  Americans  is  evident  from 
the  circumstance  of  both  their  cannon  being  taken. 

The  Indians  fled  at  the  beginning  of  the  action,  nor  can 
I  learn  that  any  were  seen  during  the  whole  day.  They 
foresaw  that  the  issue  must  be  fatal,  and  they  took  care 
to  desert  their  friends  the  moment  they  found  them  need- 
ing their  aid.  An  Indian  chief  was  shot  in  a  skirmish, 
or,  as  it  is  said,  by  some  person  concealed  behind  a  house, 
the  day  before  the  battle,  and  to  revenge  his  death  they 
burnt  the  house. 

Governor  Galusha  tells  me  that  the  left  wing  of  Brey- 
man's  line,  which  was  engaged  with  Warner,  beat  a  par- 
ley in  the  midst  of  the  action ;  but  the  Americans,  igno- 
rant of  military  affairs,  did  not  understand  this  signal 
and  paid  no  regard  to  it,  otherwise  this  wing  would  prob- 
ably have  surrendered. 

Baum  was  mortally  wounded  in  the  first  part  of  the 
engagement,  near  the  fortification.  He  was  carried  to  a 
house  in  the  neighborhood,  where  he  died  the  next  morn- 
ing, and  I  was  shown  his  grave  a  few  yards  from  the 
margin  of  the  Walloomsac  Creek.  No  external  mark 
now  indicates  the  spot.  It  is  overgrown  with  high  grass 
and  weeds. 

Colonel  Pfister,  who  commanded  the  Tories,  was  also 
mortally  wounded,  and  was  buried  with  Baum.  ...  To 
be  killed  fighting  foreign  battles  in  a  foreign  land,  to  be 
buried  in  the  same  grave  with  a  Tory,  was  a  hard  fate. 
Pfister  was  a  British  colonel  on  half  pay.  He  lived  in 
Hoosac,  a  few  miles  from  the  place  of  his  grave.  He 
joined  the  army  but  a  short  time  before  the  action.     His 


BATTLE   OF  BENNINGTON.  539 

house  was  pointed  out  to  me  as  I  passed  it  on  my  way 
from  Albany. 

A  better  place  could  hardly  be  found  for  a  depot  of 
provisions  for  an  army  than  Bennington.  It  is  sur- 
rounded by  mountains,  and  can  only  be  approached  from 
the  west  by  two  passes,  the  one  attempted  by  Baum,  and 
another  about  four  miles  to  the  south,  through  which  the 
road  leads  from  Hoosac  to  Bennington.  It  was  at  first 
doubtful  which  route  would  be  taken,  and  therefore  Stark 
kept  back  that  he  might  be  prepared  for  either.  Had 
Baum  taken  the  south  pass,  he  would  have  followed  up 
the  Hoosac  River  from  Sancoick  instead  of  the  Walloom- 
sac  Creek.  The  passage  chosen  by  Baum  was  the  easiest 
of  access,  because  Bennington  can  only  be  approached 
through  the  other  by  ascending  a  hill,  which  proceeds 
quite  across  the  valley,  and  which  would  give  very  great 
advantage  to  an  opposing  enemy.  The  next  nearest  pass 
into  the  Bennington  valley  is  fourteen  miles  above,  where 
the  Batton  Kill  runs  through  the  mountain  in  Arlington, 
but  this  is  so  narrow  and  overhung  with  precipices  that 
no  army  would  attempt  it  that  expected  the  least  opposi- 
tion. Baum's  encampment,  where  the  main  engagement 
took  place,  is  six  miles  from  Bennington,  and  in  the  town 
of  White  Creek,  at  that  time  Cambridge.  The  Tory 
breastwork  was  in  Hoosac,  and  the  second  battle  was  just 
within  the  line  of  that  town. 

No  one  can  examine  the  particulars  with  the  minute- 
ness I  have  done  without  being  struck  with  the  great 
judgment,  prudence,  and  military  skill  of  Stark  in  plan- 
ning and  managing  the  whole  enterprise.  Nor  should 
Baum  pass  without  praise.  He  did  all  that  could  be 
done,  —  fortified  himself  in  the  best  position,  and  fought 
bravely.  Why  he  separated  the  Tories  so  far  from  him 
is  not  easy  to  say.  He  placed  them  in  the  most  exposed 
situation,  and  where  it  was  impossible  they  should  not  be 


540  BATTLE  OF  BENNINGTON. 

cut  off  in  case  of  any  serious  attack.  Their  post  formed 
a  kind  of  outwork  to  his,  but  under  such  circumstances  as 
cut  off  all  communication  and  all  assistance,  except  from 
the  field-piece  stationed  to  command  the  bridge.  The 
Americans  were  somewhat  annoyed  by  this,  when  they 
attacked  the  Tory  breastwork,  but  not  so  as  to  check 
them  in  any  degree.  It  is  quite  clear  that  Baum  intended 
his  Tory  friends,  rather  than  his  own  Hessians,  should  be 
sacrificed  in  maintaining  a  defense.  In  truth,  these  same 
friends  had  deceived  him  into  his  present  snare,  and  it 
was  but  just  that  they  should  stand  the  test  of  their  own 
declarations,  and  expose  themselves  in  the  front  to  an 
enemy  whom  they  had  represented  as  few  in  numbers 
and  contemptible  in  spirit. 

Mr.  Hall  and  myself  have  made  an  accurate  drawing  1 
of  Stark's  battle,  with  the  distances  stated  by  Judge 
Henry,  who  has  always  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  scene 
of  action.  In  the  above  description  I  have  paid  no  regard 
to  the  numbers  engaged  on  either  side ;  these  are  to  be 
ascertained  from   official  documents.     The   points  upon 

1  A  sketch  map  of  the  battlefield  at  Bennington  is  preserved 
among  the  Sparks  MSS.  (No.  xxviii.)  in  the  library  of  Harvard 
University.  It  is  inscribed  "  Drawn  by  Mr.  Hiland  Hall,  Benning- 
ton, October  13,  1826.  Very  accurate.  Ground  examined  by  my- 
self at  the  time."  See  Justin  Winsor's  "Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  America,"  vol.  vi.  p.  356,  for  a  description  of  the  map. 
One  of  the  best  accounts  of  the  battle  was  written  by  ex-Governor 
Hiland  Hall  for  the  "Bennington  Banner"  in  1877,  and  was  re- 
published in  that  journal  August  21,  1891.  The  proceedings  at  the 
time  of  "  The  Dedication  of  the  Bennington  Battle  Monument  and 
Celebration  of  the  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  the  Admission  of  Ver- 
mont as  a  State,  at  Bennington,  August  19,  1891,"  were  published  in 
1892  by  authority  of  the  Centennial  Committee  and  under  the  ed- 
itorship of  Henry  Leonard  Stillson.  The  work  contains  an  account 
of  earlier  celebrations  of  the  Bennington  battle,  as  well  as  of  the 
great  celebration  in  1891.  Especially  noteworthy  in  the  proceedings 
are  the  orations  of  Hon.  Edward  J.  Phelps  and  of  President  Harri- 
son, pp.  84-99.  ■> 


RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  541 

which  I  have  touched  are  principally  those  which  have 
been  misstated  by  historians. 

RESEARCHES   IN  NEW   HAMPSHIRE. 

October  14th,  Saturday.  —  From  Bennington  to  Man- 
chester by  private  conveyance,  twenty-two  miles,  through 
a  romantic  valley  between  two  ranges  of  the  Green  Moun- 
tains. At  Manchester,  Colonel  Warner  was  posted  with 
a  body  of  Continental  troops,  and  marched  from  that 
place  to  the  aid  of  Stark.  It  is  a  town  pleasantly  situ- 
ated, and  surrounded,  like  Bennington,  by  lofty  hills. 
The  best  pass  across  the  Green  Mountains  is  at  this 
point.  .  .  .  Left  Manchester  at  seven  in  the  evening  and 
rode  fourteen  miles  to  the  top  of  the  mountain,  in  Lands- 
grove,  where  we  lodged. 

October  15th,  Sunday.  —  By  a  slow  movement  to 
Charlestown  in  New  Hampshire,  twenty-eight  miles, 
through  Chester  and  Springfield.  .  .  . 

October  16th,  Monday.  —  From  Charlestown  to  Con- 
cord, through  Ackworth,  Washington,  Hillsborough,  and 
Hopkinton,  fifty-three  miles.  .  .  . 

October  11th,  Tuesday.  —  Went  to  the  office  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  and  began  my  investigations.  The 
secretary  is  Mr.  Richard  Bartlett,  my  fellow  boarder  and 
schoolmate  two  years  at  Exeter,  for  whom  I  have  always 
had  a  sincere  regard.  He  affords  me  every  facility  for 
my  researches  in  the  records  of  his  office.  I  find  the 
Revolutionary  correspondence  tolerably  perfect,  but  as 
New  Hampshire  was  a  frontier  State,  and  not  the  theatre 
of  war,  the  letters  are  not  so  numerous  as  in  many  other 
States.  Generals  Stark  and  Poor,  Colonel  Scammel,  and 
the  delegates  in  Congress,  and  particularly  General  Sulli- 
van, both  while  he  was  major-general  in  the  army  and  a 
member  of  the  Old  Congress,  wrote  the  letters  of  chief 
importance.  Meshech  Weare  was  president  of  the  State 
35 


542  RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

during  the  whole  Revolution,  and  some  of  his  letters  are 
worth  preserving,  though  he  commonly  wrote  briefly.  In 
this  respect  Governor  Trumbull's  habit  was  quite  differ- 
ent. His  letters  were  often  long,  and  so  with  Governor 
Reed,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Governor  Livingston,  of  New 
Jersey.  Weare  does  not  appear  to  have  been  a  man  of 
marked  energy,  but  a  true  patriot,  constant  and  unyield- 
ing. 

The  secretary's  office  has  not  been  kept  in  good  order : 
the  papers  are  loose,  and  doubtless  many  have  been  lost ; 
but  the  Revolutionary  correspondence  seems  to  have  been 
preserved  nearly  entire.  Dined  and  took  tea  with  Mr. 
Bartlett,  his  mother,  and  sisters;  talked  of  Exeter  and 
school-boy  times  till  late  in  the  evening. 

October  18tfA,  Wednesday.  —  All  day  intensely  occu- 
pied among  the  papers.  Finished  the  whole,  and  selected 
seventy-nine  letters  from  different  persons.  In  the  office 
are  fifty-eight  letters  from  Washington,  all  to  be  copied. 
There  is  a  file  of  papers  containing  an  account  of  the 
court  of  inquiry  on  General  Sullivan,  with  the  statements 
and  evidence  sent  by  him  to  the  legislature  of  New  Hamp- 
shire. These  are  very  important,  as  they  explain  fully 
the  events  in  which  Sullivan  was  engaged,  particularly 
at  Brandywine  and  Staten  Island.  In  one  of  Sullivan's 
letters,  he  says  he  was  not  the  commander  in  the  en- 
gagement on  Long  Island.  General  Putnam  took  the 
command  four  days  before.  All  history  has  hitherto 
represented  Sullivan  as  the  commander. 

Mr.  Bartlett  has  a  manuscript  account  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  committee  of  Congress  to  the  army  in  1780. 
Colonel  Nathaniel  Peabody  was  one  of  this  committee, 
and  this  copy  was  carefully  taken  for  him.  It  contains 
letters  from  all  the  principal  officers,  and  a  minute  ac- 
count of  the  army  for  more  than  six  months.  This 
volume  I  have  borrowed.     Mr.  Bartlett   also  has  other 


RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  543 

Revolutionary  papers  which  belonged  to  General  Pea- 
body,  and  which  he  will  loan  me.  Mr.  Moore  is  engaged 
in  printing  a  second  volume  of  the  "  Collections  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  New  Hampshire."  A  few  Revolu- 
tionary materials  are  printed.  Mr.  Moore  has  all  the 
remaining  papers  of  President  Weare.  They  are  chiefly 
of  a  date  anterior  to  the  Revolution. 

Materials  for  colonial  history  in  New  Hampshire  are 
meagre.  The  journals  were  kept  in  an  imperfect  state, 
and  I  cannot  ascertain  whether  they  were  ever  printed. 
No  printed  copy  is  to  be  found  in  the  secretary's  office, 
though  it  is  thought  some  of  the  journals  were  printed. 
The  minutes  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  and  the  first 
councils  and  assemblies  under  the  new  government  are 
mere  skeletons.  There  is  but  one  volume  of  these  in  the 
secretary's  office,  nor  is  it  known  whether  the  full  set  is  to 
be  found.  ...  As  yet  I  can  find  no  clue  to  this  business, 
and  it  demands  further  research.  Nor  can  I  hear  of  any 
copy  of  the  statutes  at  large  during  the  Revolution. 

Passed  an  hour  in  the  evening  with  Mr.  Bartlett,  his 
mother,  and  sisters,  whose  civilities  have  been  marked. 
This  has  been  a  great  day  here,  —  a  cattle  show,  speech, 
dinner,  and  toasts.  I  had  a  formal  invitation  by  a  com- 
mittee to  attend.  But  I  was  pressed  for  time,  and  went 
not  abroad  the  whole  day.  I  have  a  single  purpose  at 
present,  from  which  neither  cattle,  nor  dinners,  nor  toasts 
shall  divert  me. 

October  19^,  Thursday.  —  In  the  stage  at  five  in  the 
morning,  and  arrived  at  Durham  before  twelve.  Paid 
stage  fare  to  Dover,  five  miles  further  than  I  designed  to 
go.  So  much  for  carelessness  and  ignorance  of  geog- 
raphy ;  which  latter,  indeed,  is  but  a  feeble  apology,  as  I 
have  been  here  before.  General  Sullivan  lived  in  Dur- 
ham, and  all  his  papers  remained  here  in  the  hands  of 
his  daughter,  Mrs.  Steele,  when  he  died,  and  after.     For 


544  RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

some  years  her  son,  Dr.  Kichard  Steele,  has  had  posses- 
sion of  them.  They  have  been  very  loosely  preserved, 
and  Dr.  Steele  has  given  many  of  them  away  to  persons 
who  have  been  curious  to  possess  them,  and  also  a  good 
many  to  the  Portsmouth  Athenaeum.  A  large  mass, 
however,  still  remains,  and  he  and  I  have  spent  eight 
hours  to-day  examining  them  and  selecting  the  most  im- 
portant. This  selection  contains  many  letters  of  essential 
value,  especially  from  Count  D'Estaing  and  the  French 
officers,  and  also  from  Lafayette  ;  a  few  only  from  Wash- 
ington, as  his  letters  have  already  been  culled  out  and  are 
mostly  at  Portsmouth ;  some  have  been  lost. 

General  Sullivan  was  so  long  in  the  army,  and  held  so 
many  conspicuous  stations,  that  I  consider  his  letters, 
next  to  those  of  Washington  and  Greene,  to  be  the  most 
fertile  sources  of  history  of  any  of  this  description.  He 
wrote  well,  with  vigor  and  thought;  his  mind  was  active 
and  versatile.  Among  his  papers  are  drafts  of  articles  for 
newspapers,  reports  of  committees,  and  a  good  deal  on 
finance.  It  is  quite  certain,  from  the  confused  manner  in 
which  his  papers  have  been  kept,  that  many  must  have 
slipped  out  and  been  destroyed ;  yet  the  prospect  is  fair 
for  gathering  a  rich  harvest  from  this  quarter.  Dr.  Steele 
offers  all  his  exertions  for  procuring  everything  that  can 
now  be  gathered. 

October  20th,  Friday.  — -  Took  breakfast  with  Dr. 
Steele,  after  which  he  drove  me  in  his  chaise  to  Ports- 
mouth. Here  I  procured  from  the  Athenamm  four  vol- 
umes of  letters  to  General  Sullivan,  which  had  been 
deposited  there  by  Mr.  Steele.  One  of  these  volumes 
consists  wholly  of  letters  from  Washington.  Dr.  Steele 
offers  to  procure  all  the  other  papers,  which  he  has  given 
to  individuals,  and  then  I  shall  have  a  very  full  collection 
of  General  Sullivan's  papers;  and  they  are  among  the 
most  important  of  the  Kevolution.  .  .  . 


RESEARCHES  IN  NEW  HAMPSHIRE.  545 

October  21s£,  Saturday.  —  Stage  to  Boston,  where  I 
arrived  at  two  o'clock,  p.  iff.,  and  was  glad  again  to  step 
my  foot  within  the  domains  of  my  own  hired  rooms. 
How  small  a  space  in  the  whole  world  is  that  which  a 
man  can  call  his  home !  Thus  endeth  my  second  histori- 
cal tour,  during  which  I  have  accomplished  all,  and  even 
more  than  I  expected.  I  have  traveled  about  five  hun- 
dred and  fifty  miles. 


II. 

CUMBERLAND,  BRADDOCK'S  FIELD,  AND  JAMES  MADISON. 

1830. 

March  29^,  Monday.  —  Having  resolved  to  visit  the 
Alleghany  regions  for  the  sole  purpose  of  examining  the 
localities  of  the  early  acts  of  Washington  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  French  War,  I  left  Baltimore  in  the 
Western  stage  this  morning  at  four  o'clock,  and  reached 
Hagerstown  at  eight  in  the  evening,  seventy-one  miles.  .  .  . 

March  2>lst,  Wednesday.  —  Arrived  at  Cumberland 
(136  miles  from  Baltimore)  to  breakfast.  ...  In  the 
time  of  Washington's  expeditions,  this  place  (Cumber- 
land) was  called  Will's  Creek,  from  the  name  of  the 
stream  which  unites  with  the  Potomac  here.  My  object 
in  stopping  has  been  to  examine  the  site  of  the  old  fort, 
which  was  several  times  occupied  by  Washington.  I  had 
brought  a  letter  from  Mr.  McMahon,  of  Baltimore,  to  Mr. 
Van  Buskirk,  of  this  place.  He  is  absent,  and  I  put  the 
letter  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  McMahon's  father,  who  has 
resided  in  Cumberland  forty-four  years.  He  showed  me 
the  ground  occupied  by  the  old  fort,  on  the  point  of  land 
at  the  junction  of  the  Potomac  and  Wrill's  Creek.  Mr. 
McMahon  is  clerk  of  the  county  of  Alleghany,  and  in  his 
office  I  found  a  plan  of  the  town  of  Cumberland  drawn 
from  an  accurate  survey.  From  this  plan  I  traced  the 
course  of  the  rivers,  embracing  the  location  of  the  old 
fort.  .  .  . 

The  point  of  land  between  the  streams  on  which  the 
fort  was  built  is  elevated  about  thirty-five  feet  above  the 


CUMBERLAND.  547 

level  of  the  water.  A  steep  bluff  rises  from  the  margin 
of  the  rivers,  which  protected  the  fort  on  those  two  sides. 
On  the  north  side  of  the  fort  the  ground  is  also  steep ; 
but  the  fort  was  constructed  on  that  side  with  regular 
bastions,  as  it  was  also  on  the  west.  No  traces  now 
remain  of  the  fort,  except  the  remains  of  two  or  three 
broken  angles  on  the  north  side,  through  which  a  road 
passes.  At  first,  water  was  procured  from  the  river 
through  a  secret  covered  passage ;  but  afterwards  a  well 
was  dug  quite  at  the  north  side  of  the  fort,  which  is  now 
in  use,  and  is  sixty  feet  deep.  The  fort  occupied  a  square 
of  about  three  hundred  feet,  and  the  ground  ascended 
from  Will's  Creek.  This  fort  was  a  strong  defense 
against  an  attack  by  Indians,  or  any  other  forces  with 
musketry  only,  but  could  easily  have  been  reduced  with 
cannon,  as  there  is  a  much  higher  hill  a  few  hundred 
yards  in  the  rear ;  and  two  or  three  still  higher  within 
the  distance  of  a  mile. 

When  Brad  dock  was  here,  and  previously,  the  western 
road  passed  through  the  mountain  along  the  margin  of 
Will's  Creek.  His  army  pursued  this  route  through  the 
gap  in  the  mountain,  then  turned  to  the  left,  and  went  up 
a  stream  since  called  Brad  dock's  Run,  till  they  came  to 
the  present  course  of  the  National  Road,  not  more  than 
five  miles  from  Cumberland.  This  pass  in  Will's  Moun- 
tain has  a  most  singular,  bold,  and  precipitous  appear- 
ance. I  have  visited  it  to-day.  Some  great  convulsion 
in  nature  seems  to  have  parted  the  mountain,  and  formed 
a  passage  for  the  stream.  From  the  surface  of  the  water 
to  the  top  of  the  gap  is  more  than  one  thousand  feet,  and 
on  each  side  are  enormous  broken  fragments  of  rocks, 
which  appear  to  have  been  broken  asunder  by  violence. 
The  passage  is  nearly  a  mile  in  length.  The  river  is  now 
swollen  with  recent  rains,  but  is  not  more  than  fifty  yards 
wide.     In  summer  it  is  a  small  stream,  easily  fordable. 


548  FORT  NECESSITY. 

I  am  told  by  Mr.  Stoddart,  who  has  for  many  years 
resided  a  few  miles  to  the  west  of  this  place,  and  is  well 
acquainted  with  the  country,  that  Braddock's  Road  ran 
near  the  present  National  Road  till  it  crossed  the  Laurel 
Ridge ;  and  then  it  turned  off  to  the  right  through  the 
valley  to  the  Youghiogheny,  which  it  crossed  near  the 
present  town  of  Connellsville ;  thence  on  the  north  side 
of  the  river  to  Turtle  Creek,  twelve  miles  from  Pitts- 
burgh, and  to  Braddock's  battle-ground,  one  half  mile 
beyond  the  creek.  There  was  a  small  fortification  or 
stockade  at  the  Little  Meadows,  where  the  road  crossed 
the  stream  of  that  name,  twenty-one  miles  (it  is  said) 
from  Cumberland.  From  Winchester  to  Cumberland 
was  a  road  which  crossed  the  Potomac  a  little  below  Old- 
town.  When  Washington  went  on  his  first  expedition 
to  the  West  in  1753,  he  spoke  of  this  as  the  "  New  Road  " 
from  Winchester.  .  .  . 

FORT  NECESSITY. 

April  2d,  Friday.  —  Left  Cumberland  last  night  in 
the  mail  stage  at  seven  o'clock,  and  rode  all  night,  and 
arrived  at  Wiggins',  two  miles  east  of  the  foot  of  Laurel 
Hill,  at  twelve  o'clock.  From  Cumberland  to  the  Little 
Crossings,  or  Little  Meadows,  is  twenty-two  miles ;  thence 
to  the  Great  Crossings  of  the  Youghiogheny,  eighteen 
miles ;  thence  to  Old  Fort  Necessity,  ten  miles.  The  fort 
is  two  miles  east  of  Wiggins',  and  a  person  went  with  me 
to  point  out  the  spot.  The  place  where  the  old  fort,  or 
stockade,  was  erected,  is  a  few  hundred  yards  south  of  the 
National  Road,  in  a  bottom  or  glade  surrounded  by  hills. 
This  bottom  is  entirely  level,  and  about  two  hundred  and 
fifty  yards  wide  where  the  fort  was  placed,  and  extends 
up  and  down  a  small  creek  at  irregular  widths.  Within 
this  space  there  were  no  trees ;  but  the  ground  was  cov- 
ered with  a  coarse  kind  of  grass  and  short  bushes.     The 


FORT  NECESSITY.  549 

position  was  well  chosen,  being  one  hundred  yards  distant 
from  the  wooded  ground  on  one  side  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  on  the  other,  thus  depriving  an  attacking  enemy  of 
the  advantage  of  being  protected  by  trees.  This  was 
found  of  essential  importance  when  the  fort  was  attacked, 
for  had  it  been  in  the  midst  of  trees,  which  would  have 
given  shelter  to  the  enemy,  it  must  have  yielded  speedily 
to  so  superior  a  force. 

The  fort  is  at  the  junction  of  two  very  small  creeks, 
one  of  which  comes  down  the  glade,  and  the  other  has  but 
just  escaped  from  the  high  land  at  the  left  as  you  ascend. 
The  fort  itself  was  an  irregular  square  of  about  one  hun- 
dred feet  on  each  side.     The  intrenchments  are  still  dis- 
tinctly visible,  and  also  a  ditch,  which  partially  encom- 
passed the  fort  on  the  south  and  west.     One  of  the  angles 
is  projected  beyond  the  regular  lines  with  the  view  to 
reach  the  water  in  the  creek.     On  the  west  side  were 
three  entrances  at  equal  distances,  in  the  front  of  which 
were  short  breastworks.     The  attack  was  first  made  on 
this  side  by  a  direct  assault ;  but  the  enemy  was  repulsed 
by  the  sharp  firing  from  the  fort.     Other  assaults  were 
kept  up  through  the  day,  and  a  continued  firing  from  the 
woods,  at  a  distance  of  from  one  hundred  to  two  hundred 
yards.      The  guide  told  of  a  tradition  that  the  French 
attacked  the  fort  with  vehemence  at  first,  but  that  the 
Americans  in  the  fort  had  each  a  rifle  and  a  musket,  and, 
having  discharged  the  first,  seized  the  second,  by  which 
the  French  were  thrown  into  disorder,  and  compelled  to 
retreat  to  the  trees;    and  before  they  could  rally,  the 
rifles  and  muskets  were  again  loaded.     The  fort  is  four 
miles  from  the  foot  of  Laurel  Hill. 

I  can  learn  nothing  of  the  place  where  the  skirmish 
occurred  in  which  Jumonville  was  killed.  It  must  have 
been  within  a  few  miles  of  the  fort,  on  the  east  side  of 
Laurel  Hill.     In  the  old  road,  about  a  mile  west  of  the 


550  BRADDOCK'S  BATTLEFIELD. 

fort,  is  pointed  out  a  spot  which  is  called  Braddock's 
grave.  No  marks  of  a  grave  are  now  seen.  It  is  known 
that  after  the  battle  Braddock  was  brought  back  mortally 
wounded  to  Fort  Necessity,  where  he  died,  and  was  buried 
in  the  road,  that  his  body  might  be  concealed  from  the 
Indians.  No  mark  was  fixed  to  indicate  the  spot,  and 
tradition  only  has  preserved  it.  .  .  . 

April  3d,  Saturday.  —  Stage  over  the  National  Koad, 
through  Union,  Brownsville,  to  Washington. 

April  4th,  Sunday.— Singe  through  Caunonsburgh 
to  Pittsburgh.  Passed  the  evening  with  Mr.  Bakewell. 
Arrangements  to  visit  Braddock's  field  in  the  morning. 

April  5th,  Monday.  —  Breakfast  with  Mr.  Bakewell, 
who  afterwards  walked  over  the  town  with  me.  Seven 
years  ago  I  was  in  Pittsburgh,  since  which  time  great 
improvements  have  been  made.  The  new  canal,  its  deep 
cut  and  locks  are  works  of  enterprise.  The  smoke  of  the 
coal-fires  universally  used  gives  Pittsburgh  the  appearance 
of  an  English  manufacturing  town.  Coal  is  four  cents 
a  bushel  brought  to  the  door.  It  is  obtained  from  the 
hills  by  an  excavation  in  the  side,  where  a  layer  of  coal 
is  always  found  at  a  certain  elevation. 

braddock's  battlefield. 
Mr.  Bakewell  called  with  me  on  Mr.  James  Ross,  who 
is  one  of- the  oldest  inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh,  and  who 
was  eminent  as  a  senator  in  Congress  twenty-five  years 
ago.  He  has  made  himself  intimately  acquainted  with 
the  history  of  this  region.  He  said  there  were  only 
twenty-seven  Frenchmen  and  three  hundred  1  Indians  in 

i  Subsequent  investigation  seems  to  have  convinced  Mr.  Sparks 
that  reliance  could  not  be  placed  upon  the  statements  of  Ross.  A 
note  in  Mr.  Sparks'  handwriting  declares  the  above  figures  erro- 
neous, and  a  like  note  further  on  applies  to  other  information  re- 
ceived from  Ross. 


BRADDOCK'S  BATTLEFIELD.  551 

Braddock's  battle,  and  he  doubts  whether  the  Frenchmen 
were  engaged  until  near  the  close  of  the  action,  if  at  all. 
He  says  that  the  progress  of  Braddock's  army  had  been 
watched  by  spies ;  and  his  force  was  well  known  by  the 
commandant  of  the  fort.  It  was  so  much  superior  to  the 
French  force  that  it  was  resolved  to  abandon  the  fort  as 
the  enemy  approached,  and  proceed  down  the  river.  A 
young  officer  solicited  permission  to  go  out  and  harass 
Braddock's  army  on  its  march.  The  commandant  refused 
at  first,  saying  the  project  was  chimerical,  and  no  efficient 
resistance  could  be  made.  After  much  importunity,  how- 
ever, he  permitted  the  officer  to  go,  and  take  with  him  as 
many  volunteers  as  chose  to  accompany  him.  The  whole 
garrison  volunteered;  but  the  commandant  would  allow 
only  twenty-five  soldiers  to  go,  and  another  officer  to 
accompany  the  one  who  made  the  proposal.  He  would 
not  hazard  a  larger  number  from  the  garrison.  There 
were  three  hundred  Indians  in  the  fort,  all  of  whom  vol- 
unteered. 

Mr.  Bakewell  gave  me  a  letter  to  Mr.  Oliver,  who 
resides  near  the  battle-ground.  I  rode  up  the  river  on 
horseback  to  the  spot,  about  ten  miles  from  Pittsburgh, 
and  half  a  mile  below  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek.  When 
I  arrived  at  Mr.  Oliver's,  I  found  Mr.  Gilleland  there, 
who  is  well  acquainted  with  the  ground,  and  who  went 
with  me  over  it,  and  explained  the  localities  of  the  battle. 

Braddock's  army  marched  from  Fort  Necessity  across 
the  Laurel  Hill  at  Gist's  plantation  and  bore  away  to  the 
right,  and  crossed  the  Youghiogheny  near  a  place  now 
called  McConnellsville,  thence  by  a  circuitous  route  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Youghiogheny,  where  he  forded  the  Monon- 
gahela.  Marching  down  the  southern  margin  of  the  river 
till  he  had  passed  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek,  he  forded 
the  river  again,  with  a  view  to  marching  directly  to  the 
French  fort  at  the  junction  of  the  Monongahela  and  Alle- 


552  BRADDOCK'S  BATTLEFIELD. 

ghany  rivers.     This  double  fording  of  the  river  within  a 
few  miles  was  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  a  rough  road, 
and  the  passage  of  Turtle  Creek,  which  was  deep  with 
precipitous  banks.     The  army  crossed  the  last  ford  on  a 
beautiful  bright  morning.     Washington   has   often   said 
(as  Mr.  Ross  informed  me)  that  he  never  saw  so  hand- 
some a  display  of  soldiers  as  this  army  of  Braddock's 
marching  through  the  Monongahela.     They  had  stopped 
overnight  on  the  bank ;  the  men  had  washed  themselves 
and  put  on  their  neatest  attire,  and  the  rays  of  the  sun 
gleamed  upon  their  burnished  arms  as  they  descended  into 
the  ford.     They  had  no  doubt  of  taking  the  fort  within 
a  few  hours.     After  landing  on  the  opposite  side,  they 
marched  forward  in  military  order,  till   they  began  to 
ascend  a  slight  elevation  about  half  a  mile  from  the  ford ; 
and  when  they  had  ascended  one  or  two  hundred  yards,  a 
discharge  of  musketry  was  opened  upon  them  from  the 
right.     There  was  a  declivity  in  that  quarter,  and  trees 
which  concealed  the  enemy.     This  firing  from  the  right 
caused  the  army  to  incline  a  little  to  the  left,  but  here 
again  they  were  met  by  a  discharge  from  a  line  of  mus- 
kets still  more  extended.     In  this  quarter  there  was  a 
remarkable  ravine,  running  quite  from  the  plain  below,  at 
right  angles  with  the  base  of  the  hill,  for  nearly  two  hun- 
dred yards,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  reach  across  the  front 
of  the  whole  army.     This  ravine  was  from  six  to  ten  feet 
deep,  and   the   sides  were   everywhere   easily  ascended. 
Here  the  Indians  concealed  themselves,  and  were  in  fact 
completely  invisible  to  the  army,  being  hid  by  the  ravine 
itself  and  by  the  short  bushes  that  grew  on  its  margin. 
They  could  thus  take  deliberate  aim  with  their  rifles  at 
the  officers  and  soldiers  who  were  drawn  up  before  them 
in  battle  array,  but  who  could  rarely  see  an  Indian.     In 
this  way  the  battle  continued  for  more  than  two  hours. 
The  result  is  known. 


BRADDOCK'S  BATTLEFIELD.  553 

There  were  two  modes  of  routing  the  Indians  from  this 
ravine.  The  first  and  most  effectual  would  have  been  to 
charge  them  with  the  bayonet.  This  would  have  driven 
them  out  immediately.  The  other  was  to  take  the  cannon 
at  the  foot  of  the  ravine  on  the  flank,  and  discharge  grape- 
shot  in  that  direction.  But  nothing  was  attempted  but  to 
stand  in  the  European  mode  and  fire  at  random,  while 
every  rifle-ball  of  an  Indian  was  sure  of  its  man.  Mr. 
Ross  says  that  only  seventeen  Indians  were  killed  and 
no  Frenchmen.  Nothing  is  more  easy,  on  viewing  the 
ground,  than  to  understand  how  it  was  that  Braddock  lost 
so  many  men,  and  was  defeated  by  a  handful  of  Indians 
without  a  commander  and  without  discipline.  He  had 
six  cannon,  which  were  taken,  and  which,  Mr.  Koss  says, 
were  supposed  to  have  been  sunk  in  the  river  near  the 
fort  in  Pittsburgh.  Mr.  Gilleland,  who  is  skilled  in  draw- 
ing, has  promised  to  make  for  me  a  plan  of  the  battle- 
ground.    I  have  drawn  an  imperfect  sketch  in  pencil. 

The  French  fort  first  visited  by  Washington  was  on  Le 
Bceuf,  a  branch  of  French  Creek,  nine  miles  from  Lake 
Erie.  Venango  was  at  the  junction  of  French  Creek  with 
the  Alleghany  River,  where  Franklin  now  stands.  Logs- 
town  was  on  the  Ohio,  near  the  mouth  of  Beaver  River. . . . 

April  6th,  Thursday.  —  Left  Pittsburgh  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  6th  in  a  steamboat  bound  up  the  Monongahela 
River  to  Brownsville,  about  seventy  miles  by  water.  The 
river  proved  much  lower  than  was  expected,  and  by  break- 
ing one  of  the  wheels  at  an  early  period,  and  frequently 
running  aground  on  rocks  and  shoals,  we  were  detained 
two  days  in  reaching  Brownsville,  —  a  wearisome  passage, 
but  quite  as  good,  on  the  whole,  as  over  the  bad  roads  in 
a  stage-coach. 

April  8th,  Thursday.  —  Stage-coach  came  along  full, 
and  I  was  detained  all  day  in  Brownsville ;  dull  and  tedi- 
ous.    Met  General  Harrison  by  accident  at  dinner,  who 


554  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

was  returning  to  the  West  in  the  stage.  He  has  been 
our  late  Minister  to  Colombia,  and  he  told  me  that  he  had 
just  published  a  pamphlet  on  the  subject  in  Washington. 

April  9th,  10th,  11th.  —  Traveling  in  the  mail  stage 
from  Brownsville  to  Washington.  Arrived  in  the  even- 
ing of  the  11th  by  way  of  Fredericksburg,  New  Market, 
Hyattstown,  Kockville,  and  Georgetown. 

April  12th,  Monday.  —  Received  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Madison  inviting  me  to  visit  him  at  his  residence,  and 
examine  a  file  of  General  Washington's  letters  in  his  pos- 
session.    I  shall  go.  .  .  . 

JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS. 

April  15th,  Thursday.  —  Had  a  long  walk  to-day  with 
Mr.  Adams  (J.  Q.),  in  which  he  conversed  a  great  deal 
about  Revolutionary  history  and  other  topics.  He  says 
that  Governor  Hutchinson  and  Lord  Mansfield  were  the 
immediate  authors  of  the  American  war,  the  former  by 
the  false  views  he  gave  the  government  at  home  of  the 
state  of  feeling  in  America;  and  the  latter  by  his  law 
decisions  in  reference  to  the  colonies.  He  laid  it  down  as 
a  matter  of  law  that  we  were  rebels,  and  then  it  was 
considered  lawful  to  proceed  against  us  as  such,  without 
regard  to  the  merits  of  our  cause,  or  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances of  the  case.  The  king  was  more  influenced  by 
the  counsel  of  Mansfield  than  that  of  any  other  person, 
and  Mansfield's  principles  all  tended  to  an  unqualified 
despotism.     So  thinks  Mr.  Adams. 

Two  papers  in  Burke's  posthumous  works  he  considers 
among  the  ablest  tracts  on  the  political  state  of  things  at 
the  beginning  of  the  American  war.  He  expressed  the 
highest  approbation  of  Grahame's  "  History  of  America  " 
(the  two  volumes  already  printed)  ;  says  it  is  incompara- 
bly the  best  that  has  been  written,  and  the  only  true  his- 
tory of  the  early  settlements  of  the  colonies. 


JOHN  QUINCY   ADAMS.  555 

Mr.  Adams  talked  much  on  miscellaneous  topics.  His 
father  did  not  nominate  Washington  in  Congress  to  be 
commander-in-chief,  as  has  been  sometimes  said.  He 
seconded  the  motion,  which  was  made  by  Thomas  John- 
son, of  Maryland.  This  was  agreed  on  beforehand.  The 
Massachusetts  delegation  were  long  for  Ward,  who  then 
commanded  the  provincial  forces  at  Boston.  Mr.  Adams 
became  satisfied  that  it  was  important  to  select  a  com- 
mander from  the  South,  with  a  view  to  engage  the  people 
of  that  quarter  more  earnestly  in  the  war.  He  moreover 
considered  Washington  the  best  man,  and  was  the  first 
of  the  Massachusetts  delegation  to  declare  that  he  should 
support  him.     They  at  length  all  came  over. 

In  point  of  style,  and  as  displaying  the  resources  and 
power  of  the  English  language,  Mr.  Adams  considers 
Junius  decidedly  at  the  heacl  of  all  writers  since  Milton ; 
the  next  is  Burke.  He  thinks  the  author  of  Junius  has 
not  been  discovered.  He  inclines  to  "  single  speech  Ham- 
ilton," and  alluded  to  a  passage  in  Cumberland's  Memoir 
as  affording  a  strong  confirmation.  Dr.  Waterhouse  has 
written  an  essay  to  prove  that  it  was  Lord  Chatham. 
This  is  not  possible;  nor  can  Tooke  be  the  man;  nor 
Burke.  He  spoke  particularly  of  the  rhythm  of  Junius' 
style,  which  was  evidently  modeled  after  the  rules  of  Ci- 
cero, as  far  as  they  could  be  applied  in  English.  One  trait 
in  particular  is  retained.  Cicero  says  that  the  most  har- 
monious sentence  will  begin  with  three  short  feet  followed 
by  a  long  one,  and  end  by  three  long  feet  and  a  short  one. 
Junius  often  constructs  his  sentences  in  this  way ;  that  is, 
making  long  and  short  syllables  answer  to  the  poetical 
feet  in  Latin. 

No  Englishman  will  ever  attempt  to  write  a  true  his- 
tory of  his  country  from  1770  to  1783.  It  is  the  most 
disgraceful  period  in  the  annals  of  the  nation.  The  less 
that  is  written  on  it  the  better  for  the  honor  and  pride  of 


556  VISIT  TO  JAMES   MADISON. 

Englishmen.  For  this  reason  a  history  of  our  Revolution 
will  never  be  received  with  any  favor  in  England.  Wash- 
ington's writings  will  not  sell  there. 

April  16th,  Friday.  ...  Mr.  Hall,  of  New  York,  tells 
me  that  there  is  a  book  describing  parts  of  the  American 
war  by  a  Sergeant-Major  Lamb,  who  was  in  the  British 
army.  He  describes  the  battles  of  Saratoga  and  Guilford 
Court  House,  and  some  other  important  events.  The 
book  is  valuable  as  being  well  written,  and  containing  the 
views  of  a  subordinate  officer  of  considerable  talent  and 
observation.  Mr.  Hall  says  also  that  he  has  in  his  pos- 
session six  volumes  of  the  letter-books  of  Robert  Morris, 
which  were  lent  to  him  by  Mr.  Morris'  son,  who  resides 
in  New  York.     Mem.  To  consult  them  on  my  return. 

April  11th,  Saturday.  —  Dine  at  Mr.  Silsbee's.  Even- 
ing at  Mrs.  Tayloe's.  Mr.  Martin  tells  me  of  great  num- 
bers of  Washington's  letters  in  possession  of  the  widow 
of  Tench  Tilghman,  who  is  still  living  on  the  eastern 
shore  of  Maryland. 

April  18th,  Sunday.  —  Mr.  Lear  called  on  me  in  the 
morning,  and  told  me  that  he  had  a  manuscript  volume  of 
Washington's  letters  to  his  father  which  he  is  willing  I 
should  examine.  He  added  that  his  father  kept  a  diary 
nearly  the  whole  time  of  his  residence  with  General 
Washington,  in  which  he  noted  conversations  and  events. 
This  will  doubtless  afford  several  particulars  respecting 
the  habits  of  General  Washington  for  several  years. 

VISIT   TO   JAMES   MADISON. 

I  set  off  at  twelve  o'clock  in  the  steamboat  down  the 
Potomac  on  my  way  to  Mr.  Madison's.  Colonel  Storrow 
on  board.  Met  Mrs.  Storrow  at  the  wharf  in  Potomac 
Creek.  They  both  returned  to  Washington  the  same 
night.  I  proceeded  to  Fredericksburg  in  the  stage-coach, 
and  late  in  the  night  took  the  stage  which  runs  westward. 


VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON.  557 

Arrived  at  Orange  Court  House  (five  miles  from  Madi- 
son's) at  twelve  o'clock. 

April  19th.  —  I  found  there  Mr.  Madison's  servant 
with  a  horse  for  me  to  ride  to  Montpellier.  Eeached  it 
before  dinner.  Conversation  at  first  on  general  topics, 
but  at  length  went  back  to  Eevolutionary  times.  I  shall 
here  set  down,  without  regard  to  their  order,  several  topics 
and  anecdotes  introduced  by  Mr.  Madison  during  my  stay 
at  Montpellier. 

FIRST  BANK   OF  THE   UNITED   STATES. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  opinion  of  Congress  as  well 
as  of  the  community  was  greatly  divided  on  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States.     It  was  sustained 
by  Hamilton  with  all  the  power  of  his  talents  and  aid  of 
his  party,  and  was  opposed  with  vehemence  by  the  other 
party.     General  Washington's  mind  seems  to  have  been 
completely  undecided  as  to  the  affixing  or  withholding 
his  signature  till  almost  the  last  moment.     That  he  might 
be  prepared  for  either  result,  he  had  requested  Mr.  Madi- 
son to  prepare  the  form  of  a  veto,  to  be  in  readiness  for 
his  signature  in  case  he  should  at  last  decide  against  it. 
This  form  of  a  veto  Mr.  Madison  actually  prepared  and 
gave   to  General  Washington.     The   signature  was   de- 
ferred till  a  very  late  hour.     Congress  was  in  session,  and 
a  friend  of  the  bank  was  proving  to  Mr.  Madison  in  con- 
versation that  ten  days  (the  time  allowed  the  President 
for  signing)  had  actually  elapsed,  and  the  bill  itself  had 
become  a  law  by  the  letter  of  the  Constitution.     At  that 
moment  Mr.  Lear  arrived  with  a  message  from  the  Presi- 
dent declaring  his  signature  to  the  bank.     Mr.  Madison 
thinks,  if  the  decision  had  been  the  other  way,  that  some 
attempts  would  have  been   made  to  prove  that  the  ten 
days  had  passed  before  the  signature,  and  therefore  the 
law  was  valid  notwithstanding  the  veto  of  the  President. 
36 


558  VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 


JOHN  JAY. 
In   speaking   of   Mr.  Jay's   suspicions   respecting   the 
policy  of  the  French  court  at  the  time  of  making  peace, 
Mr.  Madison  observed  that  "  he  had  two  strong  traits  of 
character,  —  suspicion  and  religious  bigotry." 

MISSISSIPPI. 
In  the  year  1822,  Mr.  Madison  communicated  what  he 
deems  an  important  communication  to  "  Niles'  Kegister  "  1 
respecting  the  part  taken  by  Virginia  in  regard  to  the 
Mississippi  and  Western  territory.  Mem.  The  paper  to 
be  examined. 

GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

Washington  was  not  fluent  nor  ready  in  conversation, 
and  was  inclined  to  be  taciturn  in  general  society.  In 
the  company  of  two  or  three  intimate  friends,  however, 
he  was  talkative,  and  when  a  little  excited  was  sometimes 
fluent  and  even  eloquent.  The  story  so  often  repeated  of 
Lis  never  laughing,  Mr.  Madison  says,  is  wholly  untrue  ; 
no  man  seemed  more  to  enjoy  gay  conversation,  though 
he  took  little  part  in  it  himself.  He  was  particularly 
pleased  with  the  jokes,  good  humor,  and  hilarity  of  his 
companions.  Mr.  Madison  says  there  was  a  tradition 
that,  when  he  belonged  to  the  vestry  of  a  church  in  his 
neighborhood,  and  several  little  difficulties  grew  out  of 
some  division  of  the  society,  he  sometimes  spoke  with 
great  force,  animation,  and  eloquence  on  the  topics  that 
came  before  them. 

president's  levee. 
Mr.  Madison  was  present  at  Washington's  first  levee, 
which  is  described  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  he  says  the  de- 

i  "Navigation  of  the  Mississippi,"   "Niles'   Register,"  January 
26, 1822.  —  Ed. 


VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON.  559 

scription  is  literally  true.  The  main  point  in  the  affair 
was  that  when  Washington  came  into  the  room,  the  fold- 
ing-doors were  suddenly  thrown  open  and  Humphreys 
preceded  him,  and,  just  as  he  entered,  cried  out  in  a 
loud  and  pompous  voice :  "  The  President  of  the  United 
States."  The  effect  was  the  more  ludicrous  as  not  more 
than  five  or  six  gentlemen  had  then  assembled.  Wash- 
ington gave  Humphreys  a  look  which  Mr.  Madison  said 
he  could  more  easily  remember  than  describe.  Mr.  Madi- 
son was  also  present  at  the  ball  described  by  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, when  Washington  and  his  lady  attended,  and  he  says 
the  description  is  also  correct. 

THE  WAR   OF  1812. 

Mr.  Madison  told  the  following  singular  anecdote  about 
the  declaration  of  the  late  war  during  his  presidency.  He 
said  that  a  letter  was  received  by  Mr.  Foster,  the  British 
minister,  from  Lord  Castlereagh,  which  was  designed  to  be 
shown  to  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  State.  The 
minister  consequently  submitted  it  to  him  and  Mr.  Mon- 
roe. In  this  letter  it  was  affirmed,  in  the  most  positive 
terms,  that  the  Orders  in  Council  would  not  be  rescinded. 
Our  government  had  repeatedly  declared  the  absolute 
necessity  of  rescinding  these  articles  before  any  terms  of 
entire  conciliation  could  be  made  between  the  two  coun- 
tries. The  letter  could  only  be  regarded,  therefore,  in  a 
hostile  light,  and  as  intended  to  show  an  utter  disregard 
of  the  complaints  of  the  United  States.  This  letter 
seemed  to  shut  out  all  prospects  of  conciliation,  and  the 
President  considered  war  as  the  next  necessary  step  to 
vindicate  the  rights  and  honor  of  the  nation.  Hence  he 
recommended  it  to  Congress.  Four  or  five  weeks  after- 
wards, the  Orders  in  Council  were  actually  rescinded. 
Had  Castlereagh's  letter,  therefore,  been  of  a  different 
tone,  war  would  not  have  been  at  that  time  declared,  nor 


560  VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

is  it  probable  that  it  would  have  followed,  because  there 
was  every  prospect  that  the  affair  of  impressment  and 
other  grievances  might  have  been  reconciled  after  the 
repeal  of  the  obnoxious  Orders  in  Council. 

HAMILTON   AND   WASHINGTON. 

Mr.  Madison  says  that  Hamilton  often  spoke  dispar- 
agingly of  Washington's  talents,  particularly  after  the 
Revolution  and  at  the  first  part  of  the  presidency.  To- 
wards the  close  of  Washington's  life  perhaps  it  was  other- 
wise, as  they  then  agreed  more  in  sentiment. 

president's  title. 

When  the  subject  of  the  President's  title  was  brought 
before  Congress,  Richard  H.  Lee,  Madison,  and  Ells- 
worth were  a  committee  on  the  part  of  the  House  to  con- 
sider the  matter.  Lee  was  strenuously  for  a  title,  and 
made  a  learned  argument  to  show  that  all  governments, 
ancient  and  modern,  gave  titles  to  their  head. 

CLOSED  DOORS. 

It  was  necessary  for  the  old  Congress  to  sit  with  closed 
doors,  because  it  was  the  executive  as  well  as  legislative 
body ;  names  of  persons  and  characters  came  perpetually 
before  them ;  and  much  business  was  constantly  on  hand 
which  would  have  been  embarrassed  if  it  had  gone  to 
the  public  before  it  was  finished.  It  was  likewise  best 
for  the  convention  for  forming  the  Constitution  to  sit 
with  closed  doors,  because  opinions  were  so  various  and  at 
first  so  crude  that  it  was  necessary  they  should  be  long 
debated  before  any  uniform  system  of  opinion  could  be 
formed.  Meantime  the  minds  of  the  members  were 
changing,  and  much  was  to  be  gained  by  a  yielding  and 
accommodating  spirit.  Had  the  members  committed 
themselves  publicly  at  first,  they  would  have  afterwards 


VISIT  TO  JAMES   MADISON.  561 

supposed  consistency  required  them  to  maintain  their 
ground,  whereas  by  secret  discussion  no  man  felt  himself 
obliged  to  retain  his  opinions  any  longer  than  he  was 
satisfied  of  their  propriety  and  truth,  and  was  open  to  the 
force  of  argument.  Mr.  Madison  thinks  no  Constitution 
would  ever  have  been  adopted  by  the  convention  if  the 
debates  had  been  public.  No  chaplain  was  chosen  for  the 
convention  at  any  period  of  its  session,  although  Dr. 
Franklin  proposed  one,  as  has  been  reported,  after  the 
convention  had  been  some  time  sitting. 

NEWBURGH   AFFAIR. 

Mr.  Madison  has  copies  of  two  important  letters  from 
Washington  to  Joseph  Jones  (then  in  Congress),  the 
one  dated  Newburgh,  March  12,  1783,  the  other  March 
18th.  These  letters  are  full  on  the  Newburgh  affair,  and 
essential.  I  avoid  copying  them  because  I  believe  they 
are  in  .General  Washington's  letter-books ;  if  not,  they 
must  be  obtained  from  Mr.  Madison.  The  person  men- 
tioned in  the  first  letter  as  "  coming  from  Philadelphia," 
and  having  some  influence  on  the  minds  of  the  soldiers, 
Mr.  Madison  believes  to  have  been  Colonel  Walter  Stew- 
art. 

EUROPEAN  LOAN. 

Soon  after  the  establishment  of  the  first  bank,  Congress 
voted  a  loan  of  82,000,000  to  be  made  in  Europe,  and  the 
money  paid  to  France.  It  was  afterwards  discovered  to 
be  deposited  in  the  bank.  This  was  deemed  a  violation 
of  the  law,  and  as  just  ground  of  censure  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury.  Giles  brought  in  resolutions  complain- 
ing of  this  perverted  use  of  the  money ;  Madison  sup- 
ported them.  He  believes  Washington  sanctioned  this 
disposition  of  the  money,  but  without  duly  considering 
the  subject,  and  relying  on  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
No  corruption  was  suspected  in  any  quarter.     Hamilton 


562  VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

had  two  motives  in  effecting  this  transfer  of  the  money 
from  Europe  to  the  bank,  —  first,  a  wish  to  give  prosper- 
ity to  his  new  bank ;  and,  secondly,  hostility  to  France, 
which  made  him  willing  that  she  should  be  kept  out  of 
her  money  as  long  as  possible. 

TAXATION. 

The  apportionment  of  taxation  in  the  old  States  of 
three  fifths  for  slaves  was  decided  rather  from  accident 
than  any  accurate  calculation.  The  subject  caused  much 
debate  in  Congress.  The  East  and  the  South  differed. 
The  former  was  for  a  high  ratio,  the  latter  for  a  low,  — 
one  fourth,  one  half,  two  thirds  were  proposed  and  re- 
jected. At  length  Mr.  Madison  proposed  three  fifths, 
which  was  accepted,  and  he  still  thinks  it  very  near  the 
true  ratio. 

COMMISSIONERS  FOR  PEACE. 

The  instructions  of  the  commissioners  for  making 
peace,  requiring  concurrence  with  the  French  govern- 
ment, were  drawn  by  Witherspoon,  who  urged  them  very 
strenuously,  as  well  as  the  other  members  of  the  New 
Jersey  delegation.  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  and  the  other 
States  .which  had  little  interest  in  the  Mississippi,  the 
fisheries,  and  Canada,  were  strongly  for  peace,  as  they 
were  apprehensive  the  war  would  be  continued  for  the 
above  objects.  When  these  instructions  were  drawn,  it 
was  understood,  moreover,  that  Austria  and  Russia  were 
to  be  mediators,  and  it  was  feared  Britain  might  have  so 
great  an  influence  with  these  monarchical  governments  as 
to  counteract  the  best  efforts  of  our  unpracticed  diplo- 
matists. For  this  reason  it  was  thought  more  safe  to  put 
the  business  under  the  control  of  the  French  Cabinet, 
who  would  better  understand  the  diplomatic  manoeuvres 
of  European  courts,  and  be  better  able  to  secure  our  in- 
terests.    It  was  also  believed  that  France  was  desirous 


VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON.  563 

of  finishing  the  war,  and  that  a  peace  under  her  auspices 
was  more  certain. 

By  the  other  side  it  was  argued  that  France  wished  to 
continue  the  war,  so  that  the  United  States  might  become 
more  and  more  irritated  against  England  and  attached  to 
France,  and  that  if  peace  were  left  in  her  hands,  it  would 
be  long  delayed.  Arthur  Lee  and  Izard  headed  this 
party,  but  it  was  small,  and  these  leaders  in  particular 
acted  under  the  strong  impulse  of  personal  hostility  to 
France,  or  rather  to  the  French  ministers.  .  .  . 

pinckney's  draft  of  the  constitution. 

In  the  recent  "  History  of  the  Convention  for  Framing 
the  Constitution,"  published  by  order  of  the  government 
in  connection  with  the  "  Secret  Journal,"  there  is  a  draft 
of  a  Constitution  said  to  have  been  presented  by  Charles 
Pinckney.  It  is  remarkable  for  containing  several  impor- 
tant features  in  exact  accordance  with  the  Constitution  as 
it  was  passed.  This  is  the  more  strange,  as  some  of  these 
very  points  grew  out  of  the  long  debates  which  followed 
the  presentation  of  the  draft. 

Mr.  Madison  seems  a  good  deal  perplexed  on  the  sub- 
ject. He  says  Charles  Pinckney  presented  a  draft  at  the 
beginning  of  the  session,  that  it  went  to  a  committee  with 
other  papers,  and  was  no  more  heard  of  during  the  con- 
vention. It  was  not  preserved  among  the  papers  on  the 
files  of  the  convention.  When  the  above-mentioned  his- 
tory was  published,  Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams  was  Secretary  of 
State,  and  prepared  the  manuscript  for  the  press.  He 
wrote  to  Mr.  Pinckney  for  a  copy  of  his  draft,  and  re- 
ceived from  him  that  which  was  printed.  How  it  hap- 
pened that  it  should  contain  such  particulars  as  it  does, 
Mr.  Madison  cannot  tell;  but  he  is  perfectly  confident 
that  they  could  not  have  been  contained  in  the  original 
draft  as  presented  by  Mr.  Pinckney,  because  some  of 


564  VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

them  were  the  results  of  subsequent  discussions.  Mr. 
Madison  supposes  that  Mr.  Pinckney  must  at  the  time 
have  added  certain  points  as  the  convention  proceeded, 
particularly  such  as  he  approved,  and  as  he  thought  would 
make  his  draft  more  perfect,  and  that  this  altered  draft 
had  lain  by  him  till  he  had  forgotten  what  parts  were 
changed  or  improved;  and  thus  he  copied  the  whole. 
But  however  this  may  be  explained,  says  Mr.  Madison,  it 
certainly  is  not  the  draft  originally  presented  to  the  con- 
vention by  Mr.  Pinckney.  It  is  obvious  that  Mr.  Madi- 
son feels  some  embarrassment  on  the  subject,  because  in 
his  papers  on  the  convention  he  has  probably  ascribed 
several  of  these  particulars  to  the  Virginia  delegates,  from 
whom  they  originated  ;  and  when  his  papers  shall  be 
made  public,  there  will  be  found  a  discrepancy  between 
them  and  Pinckney's  draft.  After  the  draft  was  printed, 
he  intended  to  write  to  Mr.  Pinckney  asking,  and  even 
requiring,  an  explanation ;  but  Mr.  Pinckney  died,  and 
the  opportunity  was  lost.  It  is  known  that  Mr.  Madison 
took  down  sketches  of  the  debates  of  the  convention,  and 
preserved  copies  of  all  the  important  proceedings.  He 
told  me  that  nothing  of  his  would  come  out  till  after  his 
death. 

VOTING  IN  THE   OLD   CONGRESS. 

The  name  of  each  member  was  called  over  by  the  secre- 
tary, and  written  down  in  the  order  of  the  States ;  that 
is,  the  names  of  all  the  members  in  any  particular  State 
were  written  together.  A  majority  of  these  names  was 
a  vote  ay  or  no  for  that  State ;  if  equally  divided,  the 
vote  passed  for  nothing,  and  the  State  lost  its  vote.  By 
the  Articles  of  Confederation  a  State  must  be  represented 
by  two  members  to  entitle  it  to  a  vote.  When  only  one 
member  was  present,  he  always  answered  to  his  name,  ay 
or  no,  which  was  an  expression  of  his  opinion ;  but,  as  in 
a  divided  State,  the  vote  passed  for  nothing  in  regard  to 


VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON.  565 

the  motion  or  resolution.     It  was  then  called  a  vote  half 
ay  or  half  no. 

Washington's  religious  opinions. 
Mr.  Madison  does  not  suppose  that  Washington  had 
ever  attended  to  the  arguments  for  Christianity,  and  for 
the  different  systems  of  religion,  or  in  fact  that  he  had 
formed  definite  opinions  on  the  subject.  But  he  took 
these  things  as  he  found  them  existing,  and  was  constant 
in  his  observances  of  worship  according  to  the  received 
forms  of  the  Episcopal  Church,  in  which  he  was  brought 
up. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

Mr.  Madison  observed  that  Botta  should  have  put  into 
the  mouth  of  John  Adams  the  speech  for  independence, 
instead  of  that  of  Eichard  H.  Lee.  The  latter  seems  to 
have  been  selected  because  he  brought  forward  the  subject 
in  Congress;  but  in  this  he  had  no  merit,  for  he  only 
acted  as  the  organ  of  communicating  the  instructions  of 
his  State ;  whereas  John  Adams  was  a  bold  and  decided 
champion  of  independence  from  the  beginning.  The  tal- 
ents of  R.  H.  Lee  were  respectable,  but  not  of  the  highest 
order. 

Hamilton's  funding  system. 

The  mind  of  Washington  was  strongly  exercised  by 
Hamilton's  funding  system.  He  had  given  strong  pledges 
to  the  army  that  justice  would  be  done  them ;  and  when 
the  plan  was  proposed  for  paying  the  whole  amount  of  the 
bills  to  the  present  holders,  and  thus  deprive  of  their  just 
claims  the  soldiers,  who  had  been  obliged  to  take  the 
same  bills  at  par  when  they  were  no  more  than  2s.  6d.  on 
the  pound,  and  had  thus  sacrificed  17s.  6d.  on  the  pound, 
he  could  not  easily  be  reconciled  to  it. 

The  friends  of  the  funding  system  were  opposed  to  all 
restrictive  regulations  of  commerce,  because  it  was  neces- 


566  VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON. 

sary  that  the  bills  should  be  paid  by  a  fund  raised  from 
the  commercial  revenue,  as  the  people  would  not  bear 
direct  taxation.  Anything  must  be  submitted  to,  also, 
rather  than  provoke  a  war,  because  this  would  create 
expense,  and  the  fund  would  fail.  The  anti-funding  party 
wanted  commercial  regulations.  Mr.  Madison's  proposi- 
tions went  to  discriminate  between  nations  in  treaty  and 
out  of  treaty,  and  to  reciprocate  the  navigation  laws  of  all 
nations  not  in  treaty  with  the  United  States.  The  objec- 
tion urged  was  that  England  never  would  consent  to  it, 
that  it  would  bring  on  a  war,  cause  expense,  and  derange 
the-  funding  system. 

CONGRESS  AND  THE  SOLDIERS. 

Mr.  Madison  was  in  Congress  when  the  hall  was  sur- 
rounded, during  the  sitting  of  the  members,  by  armed 
soldiers  demanding  their  pay.  They  were  commanded  by 
sergeants.  No  fear  of  violence  was  apprehended,  unless 
it  should  arise  from  intoxication,  as  the  soldiers  were 
drinking.  They  pointed  their  muskets  at  the  windows  by 
way  of  threat.  No  business  was  done,  though  Congress 
kept  together  till  the  usual  time  of  adjournment.  They 
then  adjourned  sine  die,  and  authorized  the  president  to 
summon  them  together,  if  he  saw  fit,  at  Princeton.  When 
the  members  left  the  hall,  the  soldiers  at  first  fell  into 
close  ranks  to  prevent  their  departure ;  but  their  officers 
told  them  to  let  the  members  pass,  and  they  obeyed. 

The  president  called  them  together  at  Princeton.  The 
town  was  small,  and  became  thronged  by  such  a  sudden 
accession  of  visitors.  Mr.  Madison  and  one  of  his  col- 
leagues occupied  a  very  small  room,  and  both  were  com- 
pelled to  sleep  in  one  bed,  which  filled  the  room  so  com- 
pletely that  one  was  obliged  to  lie  in  bed  while  the  other 
was  dressing.  So  says  Mr.  Madison.  This  was  bringing 
the  members  of  Congress  into  close  quarters. 


VISIT  TO  JAMES  MADISON.  567 

April  23(7,  Friday.  —  Left  Mr.  Madison's  towards 
evening,  and  rode  to  Orange  Court  House,  where  I  am  to 
take  the  stage  to-morrow  morning  for  Washington.  I 
have  passed  five  delightful  days  at  Mr.  Madison's.  The 
situation  of  his  residence  is  charming.  The  blossoms  and 
verdure  of  the  trees  are  just  springing  into  perfection ; 
and  the  scenery,  embracing  a  distant  view  of  the  Blue 
Ridge,  is  commanding  and  beautiful.  But  I  have  had 
little  time  for  these  objects.  My  conversations  with  Mr. 
Madison  have  run  upon  Revolutionary  reminiscences,  and 
his  intercourse  with  Washington.  I  have  been  busy  also 
in  copying  and  abridging  curious  papers,  with  which  he 
has  furnished  me,  relating  to  the  history  of  the  old  Con- 
gress and  other  events.  The  intellect  and  memory  of 
Mr.  Madison  appear  to  retain  all  their  pristine  vigor. 
He  is  peculiarly  interesting  in  conversation,  cheerful,  gay, 
and  full  of  anecdote ;  never  a  prosing  talker,  but  sprightly, 
varied,  fertile  in  his  topics,  and  felicitous  in  his  descrip- 
tions and  illustrations.  He  seems  busy  in  arranging  his 
papers.  While  he  was  in  the  old  Congress,  he  rarely 
kept  copies  of  his  letters,  though  he  wrote  many.  He 
has  recently  succeeded  in  procuring  nearly  all  the  origi- 
nals from  the  descendants  of  the  persons  to  whom  he 
wrote  them.  I  imagine  he  has  preserved  all  the  materials 
for  a  history  of  the  convention  for  framing  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  probably  of  his  later  political  life. 

Mrs.  Madison  is  an  elegant  and  accomplished  lady, 
attractive  in  her  manners,  and  interesting  in  her  conver- 
sation ;  and,  on  the  whole,  it  is  rare  that  one  finds  in  any 
place  so  many  of  the  essential  means  of  social  happiness 
as  at  Montpellier.  .  .  . 

J.   Q.   ADAMS   ON  PINCKNEY'S  DRAFT. 

May  4th,  Tuesday.  —  I  mentioned  to  Mr.  Adams 
(J.  Q.)  what  Mr.  Madison  had  said  to  me  respecting 


568  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

Charles  Pinckney's  draft  of  a  Constitution.  Mr.  Adams 
said  that  he  prepared  the  manuscript  of  the  history  of  the 
convention  published  by  order  of  Congress ;  that  the 
materials  in  the  Department  of  State  were  very  defective ; 
that  Pinckney's  draft  was  not  there  ;  that  he  wrote  to  him 
for  a  copy,  and  received  from  him  the  one  that  is  printed, 
together  with  a  letter,  in  which  he  claimed  to  himself 
great  merit  for  the  part  he  took  in  framing  the  Constitu- 
tion. Mr.  Adams  said  he  spoke  once  to  Mr.  Rufus  King 
on  the  subject  of  the  draft,  who  replied  that  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney  presented  a  draft,  or  a  sketch  of  some  sort,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  convention,  which  went  with  other  pa- 
pers to  a  committee,  and  was  never  afterwards  heard  of. 
This  accords  with  what  Mr.  Madison  told  me. 

Mr.  Hodgson  showed  me  his  Arabic  and  Turkish  MSS. 
which  he  purchased  in  Algiers.  They  amount  to  three 
hundred  volumes,  and  cost  about  $1,300.  Many  of  them 
are  beautiful  specimens  of  chirography,  and  he  says  there 
are  several  curious  and  rare  works.  .  .  . 

NEW  YORK. 

May  13tfA,  Thursday.  —  Employed  all  the  morning  in 
reading  Robert  Morris's  letter-books,  beginning  with  his 
financial  career  in  March,  1781.  There  are  four  large 
volumes,  to  the  end  of  the  year  1782.  They  contain  a 
full  history  of  his  financial  operations.  Dined  with  Mr. 
James  A.  Hamilton  in  company  with  Mr.  Schuyler,  the 
son  of  General  Schuyler  of  the  Revolution. 

May  14th,  Friday.  —  Called  on  Mr.  Gallatin  in  the 
morning  with  Mr.  Lawrence.  Found  him  reading  a  book 
just  published  by  John  Neal,  containing  a  translation  of 
some  of  Dumont's  French  version  of  Bentham's  writings, 
together  with  a  strange  introduction  containing  remarks 
on  Bentham  and  many  other  persons.  He  spoke  with 
much  disparagement  of  the  motives  of  Neal  in  making 


ROBERT  MORRIS'  LETTER-BOOKS.  569 

such  a  book.  Our  conversation  then  branched  off  upon 
topics  relating  to  our  Revolutionary  history,  to  which  Mr. 
Gallatin  has  given  much  attention.  .  .  . 

May  15th,  Saturday,  —  Mr.  Thomas  Morris  put  into 
my  hands  nine  volumes  of  manuscripts,  of  which  seven 
are  Robert  Morris'  letter-books,  embracing  his  entire  cor- 
respondence on  the  subject  of  finance  while  he  was  super- 
intendent of  finance  ;  and  the  other  two  volumes  are  a 
minute  diary  of  all  events  which  occurred  in  the  way  of 
his  business  during  that  period.  The  whole  are  curious 
and  important.  Mr.  Morris  allows  me  to  take  them 
home,  and  retain  them  as  long  as  I  choose. 

Mr.  Schuyler  has  also  intrusted  to  me  a  box  of  papers 
which  belonged  to  General  Schuyler  during  the  Revolu- 
tion, relating  particularly  to  the  early  part  of  the  war. 
Left  New  York  in  the  steamboat  for  Providence  at  four 
o'clock  p.  M.,  having  with  me  three  boxes  of  manu- 
scripts. .  .  . 

May  16th,  Sunday.  —  Arrived  in  Boston  at  six  o'clock 
p.  M.,  having  been  twenty-six  hours  in  the  passage  from 
New  York. 

May  2Ath,  Monday.  —  Mr.  James  A.  Hamilton,  of 
New  York,  called  on  me  for  the  purpose  of  examining  in 
concert  all  the  papers  which  are  in  his  possession  and 
mine  respecting  Washington's  Farewell  Address.  He 
brought  with  him  the  papers  that  were  left  among  his 
father's  papers  at  the  time  of  his  death,  and  which  were 
retained  for  some  years  by  Mr.  King,  and  on  account  of 
which  a  good  deal  of  noise  has  been  made  by  reason  of 
Mr.  King's  disinclination  to  give  them  up.  We  found 
that  between  us  we  had  eighteen  separate  papers,  embrac- 
ing letters,  notes,  and  drafts  of  parts  of  the  address.  Of 
these  I  had  ten  pieces,  and  Mr.  Hamilton  eight.  The  let- 
ters in  my  possession  were  those  sent  by  Hamilton  to 
Washington,  and  those  in  his  possession,  from  Washing- 


570         WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ADDRESS. 

ton  to  Hamilton.  I  have  Washington's  first  draft  of  the 
address,  which  he  sent  to  Hamilton,  and  which  Hamilton 
returned  to  him,  accompanied  with  another  draft,  in 
which  Washington's  draft  is  remodeled  with  such  altera- 
tions and  additions  as  to  make  it  essentially  a  new  draft. 
There  is  also  a  curious  memorandum,  entitled  u  Abstract 
of  Points  to  Form  an  Address,"  in  Hamilton's  handwrit- 
ing, which  contains  the  elements  of  the  Farewell  Address 
as  it  came  before  the  world.  These  "  points  "  are  drawn 
partly  from  Washington's  first  draft ;  but  they  seem  to 
be  mostly  original.  There  is  also  a  "  second  draft  "  by 
Hamilton,  containing  additions  to  the  first.  Hamilton's 
draft  passed  back  and  forward  several  times,  and  changes 
were  made  at  the  suggestion  of  Washington.  At  last 
Hamilton  made  a  fair  copy,  and  sent  it  to  Washington. 
This  copy  is  not  in  the  possession  of  either  of  us,  and  is 
probably  lost.  It  was  doubtless  the  one  which  Washing- 
ton copied,  with  several  omissions  and  changes,  for  the 
printer.  I  have  seen  the  copy  which  was  sent  to  the 
printer  (Mr.  Claypoole,  now  living),  which  is  in  Wash- 
ington's handwriting,  and  is  much  erased  and  interlined. 
My  intention  is,  when  I  come  to  the  Farewell  Address  in 
Washington's  works,  to  give  a  full  account  of  these  papers 
and  their  contents. 

June  1st,  Tuesday.  —  Mr.  Harrison  Hall,  of  Philadel- 
phia, called,  and  in  conversation  told  me  that  Dennie's 
effects  were  left  in  charge  of  Mr.  Richard  Peters,  of 
Philadelphia.  When  Dennie  x  edited  the  "  Port  Folio," 
Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams  put  into  his  hand  two  volumes  of  manu- 

1  For  an  interesting  account  of  Dennie  and  of  the  "  Port  Folio  " 
which  he  edited,  see  "  The  Philadelphia  Magazines  and  their  Con- 
tributors, 1741-1850,"  by  Albert  H.  Smyth  (Philadelphia  :  Robert 
M.  Lindsay,  1892).  This  study  of  Philadelphia  magazines  was  sug- 
gested to  Mr.  Smyth  by  the  writer's  inquiry  into  the  history  of  the 
"  North  American  Review  "  in  connection  with  the  present  work  ;  see 
vol.  i.  pp.  218-371.  —  Ed. 


SPARKS'   IDEA  OF  HISTORY.  571 

script  letters  which  had  belonged  to  M.  Dumas  in  Holland, 
and  which  had  been  given  to  Mr.  Adams  by  M.  Dumas' 
daughter.  They  contained  copies  of  the  letters  of  Frank- 
lin and  many  other  persons  to  M.  Dumas  during  the  war. 
Mr.  Adams  told  me  they  were  important,  but  that  Dennie 
never  returned  them,  and  he  presumes  they  are  lost. 
N.  B.  —  Write  to  Mr.  Peters  on  the  subject. x 
June  14th.  —  Dined  at  Mr.  Prescott's  in  company  with 
Mr.  Walsh,  of  Philadelphia,  Mr.  A.  H.  Everett,  and 
others.  Mr.  Walsh  talked  a  good  deal  about  a  project 
which  he  has  of  writing  a  history  of  the  American  gov- 
ernment from  the  commencement  of  the  Constitution  to 
the  present  time,  particularly,  as  he  says,  with  the  view  to 
illustrate,  defend,  and  vindicate  the  views  of  the  Federal 
party.  .  .  .  Mr.  Walsh  maintained  one  position  which  I 
think  highly  objectionable  in  a  writer  of  history.  He 
said  he  thought  it  proper  not  to  bring  out  the  defects  of 
the  great  actors  in  our  historical  drama,  but  only  to  set 
forth  such  of  their  virtues  and  good  acts  as  are  worthy 
of  the  admiration  and  imitation  of  posterity.  This  princi- 
ple I  hold  to  be  pernicious.  The  character  and  turn  of 
events  more  frequently  take  their  coloring  from  the  foi- 
bles and  waywardness  of  the  actors  than  from  their  merits 
or  elevated  qualities.  For  instance,  the  factions  in  the 
old  Congress,  and  the  ill  consequences  to  the  nation  which 
grew  out  of  them,  are  to  be  ascribed  in  a  very  great  de- 
gree to  the  jealousy,  ambition,  and  mischievous  activity  of 
Arthur  Lee,  and  yet  he  was  a  patriot  and  a  true  friend  to 
his  country.  The  causes  of  evils  must  rest  on  somebody, 
and  justice  requires  that  they  should  fall  on  the  right 
head.  History  which  keeps  men's  defects  out  of  sight 
tells   but  half  the  tale,  and  that  half  imperfectly.     De- 

1  Have  since  inquired  of  Mr.  Meredith,  of  Philadelphia,  who  was 
one  of  Dennie's  executors,  and  learn  that  no  such  papers  have  been 
seen.  —  J.  S. 


572  SPARKS'  IDEA  OF  HISTORY. 

feet  of  character,  in  hiui  who  guides  events,  is  the  spring 
of  blunders  and  disorders,  which  make  a  large  portion  of 
human  acts.  Truth  —  the  whole  truth  —  is  the  bright 
gem  of  history. 

June  20th. — Finished  examining  General  Gates'  pa- 
pers, which  have  been  lent  to  me  by  the  New  York  His- 
torical Society.  I  have  made  large  extracts  from  them, 
particularly  with  reference  to  the  affair  of  Saratoga  and 
Conway's  cabal  against  Washington. 

July  10th.  —  Mr.  Schuyler,  of  New  York,  has  put  into 
my  hands  %  large  box  of  papers  which  belonged  to  his 
father,  General  Schuyler,  and  which  contain  materials  for 
a  full  history  of  the  military  operations  in  the  northern 
department  for  three  or  four  years.  The  letters  of  Mont- 
gomery and  Arnold  from  Canada  are  curious  and  val- 
uable; as  also  those  of  St.  Clair,  Sullivan,  Wooster, 
Thomas,  and  other  officers  who  commanded  in  the  North. 
The  whole  mass  of  these  papers  contains  many  important 
particulars.  I  have  made  full  extracts  from  them,  and 
entire  copies  of  many  of  the  letters. 


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